REST IN PIECES: AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA (CROATIA), 13TH–16TH CENTURY

Abstract

Burial is a combination of social norms and how the deceased is perceived by
those performing the burial. Atypical funerals may indicate that the deceased was
considered a “deviant social person”. To better understand this phenomenon, we
must consider both funerary archaeology, which involves understanding typical
burial practices in a population and how the individual deviates from them; as well
as bioarchaeology, which helps determine whether biological factors played a role
in the deviation.
In a layer beneath the fl oor, grave number 157 was discovered next to the southern
church wall. The buried individual was positioned in an unusual manner, which
caught the attention of the researchers: his thorax was reversed to a prone posture
and his head was detached from his neck and placed at a distance of 30 cm, while
the soft tissue was still present. A massive brick was discovered between the legs,
and a huge rock under the head.
The individual had several injuries – some recent, others from years ago, and
almost all brought on by interpersonal violence. The head injuries without signs of
healing indicate that he did not survive the last attack.
We will discuss potential explanations for this unusual burial.

Full text

ZBORNIK INSTITUTA
ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI
ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA
VOLUME 22
MILITARY ORDERS
AND THEIR HERITAGE
2024

MILITARY ORDERS AND THEIR
HERITAGE
Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Mediaeval
Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, 9th–10th November 2022.
Editors: Juraj Belaj, Zsolt Hunyadi, Tatjana Tkalčec, Siniša Krznar,
Tajana Sekelj Ivančan, Tena Karavidović, Tea Kokotović, Sebastijan Stingl
Zagreb, 2024

ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA / VOLUME 22
IZDAVAČ / PUBLISHER
Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology
Jurjevska ulica 15, HR–10000 Zagreb
ZA IZDAVAČA / FOR THE PUBLISHER
Marko Dizdar
GLAVNI I IZVRŠNI UREDNICI / EDITORS-IN-CHIEF AND MANAGING EDITORS
Juraj Belaj, Zsolt Hunyadi (University of Szeged, Institute of History), Tatjana Tkalčec, Siniša Krznar,
Tajana Sekelj Ivančan, Tena Karavidović, Tea Kokotović, Sebastijan Stingl
RECENZENTI / REVIEWERS
Andrej Pleterski, PhD mult., Professor (emeritus researcher of the Scientific Research Center of the
Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia)
Perica Špehar, PhD, Professor (University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia)
Josip Višnjić, PhD, Senior Conservator-archaeologist (Croatian Conservation Institute, Department
for Archaeology, Juršići, Croatia)
PRIJEVOD / TRANSLATION
U potpisu ispod teksta ili prijevod autora / Signed below the text or translated by the authors
LEKTOR / LANGUAGE EDITOR
Marko Maras
KOREKTURA / PROOFREADING
Juraj Belaj, Tea Kokotović, Sebastijan Stingl
OBLIKOVANJE / DESIGN
Roberta Bratović, OAZA
RAČUNALNI SLOG / LAYOUT
Hrvoje Jambrek
FOTOGRAFIJA NA NASLOVNICI / COVER PHOTO
Vitezovi – figurice (snimio: J. Belaj) / Knights – figurines (photo by: J. Belaj)
TISAK / PRINTED BY
Sveučilišna tiskara d.o.o., Zagreb
ISBN 978-953-6064-77-9
Ovaj rad licenciran je pod Creative Commons Attribution By 4.0 međunarodnom licencom ⁄
this work is licenced under a Creative Commons attribution By 4.0 international licence
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

3
CONTENTS
FOREWORD
Juraj Belaj
SOME QUESTIONS REGARDING THE ORGANIZATION OF THE
TEMPLAR PROVINCE IN HUNGARIA ET SCLAVONIA
Marija Karbić
PAKRAC AT THE TIME OF THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLER
Juraj Belaj
ŽIVOT U UTVRDI I ŽIVOT UTVRDE: KASNOSREDNJOVJEKOVNA
I NOVOVJEKOVNA KERAMIKA IZ STAROG GRADA PAKRACA IZ
ARHEOLOŠKIH ISTRAŽIVANJA 2017. – 2020.
Tatjana Tkalčec
THE UNFORTUNATE CASE OF THE RIDER FROM GRAVE 10
FROM THE SITE OF PAKRAC–STARI GRAD
Tea Kokotović
STRUKTURNE I TIPOLOŠKE ODREDNICE BRANIČ-KULA
BURGOVA VRANA, BEDEMGRAD I ČAKLOVAC
Ratko Ivanušec
SOME NEW REMARKS REGARDING THE CHURCH OF THE
HOLY CROSS IN KRIŽOVLJAN
Danko Dujmović, Nikolina Belošević
A NEW CONTRIBUTION TO THE RESEARCH OF THE CHURCH
OF ST CLEMENT IN KELEMEN
Ivana Peškan, Duško Čikara
STONE ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS FROM THE CISTERCIAN
ABBEY IN TOPUSKO – A POSSIBLE ARCHITECTURAL
INFLUENCE ON MEDIEVAL MILITARY ORDERS IN SLAVONIA
Andrej Janeš
CERAMIC TABLEWARE FROM THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE OF
RAČEŠA (EXCAVATIONS 2012–2022)
Marina Matković-Vrban, Marija Mihaljević, Ana Pavleković Žeruk
5
7
15
41
107
121
143
155
169
185

4
REST IN PIECES: AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE
NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA (CROATIA), 13TH–16TH CENTURY
Nataša Šarkić, Roberto Cighetti, Sofie-Kristin Schendzielorz, Marija Mihaljević
THE CHURCH OF ST MARTIN AT PROZORJE: A STUDY OF
ARCHITECTURAL STRATIFICATION
Iva Papić
THE FIRST AMONG EQUALS? – REVIEW OF THE BURIAL
CHAMBERS AND GRAVES WITH SOME ARCHITECTURAL
ELEMENTS INSIDE OF THE CHURCH OF ST MARTIN AT
PROZORJE
Sebastijan Stingl
DIETARY HABITS AS A REFLECTION OF TRADITION: PLANT
REMAINS FROM THE ROMAN-PERIOD SETTLEMENT CONTEXT
AT THE SITE OF IVANEC-STARI GRAD
Renata Šoštarić, Filomena Sirovica, Dolores Knežić
SOCIO-HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS OF TRAUMA PATTERNS:
DATA FROM 15TH TO 17TH CENTURY BURIALS FROM IVANEC
Željka Bedić, Siniša Krznar, Tea Kokotović, Filomena Sirovica
HERITAGE-MAKING OF MEDIEVAL MILITARY ORDERS:
CONTEMPORARY TEMPLAR ORGANIZATIONS
Marijana Belaj, Petra Kelemen
233
247
259
281
297
309

5
FOREWORD
Considering the network of military orders in
medieval European society, their arrival on the
territory of present-day Croatia was immensely
important. This was especially the case since they
were not only temporarily present in this region,
but with their knowledge and skills, as well as in
co-operation with other social actors, they were
involved in the development of this region on
several levels. They contributed to strengthening
the ties with Western European traditions, and
brought innovations from the West, where they
came from, and the East, where they operated. Of
course, we have to ask ourselves whether we can
still find traces of these influences after all these
centuries and to what extent. We must also bear
in mind that their influences manifested not only
at the time of their presence and activity in our
region, but also much later.
In the project Development and Heritage of the
Military Orders in Croatia – milOrd (HRZZ, IP-
2019-04-5513, funded by the Croatian Science
Foundation), we took a multidisciplinary and
interdisciplinary approach to the military orders,
their activities and influences on society, and
the development of their sites, by observing the
transformations of various categories of artefacts
and features from selected archaeological sites.
We also explored the making of the heritage of
medieval military orders in today’s society.
Human activity continued at most of the sites
of military orders, even after they had left
Croatian territory. Thus, the attention of the
project researchers was drawn to a variety of
different archaeological, historical, historical art,
osteological, archaeobiological and other materials,
not always closely related to the military orders and
sometimes extending beyond the late medieval
period. However, these materials have become
unavoidable when examining the transformations
of the estates and facilities once governed by
military orders. In addition to researching these
later changes, the materials from the period before
their arrival were also analysed in order to gain as
comprehensive an insight as possible. A diachronic
study of changes on the gathered materials in
combination with comparative analyses provided
us with clues to the presumed influences of the
military orders. Besides, the influence of the past
of the military orders on the Croatian territory was
also observed in contemporary cultural practices.
The goal was achieved through simultaneous
research on several levels. The study of
artefacts and features from different contexts
was complemented by the analysis and
interpretation of various historical sources.
The art-historical sources were examined
by art historians, osteological finds were
analysed by biological anthropologists, samples
from various archaeological contexts were
subjected to archaeobiological analyses, and
the contemporary making of the heritage of the
medieval military orders was analysed from a
cultural anthropological perspective.
The multitude of wide-ranging and multi-
layered results obtained through our research
prompted the scientific conference entitled
Military Orders and Their Heritage, which was
organised by the Institute of Archaeology as a
part of this project. The conference aimed not
only at presenting the results of the research
project to a wider scientific community, but also
at the participation of other scholars dealing
with medieval military orders and their heritage,
as well as at mutual dialogue within the topic.
The conference was held at the Institute of
Archaeology in Zagreb on the 9th and 10th of
November 2022. It was the eighth conference in
the field of mediaeval archaeology organised by
the Institute, this time in cooperation with our
colleagues from Hungary, i. e. from the Institute
of History, University of Szeged. The cooperation
resulted primarily from the fact that both the
Knights Templar and Hospitaller acted in the
joint Hungarian-Croatian province, but at the
same time it relies on the interdisciplinary and
international collaboration established within
this project, particularly with Dr Zsolt Hunyadi,
Associate Professor. As far as the original
intention is concerned, the conference was a
success, with 27 participants from 20 institutions
and three countries attending and presenting
a total of 19 papers. These conference papers
were developed into 15 articles composing this
book. All articles were separately peer-reviewed
by two carefully selected experts from the
international academic community with regard

6
to their specific field of expertise and research
perspective. Most of the articles were published
in English in order to achieve broad visibility in
the international scientific community.
Once again, I would like to thank all conference
participants for their constructive and fruitful
cooperation. My gratitude also goes to the
reviewers of individual articles and the book as a
whole for their efforts, expertise and contributions.
I would like to thank my colleagues at the Institute
of Archaeology for their help in organising the
conference and publishing this book. My special
thanks go to the PhD candidates working on the
project Development and Heritage of the Military
Orders in Croatia, funded by the Croatian Science
Foundation, for their commitment and help in the
realisation of this book.
We sincerely hope that the contributions gathered
in this publication will inspire our colleagues
from various scientific fields, especially young
scholars, to research the phenomenon of military
orders further.
Juraj Belaj

Nataša Šarkić, Roberto Cighetti,
So e-Kristin Schendzielorz, Marija Mihaljević
REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM
THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA,
13TH16TH CENTURY
Burial is a combination of social norms and how the deceased is perceived by
those performing the burial. Atypical funerals may indicate that the deceased was
considered a “deviant social person”. To better understand this phenomenon, we
must consider both funerary archaeology, which involves understanding typical
burial practices in a population and how the individual deviates from them; as well
as bioarchaeology, which helps determine whether biological factors played a role
in the deviation.
In a layer beneath the fl oor, grave number 157 was discovered next to the southern
church wall. The buried individual was positioned in an unusual manner, which
caught the attention of the researchers: his thorax was reversed to a prone posture
and his head was detached from his neck and placed at a distance of 30 cm, while
the soft tissue was still present. A massive brick was discovered between the legs,
and a huge rock under the head.
The individual had several injuries – some recent, others from years ago, and
almost all brought on by interpersonal violence. The head injuries without signs of
healing indicate that he did not survive the last attack.
We will discuss potential explanations for this unusual burial.
KEY WORDS: FUNERARY ARCHAEOLOGY, MORTUARY PRACTICE, BIOARCHAEOLOGY,
INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, CUT MARKS, TRAUMA, PALEOPATHOLOGY, DEVIANT BURIAL
Original scientific paper
Open Access This work is distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (https://creativecom-
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Open Access Ovaj rad dijeli se prema odredbama i uvjetima licence Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (https://creativecommons.
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citirano.
Copyright © Autor(i)
The Author(s) 2023

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
234
INTRODUCTION
(A)typical burials
“Death is nothing to us. When we exist,
death is not; and when death exists, we are not.”
– Epicurus (341–270 BC). Since death entails
the absence of all emotions, none of us can
truly experience our own death. As a result, the
only death we can experience is that of another
person, and our own death will be the worry of
others. Likewise, none of us have any control over
how we will be laid to rest. We may have made
requests concerning this act, but whether or not
they get fulfilled will depend on our status and the
feelings of the community towards us.
Binford (1971) claims that an individual's
social persona during their lifetime shapes the
mortuary process, in which a community owes
the deceased particular treatment based on
factors such as age, sex, status, or other roles
the individual may have played in the community;
Saxe (1970) examines the concept of a “deviant”
social persona and how certain events in an
individual's life may change how that person
is treated after death. He maintains that the
treatment of people with deviant social personas
would ineluctably alter funeral customs since they
would receive care that was tailored to their level
of deviance rather than the standard protocol.
Post-processual studies have also encouraged
the inclusion of multiple lines of evidence when
assessing atypical burials, such as biological,
pathological and social factors, all of which can
contribute to the better understanding of these
burials and why they were applied (McHugh 1999;
Knüsel 2010).
Atypical burials are identified by certain
unique characteristics. These may include
unusual or differentiated funeral rituals and body
treatments, lack of grave goods where they are
typically present, or presence of objects where
there are usually none, employment of burial
methods that require less energy than those used
for other burials in the community, employment
of abnormal tomb structures or burial locations,
and use of unconventional burial positions or
practices aimed at mistreating the corpse (Tainter
1978; Aspöck 2008; Alterauge et al. 2020).
According to Christian ideology, all the
dead will be resurrected on Judgment Day, and
souls will then be reunited with the same bodies
they had before dying. Therefore, it is crucial to
respect the burial customs, which require burial
on their backs, with extended legs, arms placed
next to the body or on the chest, and face towards
the east, in anticipation of the Second Coming
of Christ (Krznar, Bedić 2016). Typically, graves
were arranged in more or less even rows, with
or without tombstones. Starting from the 12th
century, the only place where it was allowed to
bury members of the community was inside and
around the church (Krznar, Bedić 2016). The
deceased were traditionally buried in the ground,
often wrapped in a shroud. In later times, wooden
coffins became more common. Since giving up
material possessions is a key Christian ideal,
the proximity of a grave to the altar and saints’
remains (Ad sanctos burial) was typically used to
indicate the high social standing of the deceased
rather than expensive offerings (Naji 2005;
Milosavljević 2021). Consequently, any departure
from Christian burial customs may suggest that
the deceased did not adhere to social norms.
This paper will discuss the case of the person
found in a stratum beneath the church floor, close
to the southern wall of the nave. The person's
peculiar placement suggests a postmortem
intervention. By using bioarchaeological analysis
and ethnological sources, we aim to shed light
on the possible reasons for this postmortem
intervention.
Historical context
The Račeša archaeological site was found
in 2011 during a systematic field survey of the
larger Bobare settlement. The property of Račeša
originally belonged to the Templars, then to the
Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John
of Jerusalem, and finally to the local nobility,
according to historical sources dating from the
13th to the 16th century (Ivanušec, Mihaljević 2016).
The location and configuration of the site implied
that it was a fortress, but research indicates the
presence of a sacred object. Between 2012 and 2023,
archeological research uncovered an architectural
complex that includes 181 inhumations so far and a
significant number of dislocated bones. The dead
are usually laid out on their backs in a west-east
direction, with their arms crossed over their hips, on
their stomachs, or spread out along their bodies. Only
small pieces of personal jewelry were discovered in a
few graves. 14C analyses showed that most of the
graves belong to the 15th-16th century.
The grave marked as 157, which is the focus of
this study, was unearthed alongside the southern
wall of the nave of the sacred building (Fig. 1). It
was found in a layer below the floor of the church,

REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA, 13TH16TH CENTURY
235
without grave goods. What caught our attention
during the excavation was the unusual position
the person, which will be discussed below.
MATERIAL AND METHODS
The presence of bone remains of each
individual was marked on a sheet with a schematic
representation of the human skeleton in its
anatomical position. The presence of pathology
or taphonomical changes was marked on the
same sheets. The presence of teeth was marked
on the corresponding form – the odontogram,
marking not only the presence or antemortem and
postmortem loss, but also pathological changes
on the teeth and alveoli (caries, abscesses, dental
hypoplasia, and periodontitis). Entheseal changes
were marked on the “Standardised data collection
form for enthesis robusticity and enthesopathies”
sheet (Mariotti et al. 2007).
The Index of Preservation (IP) was used for the
calculation of the degree of skeletal preservation,
as proposed by Walker and colleagues (Walker
et al. 1988: 387). It considers the preservation
of different bone groups (humerus, ulna, radius,
femur, tibia, fibula, scapulas, clavicles, pelvis,
sacrum, mandible, splanchnocranium, and
neurocranium) by using the equation: IP = bones
preserved/bones considered x 100.
Sex was estimated using the methods of Walker
(2005: 388–390), Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994,
19–21), and Buikstra and Meilke (1985: 422), which
are based on the most important morphological
characteristics of the coxal and the skull.
Age was estimated using methods based on
changes in the pubic symphyseal surface (Brooks,
Suchey 1990: 235), the auricular surface of the
ilium (Lovejoy et al. 1985: 19), and methods based
on tooth-wear (Brothwell 1981: 71–72).
For the estimation of stature, all the
measurements of the long bones were taken in
millimeters, using a spreading caliper, sliding
caliper, and osteometric board, with an accuracy
of 1 mm. Stature was calculated using Pearson’s
method (1899).
TLOCRT (2023)
0 1 2 3 4 5
CRTAO: DAMIR ZAHIROVIĆ, g.t
PLAN (2023)
Fig. 1 – Plan of the church with grave 157 marked (drawing by: D. Zahirović)

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
236
RESULTS
Analysis of the body position
The individual found in grave 157, lying in a west-
east direction, had an unusual skeleton position
(Figs. 2 and 3). The legs were dislocated, without
any anatomical connection, in the same way as in
many other graves on the site that were affected by
looters or posterior burials. The upper body, on the
other hand, retained strong anatomical connections
between some elements, but they were disarticulated
in a way that cannot be explained by the influence
of environmental factors. The right hand was in the
extended supine position, with the elbow, wrist, and
fingers in very close anatomical connection; the
thorax, also in close anatomical connection, was in
the prone position; and the skull was laid on the left
side and relocated some 30 cm from the neck (Fig.
4). The skull was partly broken postmortem and had
the mandible in its anatomical position (Fig. 5).
015 30 45
TLOCRT GROBA 157
CRTAO: DAMIR ZAHIROVIĆ, g.t
DRAWING OF GRAVE 157
Fig. 2 – Photo of grave 157 in situ (photo by: N. Šarkić)
Fig. 3 – Drawing of grave 157 (drawing by: D. Zahirović)

REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA, 13TH16TH CENTURY
237
Biological prole of the individual
The preservation was good, with a 90.9% index
of preservation. The estimated age of the individual
was between 40 and 50 years, based on changes
on the auricular surface, dental wear, and fusion
of sutures of the hard palate, while his sex was
established as male, based on the morphological
characteristics of the skull and coxal. The stature
was 164.03 cm, which is somewhat lower than the
male average for this population.
Fig. 4 – Close-up of the upper part of the body, showing the unusual position (in situ drawing by: S.-K. Schendzielorz)
Fig. 5 – Detail of the skull, partly broken postmortem, with the mandible in its anatomical position (in situ drawing by: S.-K.
Schendzielorz)

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
238
Markers of occupational stress
This individual had very prominent entheseal
changes, especially on the lower extremities.
Additionally, the individual had Schmorl's nodes
on most of the thoracic and lumbar vertebrae (T4-
L4), as well as squatting facets on both tibiae.
Dental health
Dental health of this individual was very poor,
with a lot of dental pathologies, including calculus
deposits (11-13, 15, 16, 21-23, 31-33, 41-45, and 48),
caries lesions (15, 16, 25-27, 37 and 45), antemortem
tooth loss (17, 18, 36, 46, and 47), periodontitis,
malposition (48) and enamel chipping (11-13 and 21).
Pathologies
On both orbital roofs, porotic lesions were
noted. The condition is known as cribra orbitalia
and is considered a sign of general health
problems.
This individual had various problems with his
spine; apart from the already mentioned Schmorl’s
nodes, he also had osteoarthrosis on almost every
cervical vertebra (C1, C3-C7), on two thoracic
vertebrae (T2 and T3), and on two lumbar vertebrae
(L3 and L5). Additionally, osteophytes were noted
on the lumbar vertebrae. T6 and T7 have signs of
asymmetry, suggesting irregular neck posture.
On this individual, we noted several signs
of traumatic injuries – both antemortem and
perimortem.
A healed fracture can be noted on the distal
epiphysis of the right fibula (Fig. 6). The fracture
completely fused, but the healing process left a
somewhat modified morphology of the bone, and
the lines of fracture are still visible (Fig. 6, red
arrows). This type of fracture is called Weber A
fracture and typically occurs during an inversion
ankle injury (Mandi 2012).
Another completely healed fracture was a
25 mm long cut mark, noted on the left side of
the maxillary bone, right above the teeth (Fig.
7). In contrast to the previous fracture, which
can be explained by accidental injury, this one is
obviously the result of a sharp force injury, and
its position suggests interpersonal violence. Even
though the bone cut did not fuse, the smooth line
of the fracture indicates full healing.
The lower ribs on the right side (R8–R12) also
present signs of antemortem fracture, R10 and
R11 were even broken in two places, but these
were still having hard callus formation, meaning
that the bone was going through the process of
bone remodeling at the time of death (Figs. 8a
and 8b). This fracture was most likely caused
by a blow, but it is hard to say whether it was an
accident or an interpersonal attack.
In addition, the person sustained two head
injuries from a sharp object, without any evidence
of bone remodeling (Figs. 9a and 9b). The first
one, which measured 41 mm in length and was
situated on the lower left parietal bone, was
followed by a second one, which measured 63
mm and was located on the upper part of the skull
Fig. 6 – Distal epiphysis of the right fibula with the healed
fracture. Red arrows point to fracture lines (photo by: N.
Šarkić)
Fig. 7 – 25 mm long antemortem cut mark, on the left side of
the maxillary bone, completely healed (photo by: N. Šarkić)

REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA, 13TH16TH CENTURY
239
and even severed a portion of the crown. These
wounds were the result of interpersonal violence
that had lethal consequences.
DISCUSSION
The individual buried in grave 157 was a
middle-aged man who had very prominent
markers of occupational stress, especially in his
spine and lower extremities, and even on his teeth
(enamel chipping). He also had a lot of traumatic
injuries, received at different moments in his
life. The fracture of his ankle completely healed,
but the way the bone fused is irregular, and the
morphology of the bone is slightly changed. Ankle
fractures are frequent injuries, accounting for
about 9% of all fractures (Court-Brown, Caesar
2006). Isolated distal fibula fractures represent
the most frequent ankle fracture type (Jehlicka
et al. 2002). In type A fractures, like the one on
this individual, the main cause is torsion (32%),
followed by falls (23%) and sports related trauma
(22%) (Canton et al. 2021).
In contrast to the first fracture, which can
happen by accident, the second fracture can only
be explained by an interpersonal attack with a
sharp object. It is evident from the size of the cut
it left behind that it was a very large blade and an
extremely powerful close-range blow. Fortunately,
the blow did not affect his teeth, and the injury
itself healed without complications, although
recovery must have been lengthy, entailing several
weeks without solid food. However, both injuries
occurred at least 1 year before death. Although
he survived such a dangerous blow, his face may
have been disfigured, its appearance causing fear
and repulsion.
Figs. 8a and 8b – Lower ribs on the right side with signs of antemortem fracture, still going through the process of bone
remodeling at the time of death (photo by: N. Šarkić)
Figs. 9a and 9b – Two perimortem head injuries from a sharp object. The first one (Fig. 9a), measuring 41 mm in length and
situated on the lower left parietal bone, was followed by a second one (Fig. 9b), measuring 63 mm and located on the upper part
of the skull, even severing a portion of the crown (photo by: N. Šarkić)
A B
A B

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
240
The third group of injuries consists of multiple
fractures of the ribs. Rib fractures are very common
both in bioarchaeology and in clinical practice,
where they now make 10% of all traumatic injuries
(Assi, Nazal 2012). While the fracture of a single
rib is not considered a severe injury, fractures of
two or more contiguous ribs, with two or more
breaks per rib, are frequently linked to significant
morbidity and mortality, as well as flail chest
(Said 2014). Most common causes are blunt and
penetrating trauma, such as vehicle accidents,
falls, assaults, and it is the most common injury in
blunt thoracic trauma, occurring in 50% of cases
(Kaewlai 2008). In this case, the hard callus was
still present, meaning that the traumatic event
occurred less than 6 weeks before death.
The fourth group of injuries consists of skull
injuries caused by a sharp blade weapon used in
interpersonal conflict. The fact that both wounds
were on the back of the head indicates that the
attack came from behind. Since there is no sign of
healing, the person did not make it through.
In conclusion, this individual participated in
at least 3 different conflicts during his life, all of
which resulted in very serious injuries. And before
he recovered from the last attack (the ribs were
still healing), there came the final attack with a
tragic outcome. Therefore, we can assume that
he was either a soldier/knight or someone quite
problematic, especially if we take into account
that there are not many cases of interpersonal
violence in the rest of the population.
The manner in which this person was buried
is equally noteworthy. Despite being buried inside
the church, his burial was located along the wall,
which is the most disfavored spot (Alterauge et
al. 2017). Even though he initially was buried in
accordance with Christian doctrine, his remains
were later relocated in a strange arrangement. His
head was removed from the body and his thorax
was placed in the prone position. There were
no cut marks on the neck, skull base/mandible,
or shoulders that might suggest decapitation/
butchering. The only plausible explanation for the
anatomic connections that were still holding very
tightly (particularly the lower jaw, which is one of
the laxest articulations) is that this occurred while
the flesh was still preserved but the body started
to putrefy (therefore, there was no need for the
separation of the remains by force).
The initial burial inside the church, according
to the Christian funeral rite, should not surprise us,
because as mentioned by Alterauge and colleagues
(2020), the transformation of the deceased into a
revenant might not necessarily be evident during the
funeral, but could also happen later, by revelation to
his relatives through dreams or harmful actions. In
these cases, the graves must have been reopened
later and the bodies turned over, decapitated or
manipulated in another way (Gardea, Kajkowski
2013; Alterauge et al. 2020: 25).
According to Slavic tradition, a deceased
person's soul does not instantly pass into the
afterlife; instead, it remains attached to the body
until it putrefies, which is thought to occur after
40 days. After 40 days, the soul leaves the body
and starts the long journey to the other world. If
the deceased died violently, was violent in life, or
was a significant sinner, the corpse will not decay
but will become a vampire (Zečević 1982). People
who deviated from community norms during
their lifetime, were sinful, or were recognized as
apostates, have a special potential to become
vampires (Trbojević 2021). Likewise, a person
who has been killed can turn into a vampire
(Unger 2006; Alterauge et al. 2020; Trbojević
2021). The soul becomes restless and vengeful;
dissatisfied with its fate, it tends to harm others
(Bandić 1980: 113). These vampires were believed
to be a manifestation an unclean spirit possessing
a decaying body. At night, they would become
dangerous, wandering the countryside in search
of blood, pressing people in their sleep, causing
diseases, especially plague epidemics, and even
the death of people and livestock (Tsaliki 2001).
According to the research of Krznar and
Bedić (2016) on deviant burials in northern
Croatia, 41.2% of the dead exhibited severe and
visible pathological changes. Based on earlier
studies (Sledzik, Bellantoni 1994; Molleson
1999; Stanaszek 2007), they believed that these
individuals were seen as different and were
possibly feared and avoided during their lifetime.
This social status may have been reflected in their
treatment after death, possibly to prevent their
return.
A characteristic of vampires is their near
indestructibility, and thus precautions were taken to
prevent the transformation of the recently deceased
into vampires. The most common way to do this
was to destroy the corpse of those thought to be
most at risk of becoming a vampire, specifically by
driving a stake through the corpse's heart. Based
on superstition, other methods were also viable,
including: burning the corpse; beheading the corpse
and then burying the head between the feet or

REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA, 13TH16TH CENTURY
241
legs, behind the buttocks, or away from the body
(Barrowclough 2014). Alternatively, the corpse
could be buried upside-down with the face facing
the bottom of the grave, or the corpse could be
staked with a wooden wedge, preferably a spike, or
a metal object such as a nail (Alterauge et al. 2020).
Sometimes the body or grave would be covered with
a pile of stones to weigh down the corpse, and the
limbs of the body would be tied together (Krznar,
Bedić 2016). There was also a tradition of placing
apotropaic objects, such as scythes or sickles, on the
body, especially around the throat, or placing stones
in the mouth of the deceased (Alterauge et al. 2020).
In grave 157, two huge rocks were noted on
the bottom of the grave (Fig. 10), one under the
legs (Fig. 11) and the other under the original
Fig. 10 – Two huge rocks were noted on the bottom of the grave, one between the legs and the other under
the original position of the head (before displacement) (photo by: N. Šarkić)
Fig. 11 – Close-up drawing of the stone located between the legs (in situ drawing
by: S.-K. Schendzielorz)

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
242
position of the head (before displacement), but it
is not clear if they had some role in the burial, as
they were under, not over, the skeletal remains.
Therefore, they could also be a residue of the
church floor. Additionally, a pebble was noted
inside the mouth of this individual, but it could
also originate from the surrounding soil, falling
in the mouth accidentally (Fig. 12).
Geographically speaking, the closest
analogy was discovered at the site of Vukovar–
Lijeva Bara (10th–11th century). Archaeologists
(Demo 2009) state that three graves were
opened posthumously, and we believe that this
is the case for at least two of the burials, based
on our examination of photos and drawings.
The individual in grave 363 (Demo 2009: 314)
exhibits leg crossings and the separation of the
torso and skull, while the soft tissue was still
present.
Unlike Hollywood vampires, known for their
aristocratic appearance, with pale skin and
slender figures, vampires from Balkan folklore
were often described as bloated, long-nailed,
and of a ruddy or dark countenance. This
description corresponds to partly decomposed
corpses with epidermolysis (giving the
impression of new nail growth), bloated
abdomen (from the decay of the gastrointestinal
tract), dark skin (due to black putrefaction),
and ‘purge fluid’ that can flow freely from the
nose and mouth (easily confused with the
blood sucked by the vampire) (Patel 2009). As
a result, we can presume that whoever opened
grave 157 at such an early point in the corpse's
decomposition must have believed it to be a
vampire and desired to intervene.
Of course, we cannot completely rule out
the possibility of a robbery in which the corpse
was disturbed. Although some of the graves
from this necropolis were robbed, we believe
that this happened in modern times, and in
any case, bones were disarticulated, scattered
around, without an anatomical connection. In
this case, not only do we see the presence of
anatomical connections, but we can also see
that the head was carefully placed on the left
side. It is widely believed that stealing from the
dead and the digging up of graves are regarded
as particularly serious sins, and those who
commit these crimes may face both social and
supernatural consequences (Bandić 1980: 130).
This is particularly relevant for people who have
recently passed away and whose souls reside
between the two worlds. Thus, it is hard to
believe that anyone would have the audacity
to steal from a dead man that has been freshly
buried.
CONCLUSION
In grave 157, located next to the southern
wall of the church, the remains of a middle-aged
man with posthumous intervention were found.
The trunk was turned over in a prone position,
and the head was moved away from the neck.
This disturbance was carried out in the early
stages of decomposition of the corpse after
the tissues had softened (there was no need to
cut them with a knife), but before muscles and
tendons degraded.
Bioarchaeological analysis showed that this
man was often a participant in violent conflicts
and that he died a violent death. Moreover, his
disfigured face could have caused fear and
repulsion, leading to social exclusion. All of this
makes him an excellent candidate for becoming
an “unclean spirit,” i.e. a vampire. This may
explain the “necessity” for the disturbance of
the burial, which is avoided in any other case,
as it carries great social and supernatural
consequences.
Burial practice reflects not only the belief
system in one community but also the attitude
toward the disabled and diseased. Therefore,
atypical burials often reveal a person who, in
some way, did not fit into their environment and
shed light on rejected or marginalized members
of a society.
Fig. 12 – Skull with a pebble inside the mouth (photo by: N.
Šarkić)

REST IN PIECES AN ATYPICAL BURIAL FROM THE NECROPOLIS IN RAČEŠA CROATIA, 13TH16TH CENTURY
243
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Excavations and laboratory work were
conducted as part of the Aita Bioarchaeology
field school in 2023. We sincerely thank all the
participants for their help and support, which
made this research possible.
NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ
orcid.org/0000-0003-3286-5538
Aita Bioarchaeology
Caporal Fradera 17/2
Malgrat de Mar, ES–08380 Barcelona
nsarkic@gmail.com
ROBERTO CIGHETTI
orcid.org/0000-0001-6116-1316
Aita Bioarchaeology
Caporal Fradera 17/2
Malgrat de Mar, ES–08380 Barcelona
Osteoarc
Via Giacomo Matteotti 7
IT-21040 Gornate Olona VA
cighetti.roberto@gmail.com
SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ
orcid.org/0009-0007-2033-631X
University of Dundee
Nathergate, UK–DD1 4HN Dundee
sokr_13@hotmail.ch
MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
Municipal Museum Nova Gradiška
Trg kralja Tomislava 7, HR–35400 Nova Gradiška
marija.mihaljevic111@gmail.com

NATAŠA ŠARKIĆ, ROBERTO CIGHETTI, SOFIEKRISTIN SCHENDZIELORZ, MARIJA MIHALJEVIĆ
244
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©Autori i Institut za arheologiju, 2024
©Authors and the Institute of Archaeology, 2024
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