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Journal of International Migration and Integration
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-024-01216-y
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity
Among Precarious Latino Immigrants
MarieL.Mallet‑Garcia1 · EdwinGarcia2
Accepted: 1 December 2024
© The Author(s) 2025
Abstract
This article examines the strategies developed at the local level to strengthen pan-
ethnic solidarity within Latino communities in the San Francisco Bay Area. It
explores how local organizations and migrant communities may foster a pan-ethnic
identity and the subsequent effects on the inclusion process of Latino immigrants
with precarious legal status. Based on 87 in-depth interviews, this study offers a
novel perspective on integration by focusing on intra-ethnic dynamics within Latino
communities, particularly at the local level, rather than broader inter-ethnic or
national contexts. The findings highlight the critical role of local contexts in shaping
the mechanisms of inclusion for Latino immigrants, revealing the complexities of
identity formation under conditions of legal precarity. In particular, they show how
in exclusionary contexts, within-group solidarity can be built. This research contrib-
utes to broader sociological and political debates on immigrant inclusion, pan-ethnic
identity formation, and the influence of local environments in these processes.
Keywords Immigration· Latinos· USA· Integration· Local authorities· San
Francisco· DACA
Introduction
The presence of migrants with precarious legal status—thereafter referred to as “pre-
carious migrants” and defined as individuals who either lack regular legal status or
are vulnerable to the loss of their legal status (Homberger etal., 2022)—has become
a public issue in the USA, and it is now considered an entrenched feature of its soci-
ety (Bloch & Chimienti, 2011; De Genova, 2002; Sassen, 1999). According to the
latest estimates, there are between 10.5 and 11 million undocumented migrants in
* Marie L. Mallet-Garcia
Marie.mallet-garcia@compas.ox.ac.uk
1 COMPAS, University ofOxford, Oxford, UK
2 Sorbonne Nouvelle University, Monde Anglophone, Paris, France
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
the country (Kolker, 2022; MPI, 2019; Lopez etal., 2021). The growing presence
of precarious migrants has been accompanied by changing migration policies, which
have become increasingly differentiated towards specific groups and particularly
restrictive towards precarious migrants (de Haas etal., 2018). It has been marked by
a growing trend to criminalize irregularity, which has produced a climate of hostility
towards these migrants (Vázquez, 2015; Menjívar etal., 2018; Chauvin & Garcés-
Mascareñas, 2012). Although the legal framework for many punitive immigration
policies was established in the 1990s, the 9/11 attacks acted as a catalyst, intensify-
ing the mobilization of resources linked to these policies (Macías-Rojas, 2018). This
trend, coined “crimmigration” (Vázquez, 2015; Stumpf, 2006; Menjívar etal., 2018),
saw a steady convergence between the criminal justice and immigration control sys-
tems, notably with the enactment of the USA PATRIOT Act (Kanstroom, 2004). In
this context, immigration surveillance mechanisms have been significantly expanded,
with a particular focus on Latin American immigrants (Moinester, 2024). The del-
egitimation of precarious migrants, particularly those from Latin America, who are
portrayed as non-deserving individuals, served as a justification for the implementa-
tion of restrictive policies that dramatically reduced their access to basic services and
worker protections, thereby making them more vulnerable to exploitation.1
Despite the increasingly hostile national climate, not all states and cities within
the USA responded to precarious migrants in the same way. California, in particu-
lar, stands out as a state that has implemented more inclusive policies, providing a
comparatively favorable environment for precarious immigrants.2 California has the
largest Latino population in the country—about 15 million—and the largest num-
ber of undocumented immigrants with 2.7 million individuals and DACA recipi-
ents3—28% of all DACA recipients (Lopez etal., 2021; MPI, 2022). Most of these
precarious migrants (79%) originate from Latin America, particularly from Mexico
1 For instance, undocumented migrants were officially barred from receiving non-emergency health-
care by the 1996 Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (Viladrich, 2012). More
recently, the Inadmissibility on Public Charge Grounds further deterred migrants from accessing social
benefits by enabling the federal government to refuse to regularize the legal status of immigrants already
on American soil if they have previously accessed, or are deemed likely to rely in future on, certain pub-
lic benefits (USCIS 2018). While this Public Charge Rule was subsequently rescinded (Kruzel, 2021), it
is likely to have produced lasting “chilling effects” on access to services (Batalova etal., 2018), thereby
evidencing how national policies may define the limits of inclusion for precarious migrants.
2 In 2010, Arizona passed the “Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act,” also
known as SB 1070, which made it a state crime to be in the country without proper documentation.
The law also allowed police officers to ask for proof of legal status during lawful stops and arrests. The
law was widely criticized as promoting racial profiling and was later partially struck down by the US
Supreme Court in Arizona v. United States (2012), only upholding the provision requiring to check the
immigration status of individuals during law enforcement stops. Similarly, in 2011, Alabama passed the
“Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act,” also known as HB 56, which made it
a crime to knowingly rent to or hire an undocumented immigrant. The law also required public schools
to verify the immigration status of students and their parents and made it a crime to do business with the
state government without proper documentation. The law was also criticized as promoting racial profil-
ing and was later struck down by a federal court.
3 DACA, or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, is a US immigration policy that was introduced
in June 2012 under President Barack Obama’s administration. It allows certain individuals who were
brought to the United States without documents as children to receive a renewable 2-year period of
deferred action from deportation and become eligible for a work permit.
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
(61%), El Salvador (7%), and Guatemala (6%) (MPI, 2019). As a Sanctuary State,
state and local law enforcement are restricted from cooperating with federal immi-
gration authorities, except in certain circumstances (Manfredi-Sánchez, 2020), and
the state has also taken number of steps to support undocumented migrants, such as
allowing them to obtain driver’s licenses (Enriquez etal., 2019), to receive access to
some state-funded healthcare services such as emergency services and pregnancy-
related care (Torres-Pinzon etal., 2020) or in-state tuition rates for public colleges
and universities (Bjorklund, 2018; Colvin, 2010).4 This context makes it a particu-
larly relevant place to analyze the inclusion process of undocumented Latino immi-
grants and how the local context might shape the lived experiences of precarious
migrants. In particular, the San Francisco Bay area (SFBA),5 where this research
was conducted, is also one of the areas that has one of the most favorable policies
and practices towards precarious migrants. Its core cities such as Oakland, San Fran-
cisco, San Jose, and Berkeley are sanctuary cities (see p. 4). Indeed, San Francisco
pioneered a broader international trend towards the increased inclusion of undocu-
mented migrants (Lambert & Swerts, 2019), which led to growing recognition by
scholars that national policies need to be informed by what is happening at the local
level (Spencer, 2018). Yet, despite this recognition, there is limited research on the
development of ethnic solidarity and belonging at the local level, as well as the strat-
egies implemented to promote inclusion among precarious Latino migrants. One
particular avenue of research worth exploring is an analysis of the development of
pan-ethnic solidarity among the Latino communities.6
In the next section, we review the literature on pan-ethnic solidarity and belong-
ing among Latino communities. The “Methodology” section outlines the research
approach, followed by the findings on the role of local organizations in fostering sol-
idarity. The “Conclusion” section discusses the broader implications for the inclu-
sion of precarious Latino immigrants in sanctuary cities.
Literature Review
Feelings ofBelonging, Ethnic Identity, andPan‑ethnic Solidarity
Pan-ethnic solidarity—or its lack thereof—is important for it shapes perceptions
of belonging. Pan-ethnicity refers to a collective identity formed by individuals
from various Latino subgroups who share some common cultural, historical, and
4 While these protections exist at the state level, there are nonetheless some rural areas within California
where social and political attitudes may mirror the conservatism found in other parts of the United States,
potentially affecting the lived experiences of undocumented immigrants in those regions.
5 It is comprised of the following nine counties: Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa
Clara, Solano, Sonoma, and San Francisco.
6 The concept of “Latino” refers to a diverse and multifaceted ethnic category encompassing individu-
als of Latin American origin or descent. It is a term used to describe people who come from, or whose
ancestors came from, countries in Latin America, including South America, Central America, Mexico,
and the Spanish-speaking nations of the Caribbean. As part of this research, we focus on immigrants who
self-identified as Latino.
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
social experiences (Mallet, 2014; Tran, 2008). This identity is not solely defined
by language or religion but by a broader sense of shared belonging and mutual
support among diverse Latino groups. While immigrant solidarity emphasizes
collective action, shared experiences, and mutual support, the sense of belong-
ing focuses more on the individual’s connection, acceptance, and inclusion within
a community (Menjívar, 2000). The construction of a pan-ethnic identity under
the “Latino” and “Hispanic” has been reinforced by various societal forces. The
marketing and media industries, as described by Mora (2014), have played a
foundational role in creating and perpetuating this identity. These industries have
fostered a sense of shared experience among Latinos by emphasizing common
cultural elements such as language, traditions, and values, which are then dis-
seminated through Spanish-language media and consumer goods. Similarly, the
segmented labor markets have reinforced this identity by clustering Latinos into
specific sectors, often low-wage and service-oriented, which further cements a
shared socio-economic experience. Moreover, as Rosa (2019) highlights, the
racialization of language and the associated identity politics add another layer to
this pan-ethnic identity. The constant negotiation of identity through language,
where speaking Spanish or exhibiting certain linguistic traits can be both a source
of pride and a point of contention, contributes to both the solidarity and divi-
sion within the Latino community (Tran, 2008). The emergence of this pan-ethnic
Latino identity has had significant political and social implications. Voting blocs
and lobbying groups have harnessed this identity to build political power, advo-
cating for policies that address the specific needs and concerns of the Latino com-
munity. The creation of this seemingly unified identity has further allowed for
greater political representation and the ability to influence national discourse on
issues such as immigration, education, and labor rights (Cuevas-Molina & Nteta,
2023).
This, in turn, has influenced perceptions of belonging, which are also a key
aspect of solidarity building as well as social and political stability (Pérez &
Hetherington, 2014). The concepts of belonging and identity—which are some-
times used interchangeably to capture the subjective sense of being part of a
social group are closely linked to the context of reception and the social environ-
ment, in particular, the different forms of exclusion often embedded within this
space (Mallet-Garcia & Garcia-Bedolla, 2021; Amit & Bar-Lev, 2015). In recent
years, the complexity of belonging has received increasing attention (Phinney &
Ong, 2007). Ethnic identity, defined as “a subset of identity categories in which
eligibility for membership is determined by attributes associated with, or believed
to be associated with, descent,” has been used as an indicator of the integration of
immigrant populations (Chandra, 2006), as it is shaped in response to encounters
with ethnic boundaries and evolves in response to social and political contexts
(Omi and Winant, 2014). For instance, Ono (2002) found that subsequent genera-
tions of Mexican individuals are less likely to identify as Mexican but that per-
ceived experiences of discrimination or darker skin color increase their identifica-
tion as “Mexican.” Indeed, ethnic identity can buffer or exacerbate the effects of
discrimination: in line with this, Portes and Rumbaut (2001) define the concept of
“reactive ethnicity” as a “process in which perceived threats or exclusion lead to
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
a rise in ethnic attachments.” In this case, immigrants integrate into different seg-
ments of US society, depending on what is available to them (Yip etal., 2008).
The concept of “reactive ethnicity” has recently been used to explore the effect
of hostile contexts and discrimination on integration outcomes (Auer & Fos-
sati, 2019). While a welcoming environment fosters higher levels of feelings of
belonging, a more hostile environment decreases the sense of belonging: Latino
immigrants who experience discrimination are less likely to identify as American
(Golash-Boza, 2006). This may also be the case for native-born Latinos who are
often still considered foreigners who must earn their place in society (Huynh,
2012).
While the literature has focused on inter-group contact, showing that it increases
identification with a distinctive in-group (Tajfel & Turner, 2004; Telles & Ortiz,
2008), the role of intra-group interactions on the development of a pan-ethnic iden-
tity has been less researched. Some studies have pointed to the increased risk of
facing discrimination from co-ethnic groups in the labor market and the importance
of co-ethnic solidarity (Morales, 2011), while others have emphasized the role of
limited resources and economic hardship as a reason behind the lack of solidar-
ity that may exist among Latinos, and highlighting the influence of a shared anti-
Latina/Latino sentiment in the U.S. to build cohesion among the Latino communi-
ties (Osuna, 2015). This paper fills a gap in the literature by focusing on intra-ethnic
relations to analyze the mechanisms at play, at the local level, in the inclusion pro-
cesses of precarious Latino migrants and how solidarity may develop. Indeed, recent
research has emphasized the importance of solidarity- and community-based efforts
to support precarious Latino immigrants and promote their inclusion in US society
(Cordero-Guzmán, 2005).
Scholars have highlighted the role of grassroots organizations, immigrant rights
campaigns, and community-based initiatives in building political power and advo-
cating for policies that benefit precarious immigrants (Nicholls etal., 2021; Vasquez
Guzman etal., 2020; Sanchez et al., 2019, Benavides, et al., 2021). For instance,
United We Dream (UWD), an immigrant youth-led organization in the U.S., organ-
ized a series of high-profile campaigns including the “Right to Dream” campaign,
where undocumented youth publicly “came out” as undocumented, risking depor-
tation to raise awareness about their plight. These efforts contributed to the estab-
lishment of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program by the
Obama administration. In California, the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights
(CHIRLA) has been key in shaping immigration policy in the state: they launched
a sustained campaign to pass AB 60, which allowed undocumented immigrants in
California to obtain driver’s licenses.
These efforts can help to foster a sense of community and collective identity
among precarious Latino immigrants, reducing the likelihood of intra-ethnic tensions
and promoting greater social and economic inclusion. Some studies have highlighted
the importance of social networks and shared experiences in promoting positive intra-
ethnic relations, developing a pan-ethnic identity, and reducing prejudice towards
precarious Latino immigrants (Sanchez & Masuoka, 2010; Negi etal., 2013). Finally,
recent studies have further shown how immigrants—including undocumented
Latinos—have achieved policy successes utilizing nonprofits as their institutional
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
platform. These accomplishments include for instance the implementation of munici-
pal identity cards, language access policies, and an increase in the minimum wage.
De Graauw’s (2017) research shows the interconnectedness of immigrant organiza-
tions and local government officials, highlighting their collaborative efforts to address
beneficial issues for precarious immigrants. It emphasizes the significance of pub-
lic–private partnerships between the city government and immigrant organizations in
San Francisco, as they play a crucial role in enabling immigrants to fully experience
socio-economic and political inclusion (De Graauw, 2017).
This paper focuses on intra-group relations to investigate how precarious Latino
immigrants’ sense of belonging is shaped by the local context, as it is crucial to
understand the factors that contribute to influencing identity formation and their
implications for the inclusion and well-being of precarious Latino immigrants.
Inclusion Process forPrecarious Latino Immigrants
While developing a sense of belonging for documented Latinos might prove a com-
plex process, for precarious Latino immigrants, developing a sense of belonging
is further challenged by their lack of secure legal status (Browne & Odem, 2012;
Mallet etal., 2017). Some studies suggest that some may internalize their vulner-
ability, leading to a lower perception of belonging, while others manage to develop
a stronger sense of belonging by redefining their place within American society
(Chavez-Pringle etal., 2014). This complexity is particularly pronounced among
the 1.5 generation, who grew up in the U.S. but lack legal documentation (Abrego,
2011; Gonzales & Burciaga, 2018). Despite feeling American in many ways, they
are held back by their legal status. Research on the impact of the DACA program
further indicates that for its recipients, being granted a temporary reprieve from
deportation was correlated with higher levels of belonging as obtaining lawful pres-
ence reinforces their connection to American society (Gonzales, 2016)(Siemons,
etal., 2017). However, the prospect of ending the program, which highlighted the
precarious aspect of this temporary reprieve from deportation, has also been found
to contribute to decreased feeling of belonging for DACA recipients (Mallet-Garcia
& Garcia-Bedolla, 2021).
Studies have also showed that there are significant challenges to the inclusion of
precarious Latino immigrants that may stem from their own community, highlight-
ing the importance of intersectional factors such as legal status, gender, race, and
nationality in shaping experiences of discrimination among precarious Latino immi-
grants (Bastick & Mallet-Garcia, 2022; Renfroe, 2018). Indeed, precarious Latino
immigrants may experience discrimination and prejudice from their own commu-
nity, which can lead to social and economic exclusion (Carey etal., 2013; Castillo,
2009). The presence of undocumented individuals creates divisions within commu-
nities, particularly between those who are documented and those who are not. These
divisions can lead to tensions, as documented Latinos may feel pressure to distance
themselves from their undocumented counterparts to avoid being associated with
“illegality.” Conversely, undocumented individuals may experience feelings of
exclusion and marginalization within their own communities, further exacerbating
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
these tensions (De Genova, 2013). Other studies have showed how different seg-
ments of the Latino electorate, particularly more conservative or established Lati-
nos, may hold anti-undocumented views, which influence their political behavior
and policy preferences (Abrajano & Alvarez, 2010, Ochoa, 2004; Chavez, 2008;
Zepeda-Millán & Wallace, 2018).
Immigration status and legal vulnerability have a disproportionate impact in shap-
ing intra-ethnic tensions among precarious Latino immigrants, as tensions can arise
between undocumented immigrants who have been in the US for a longer period of
time and those who have more recently arrived, as well as between undocumented
immigrants who have obtained some form of legal protection, such as DACA recipi-
ents, and those who lack legal status altogether (Mahler, 2018; Mallet & Pinto-
Coelho, 2018). These differences in legal vulnerability can create power imbalances
and hierarchies that contribute to tensions and rivalries between different groups of
undocumented immigrants. In particular, the work of Abrego (2016) explores how
undocumented status impacts Latino families in the USA and highlights that shared
experiences of “illegality” can foster strong family bonds, as members support each
other through the challenges of living with undocumented status. However, it also
creates tensions, especially in mixed-status families, where differences in legal
status lead to power imbalances and stress. Precarious Latino immigrants are par-
ticularly susceptible to these intersectional vulnerabilities, as previous research
has shown that their legal status profoundly affects most aspects of their daily lives
(Sigona, 2012:51). Additionally, competition for low-wage jobs and limited social
services can contribute to tensions and rivalries between different groups of undocu-
mented immigrants, particularly in urban areas with high levels of immigration and
economic inequality (Cranford, 2005).
Importance ofInvestigating theInclusion Mechanisms attheLocal Level
Because precarious migration is defined by a certain relationship between the
migrant and the state, there is a tendency to conceptualize it as a national issue.
However, there is growing recognition of its local implications, as most interac-
tions between precarious migrants and receiving societies occur at the local level,
generating significant implications for local authorities or NGOs. This has led to
the recognition of what Caponio and Borkert (2010), although in the context of
migrants in general, refer to as the “local policy arena.” Recently, the literature has
focused on the impact that local authorities play in managing their de facto pres-
ence (Scholten & Penninx, 2016; Spencer, 2018; De Graauw & Vermeulen, 2021;
Zapata-Barrero etal., 2017). Recent work has investigated local municipal practices
towards this group (Spencer & Delvino, 2019, Bastick & Mallet-Garcia, 2022).
This trend has gained renewed significance during the COVID-19 pandemic, as
scholars and pundits have emphasized the reliance on precarious migrants and other
essential workers (Tagliacozzo etal., 2020) and the need to include these migrants
in local public health responses to COVID-19 (Mallet & Delvino, 2021).
This engenders a complex landscape wherein migrants, NGOs, and local
authorities interface with the blurred lines between the restrictions and
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
affordances of public policy, calling for a local approach to this issue. While con-
strained to align with national policies, local authorities must also deal with the
practical needs of irregular migrants, as their de facto presence is mainly felt at
the local level (Homberger etal., 2022; Spencer & Triandafyllidou, 2020). This
dynamic has prompted some municipalities to implement local policies and prac-
tices that extend beyond federal mandates. In certain areas, local law enforce-
ment agencies have increasingly taken on roles in immigration enforcement,
effectively amplifying the reach of federal policies. Armenta (2017) illustrates
this in Tennessee, where initiatives like the 287(g) program have deputized local
police officers to act as immigration agents. Armenta’s analysis reveals how these
changes have blurred the lines between local policing and federal immigration
control, fundamentally shifting the mission of local law enforcement. This overlap
has resulted in heightened surveillance, fear, and increased deportations within
immigrant communities, as local policing becomes intertwined with immigration
enforcement. Armenta and Alvarez (2017) further show the significant variabil-
ity in how local law enforcement agencies across the USA approach immigration
enforcement: while some police departments actively engage in immigration con-
trol by cooperating closely with federal agencies like Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE), others deliberately distance themselves from such activities
to maintain public trust and community safety. This variability reflects the differ-
ing priorities, resources, and pressures faced by local agencies.
Indeed, there are multiple municipalities that have implemented policies
designed to ease the restrictions towards precarious migrants (Campomori &
Ambrosini, 2020; Kirchhoff etal., 2022). Sanctuary cities in the U.S. provide a
notable example of how policies and attitudes towards precarious migrants have
evolved. Though the idea of sanctuary initially emerged in the 1980s, it was dur-
ing the 2000s that sanctuary cities expanded substantially, leading the way in a
wider international movement that sought to increase the inclusion of irregular
migrants (Lambert & Swerts, 2019). While the concept of “sanctuary cities” lacks
a commonly accepted definition (Lasch, etal., 2018; O’Brien, etal., 2019), it usu-
ally refers to cities that prevent city officials or police departments from inquiring
into the immigration status of individuals they interact with, and can encompass
differing policies and practices that focus on various populations based on the
national context (Bauder, 2017). Many local governments have adopted this label
or similar ones such as Inclusive Cities, Human Rights City, or Welcoming City
(Lasch etal., 2018). These often establish firewalls, which provide a separation
between immigration enforcement activities and public service provision (Cré-
peau & Hastie, 2015).
This is notably the case in San Francisco, a city where police forces have been
instructed not to comply or implement federal immigration policy and procedures
towards those suspected to be undocumented (Garcés Mascareñas, 2019). Cities’
stance of the issue of precarious migration has an impact on this group, as it influ-
ences their behavior by shaping their sense of belonging. For instance, De Graauw
(2016a, 2016b) shows how San Francisco has become a leader in protecting and
integrating irregular migrants through the implementation of progressive local poli-
cies. As a sanctuary city, San Francisco has enacted policies that limit local law
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
enforcement’s cooperation with federal immigration authorities. This includes not
honoring ICE detainers unless they are accompanied by a judicial warrant, which
protects undocumented immigrants from being handed over to federal authorities for
deportation. Additionally, nonprofit organizations have successfully lobbied for poli-
cies that allow undocumented residents to access healthcare, education, and other
public services: the San Francisco Health Plan’s “Healthy San Francisco” program
is a notable initiative that provides access to affordable healthcare for all residents,
regardless of immigration status.
In the U.S., sanctuary cities have become a focal point of the immigration debate,
particularly in the context of federal-state relations(Ascherio, 2022). Several major
US cities have further played a critical role in expanding rights and protections to
precarious migrants through local policies. For instance, Varsanyi (2006) has devel-
oped the concept of “urban citizenship” as an alternative framework to traditional
notions of national citizenship to show how, in New York and Los Angeles, urban
citizenship has developed. Urban citizenship focuses on the rights and responsibili-
ties that individuals, including precarious migrants, can access at the local level,
regardless of their legal status. This concept challenges the idea that citizenship
and the rights associated with it are solely tied to national identity and legal status.
Instead, Varsanyi argues that cities can extend certain rights and protections to all
residents, thereby redefining what it means to be a citizen in an urban context. In
New York City, Varsanyi discusses the implementation of the New York City Iden-
tity Card (IDNYC) program, which was launched in 2015 as a way to provide all
residents, regardless of immigration status, with a form of identification that grants
access to city services (e.g., open bank accounts, rent apartments, and access public
libraries and other municipal services). In Los Angeles, the city’s efforts to protect
precarious immigrants are embodied through the implementation of policies like
Special Order 40, which was issued by the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD)
in 1979. This order prohibits police officers from initiating contact with an individ-
ual solely to determine their immigration status. Special Order 40 was designed to
ensure that undocumented immigrants would not be deterred from reporting crimes
or cooperating with law enforcement out of fear of deportation.
In North America, cities like New York and Toronto have adopted policies that
extend certain protections to undocumented migrants, such as access to municipal
ID cards, healthcare, and education. In these contexts, deservingness frames often
emphasize the economic contributions of undocumented migrants, such as their roles
as essential workers, taxpayers, and integral members of the community. This was
notably the case in Californian cities that supported the DREAMer movement and
emphasized the deservingness of these young adults (Nicholls, 2013). A similar trend
has also developed in Europe, albeit in a different context(Bazurli & de Graauw,
2023). A study by Chauvin and Garcés-Mascareñas (2012) shows that in Europe,
cities like Barcelona and Amsterdam have implemented local policies that provide
undocumented migrants with access to healthcare, education, and other social ser-
vices. These cities often justify their policies by highlighting the humanitarian needs
of migrants, particularly those related to health and family welfare, framing these
migrants as deserving based on their vulnerability and basic human rights.
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
Methodology
The data for this paper were collected as part of one seed-funding grand and two
larger studies: (1) a France-Stanford Center for Interdisciplinary Studies award
(2016–2018); (2) a Marie Sklodowska Curie Individual Fellowship funded by the
European Commission from 2018 until 2020 investigating the integration processes
of Latino immigrants (documented and undocumented): “The Role of the Welfare
State in the Integration of Immigrants: Comparative Analysis of Latino Commu-
nities in Spain, the United Kingdom and the USA” (Project n° 787,336); and (3)
a Thomas Jefferson research grant funded by FACE foundation titled “Immigrant
Legal Status & Integration Across National Contexts.” The interviews were carried
out by both co-authors.
Recruitment ofInterviewees
This paper is grounded in qualitative research and draws on in-depth interviews with
87 precarious Latino immigrants, of which 22 were DACA recipients and most of
the respondents were Mexican (68 of the 87 respondents). The interviews were con-
ducted over a 4-year period, from 2016 to 2020, in the San Francisco Bay Area in
California. The selection of this location was based on two considerations: the sig-
nificance of the local context and the diverse mix of legal statuses among the Latino
immigrant population residing there.
To recruit respondents for the study, a snowball sampling technique was
employed, utilizing connections within the Latino communities. The research team
initiated interviews through established networks, and from these initial contacts,
the sample size was expanded by requesting referrals from interviewees, such as
friends, relatives, or coworkers, who were also experiencing precarious legal situ-
ations. The interviews took place in various settings, including cafes, parks, and
occasionally in the participants’ homes. The language used during the interviews
was flexible, with a slight majority of the interviewees opting to respond in English,
sometimes incorporating Spanish or Spanglish terms. For the remaining interviews,
Spanish was used as the primary language. Each interview lasted approximately an
hour and 30min.
Given the timing of the interviews, occurring at the time or shortly after the
announcement of the Trump administration’s intention to end DACA, the study had
the unique opportunity to assess the impact of precarious legal status on DACA
recipients. To guide the interview process and explore relevant themes comprehen-
sively, a semi-structured interview questionnaire was employed. This questionnaire
covered a range of topics, including detailed histories of migration experiences,
current living situations, socio-economic profiles, perceptions of inclusion in the
SFBA, and views on the DACA program. For DACA recipients specifically, addi-
tional questions were asked about their experiences living under DACA status and
their overall sense of belonging, including future plans.
All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim, ensuring accuracy
in data preservation. The researchers then used ATLAS.ti to code the interview
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
transcripts and notes. The initial coding phase utilized the predefined categories
from the semi-structured interview guide. These categories facilitated standard-
ized data collection, enabling better comparison of participants’ positions and
experiences.
During the interviews, participants were encouraged to elaborate on various
aspects of their lives that they deemed relevant to the study, even if not explic-
itly covered in the initial interview guide. This open-ended approach allowed the
research team to capture new perspectives and aspects that might have been over-
looked initially. Information gathered during this phase was subsequently coded in a
second coding process, expanding the study’s insights and incorporating additional
factors, such as the role of gender in shaping participants’ experiences.
Overall, this methodological approach ensured a comprehensive understanding of
the experiences and perspectives of precarious Latino immigrants, including DACA
recipients, in the SFBA, shedding light on the impact of their legal status and pro-
viding valuable insights for the study.
Profile ofInterviewees
Our sample is representative of the diverse demographic profile of precarious Latino
migrants in California. The main characteristics of our interviewees are listed in
Table1.
Findings
An analysis of the interviews shows the influence of some of the local NGOs in fos-
tering a pan-ethnic identity and sense of belonging among precarious Latino immi-
grants in the SFBA. The majority of respondents (80%) for this study indicate they
believe that local NGOs have been instrumental in building solidarity and bring-
ing Latino immigrants together. In particular, they report that in response to a surge
of anti-immigrant policies following the election of Donald Trump in 2016, local
NGOs have implemented strategies to counter anti-immigrant rhetoric—especially
towards undocumented migrants. Ermelinda, a precarious immigrant from El Salva-
dor who entered the USA without authorization over 20years ago when she was in
her early 20s, explains that this external pressure acted as a catalyst for the forma-
tion of a pan-ethnic identity among precarious immigrants, as they found common
ground in their shared experiences of marginalization and targeted hostility.
I don’t normally attend events that gather [precarious migrants], because we
are all very different, I am here to work, and take care of my children, noth-
ing else. But something changed when President Trump was elected, and my
kids got really scared that we would be separated, that they [immigration ser-
vices] would take me away. So I felt like that I had to do something to protect
them. (…) I think local associations started to be more active, they reached
out that they were there to help and so I started to go to meetings. They had
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
Table 1 Characteristics of the respondents: age, gender, country of birth, income, educational level
ID Gender Nationality Age Education Income (individual)
1 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $25,000–$34,999/year
2 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma $25,000–$34,999/year
3 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
4 Male Salvadorian 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
5 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
6 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college $25,000–$34,999/year
7 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
8 Male Salvadorian 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
9 Female Mexican 30 to 39 College $15,000–$24,999/year
10 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
11 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
12 Male Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
13 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
14 Male Mexican 18 to 29 College $25,000–$34,999/year
15 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college $25,000–$34,999/year
16 Female Mexican 30 to 39 College $15,000–$24,999/year
17 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
19 Male Colombian 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
20 Male Mexican 30 to 39 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
21 Female Mexican 18 to 29 College $15,000–$24,999/year
22 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
23 Male Honduran 30 to 39 College $25,000–$34,999/year
24 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
25 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
26 Male Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
27 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
28 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
29 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
30 Male Mexican 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
32 Female Colombian 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
33 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
34 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
35 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Some college $15,000–$24,999/year
36 Female Guatemalan 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
37 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma $15,000–$24,999/year
38 Female Mexican 18 to 29 College ≥ $35,000
39 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Some college ≥ $35,000
40 Female Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
41 Female Mexican 30 to 39 College ≤ $15,000/year
42 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college $25,000–$34,999/year
43 Male Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma ≤ $15,000/year
44 Female Mexican 18 to 29 Graduate school $25,000–$34,999/year
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
Table 1 (continued)
ID Gender Nationality Age Education Income (individual)
45 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Graduate school ≤ $15,000/year
46 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school $25,000–$34,999/year
47 Female Mexican 30 to 39 College ≤ $15,000/year
48 Male Mexican 30 to 39 College ≥ $35,000
49 Male Salvadorian 30 to 39 College $25,000–$34,999/year
50 Male Mexican 30 to 39 College ≤ $15,000/year
51 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
52 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
53 Female Guatemalan 30 to 39 High school diploma $15,000–$24,999/year
54 Male Mexican 18 to 29 College ≤ $15,000/year
55 Male Mexican 18 to 29 High school diploma $15,000–$24,999/year
56 Male Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
57 Female Mexican 18 to 29 College $25,000–$34,999/year
58 Male Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school $15,000–$24,999/year
58 Female Mexican 30 to 39 College $25,000–$34,999/year
60 Male Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
61 Male Guatemalan 18 to 29 Some college ≤ $15,000/year
62 Male Mexican 18 to 29 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
63 Male Mexican 30 to 39 College $25,000–$34,999/year
64 Female Mexican 30 to 39 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
65 Female Salvadorian 30 to 39 College $25,000–$34,999/year
66 Female Mexican 26 to 35 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
67 Male Mexican 18 to 25 Graduate school ≤ $15,000/year
68 Female Mexican 36 to 45 Graduate school $25,000–$34,999/year
69 Female Mexican 26 to 35 College ≤ $15,000/year
70 Male Mexican 36 to 45 College ≥ $35,000
71 Male Salvadorian 26 to 35 College $15,000–$24,999/year
72 Male Mexican 26 to 35 College ≤ $15,000/year
73 Female Mexican 26 to 35 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
74 Female Mexican 26 to 35 College ≤ $15,000/year
75 Female Guatemalan 26 to 35 High school diploma $15,000–$24,999/year
76 Male Mexican 18 to 25 College ≤ $15,000/year
77 Male Colombian 26 to 35 High school diploma $15,000–$24,999/year
78 Male Colombian 26 to 35 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
79 Female Colombian 26 to 35 College ≥ $35,000
80 Male Colombian 36 to 45 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
81 Female Mexican 26 to 35 College $25,000–$34,999/year
82 Male Mexican 26 to 35 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
83 Male Guatemalan 26 to 35 College B.A ≥ $35,000
84 Male Mexican 26 to 35 Graduate school ≤ $15,000/year
85 Male Mexican 36 to 45 College B.Sc $25,000–$34,999/year
86 Female Mexican 36 to 45 Graduate school ≥ $35,000
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
‘Know Your Rights’ gatherings, not far, at the local school. It felt safe there, so
I decided to go, and see what my options were. (…) So we started to talk with
other people, not only from El Salvador, and it felt good to see that there were
other people in the same situation, Mexicans, Colombians, Hondurans. (…)
We kept in touch, because I came to realize that we share the same struggle, so
we help each other out. (…).
The hostile rhetoric and restrictive policies implemented at the national level,
such as the rescission of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) pro-
gram, contrasted even more starkly with the more inclusive policies at the local level
of the SFBA. They enabled local NGOs to reinforce a shared sense of linked fate
(Sanchez & Masuoka, 2010) as they actively mobilized to defend the rights and
interests of Latinos, including precarious migrants. By organizing protests, commu-
nity forums, and political campaigns, these organizations helped create a sense of
solidarity and galvanize a collective response and fostered a sense of shared struggle
and identity among precarious Latino immigrants. This is exemplified by Rafael,
a volunteer at a local NGO that promotes unity across minority groups in Oakland
and San Francisco. Rafael, who arrived in the U.S. as a child and received DACA
in 2015, has volunteered with several organizations in the SFBA. He explains how
Latinos have come together:
We [Latinos] have to come together, forget our differences, it’s not important
if you have papers and I don’t, (…) like the Asians they have Chinatown, we
do the same here, and look out for each other. (…) That’s what we do here at
[name of organization]. We unite together and we fight racism, we create a
strong community because alone we can’t do anything. (…) I keep telling my
people, we don’t care what we thought about each other before, we need to
come together if we want to win. (…) That’s a big part of what I do here. (…)
Now we have a great community, we have people from all over Latin America
that come here, we created a strong community. We are proud to be Latinos.
As a reaction to the external perception of threat, our interviewees further
explained that they felt the need to come together. This is exemplified by David,7
a Colombian immigrant who arrived in the Bay Area in 2014 on a student visa and
overstayed when his visa expired. As a Colombian national, he had initially sought
other Colombian immigrants in his host country to recreate a sense of familiarity.
He had been able to find employment thanks to fellow Colombians already present
in the Bay Area. However, during the conversation, he explained that overtime, he
had become friends with other Latin American individuals and had progressively
Table 1 (continued)
ID Gender Nationality Age Education Income (individual)
87 Female Salvadorian 26 to 35 College B.A $25,000–$34,999/year
7 All names have been changed.
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
understood the importance of the “Latino” categorization, which he only became
familiar with in the U.S.:
The fight [that Latinos are fighting in the U.S.] it has an impact on me, because
what affects them [Latinos], affects me. What they are doing with DACA,
that’s unfair. What I like about living here is that it feels like we are all together
in this fight, when they [the Trump administration] attacked DACA it also
affects us [all immigrants]. I never used to see it like that before I came here
but I know that we need to support each other here because we are all a target.
(…) I am still Colombian, of course, but I also feel Mexican too and Latino,
because we face the same discrimination and we need to unite against racist
people (…) I don’t have DACA but I still go to rallies for them.
This underscores the dynamic and context-dependent nature of ethnic identity
formation, shaped by external factors and collective responses to adversity, and
shows that pan-ethnic identity can transcend national, cultural, and linguistic dif-
ferences and unite Latinos together in their shared experiences of discrimination.
In the face of adversity, the development of solidarity and of a pan-ethnicity among
precarious Latino immigrants in the SFBA served as a source of strength and resil-
ience. It enabled them to counteract the negative rhetoric and restrictive national
policies by organizing politically, advocating for their rights, and amplifying their
voices. Local NGOs have implemented strategies to counter anti-immigrant rheto-
ric and played a crucial role in consolidating the pan-ethnic identity of precarious
Latino immigrants. They are active in their community-building efforts to foster a
sense of shared struggle and collective identity. At some of the events they organize,
which are usually held in safe places such as local schools or community centers,
immigrants may receive guidance, counselling, and answers to their questions. The
precarious migrants who attend these meetings also sometimes receive small cards
that they could show officials in case they were arrested, or someone knocked on
their door. Ermelinda, for instance, received one of those cards that explain that its
holder does not need to answer questions from police officers or does not have to let
them in their house unless they have a warrant [picture]. Various formats of these
cards exist, most of them have an English and a Spanish version, and they some-
times include the contact details of a lawyer to call in case they get arrested. These
cards have been circulating for many years, but Ermelinda explains that she never
felt the need to carry one with her until now. According to her, the anti-Latino feel-
ing peaked around the 2016 election time and led to a climate of fear, uncertainty,
and hostility towards immigrants, particularly those with precarious legal status.
This feeling was shared by over 70% of all interviewees.
In contrast to the findings by Zhirkov and Smilan-Goldstein (2023), which sug-
gest that practical factors such as job availability and low crime rates outweigh the
influence of sanctuary status on migration preferences, our study reveals that the
local context and perceived hospitability towards immigrants can be a decisive factor
for newly arrived migrants. Specifically, just over 60% of our respondents indicated
that the welcoming reputation of the Bay Area for immigrants, particularly those in
precarious legal situation, played a more critical role in their decision to settle there
than traditional motivators like familial connections. This suggests that for certain
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
immigrant populations, especially those facing precarious legal situations, the per-
ceived social and political environment of a location may have a stronger pull than
previously understood, challenging the notion that economic and safety concerns are
always the primary drivers in migration decisions. This divergence highlights the
need for a more nuanced understanding of the factors influencing immigrant set-
tlement patterns, particularly in regions with strong reputations for inclusivity. For
instance, Lucia, a DACA recipient who arrived in the U.S. when she was 7 and lived
in Arizona until she moved to San Francisco at the age of 21, explains that she feels
that NGOs are able to get more done in this positive context.
I still have cousins who live in Arizona, and there, [NGOs] can’t help you,
because [Arizona] has different laws. But here in San Francisco, the laws
are better for immigrants so [NGOs] can actually help you and fight for you.
Like with DACA, there you can’t get a driver’s license, but here you can. This
makes a huge difference in your life.
When Lucia first tried to obtain a driver’s license in Arizona, she was undocu-
mented and in the process of applying for DACA. In Arizona, undocumented immi-
grants are not eligible to obtain driver’s licenses due to state laws that require proof
of legal presence in the U.S. However, DACA recipients can, since 2014, obtain
driver’s licenses. Initially, Arizona attempted to block DACA recipients from getting
licenses, but a federal court ruled in 2014 that this policy was unconstitutional. As
a result, Arizona began issuing driver’s licenses to DACA recipients in December
2014. However, undocumented immigrants without DACA status still cannot obtain
a driver’s license in the state of Arizona. In Lucia’s case, she moved to California
as she received DACA, and her comment shows that even though DACA recipients
can now obtain a driver’s license in Arizona (since 2014), the perception that Ari-
zona is impeding precarious migrants’ lives remains pervasive and sharply contrasts
with California’s position at the forefront of providing access to driver’s licenses for
undocumented immigrants under Assembly Bill 60 (AB 60).
The success of these local NGOs can be attributed, in part, to their effective fram-
ing strategies. By presenting the issues faced by precarious Latino immigrants as
matters of social justice and human rights, these organizations garner support from
a broader coalition of allies and stakeholders and further create a sense of solidarity
among the Latino communities. This framing—as previously indicated in the litera-
ture (Magazzini, 2015)—not only strengthens the Latino pan-ethnic identity but also
generates political momentum that helps foster policy changes that benefit the entire
community. The collaboration between NGOs and immigrant communities in fram-
ing their experiences demonstrates the transformative potential of grassroots activ-
ism. This is illustrated by Xelfi, a Honduran immigrant who has been working at an
NGO that helps women with precarious status. She explained that instead of focus-
ing on individuals’ legal status, the organization adopts a holistic approach that aims
to foster inclusion of all people, including those without legal status:
The work we do here is mainly for undocumented women, we help those who
have been victims of violence, abuse, trafficking. But we welcome everyone
too. (…) Our strategy is to be as inclusive as possible, we don’t really mention
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
undocumented migrants, because of the weight that it carries but we talk about
basic human rights, decency; we are careful to frame it in a way that would not
be harmful to our clients.
This further aligns with previous studies that show that NGOs’ successes have
been more pronounced when they focus their campaign not on immigrant empower-
ment but rather on more universalistic arguments that would show how these meas-
ures would benefit all city residents (Vimo, 2022; De Graauw, 2017). Even in an
area as inclusive as the SFBA, local NGOs are careful not to openly frame their
strategy around helping precarious immigrants specifically, but rather they talk
about “opportunities for Latinos and other historically underserved communities, to
ensure justice is never limited by race/ethnicity, class, gender identity, age, sexual
orientation, religion, immigration status, country of origin and disability status”
(MEDA).8 Among organizations that cater primarily to immigrant communities and
provide legal counselling such as La Raza Central Legal San Francisco, they do not
mention precarious migrants but state that they “provide high quality, free legal rep-
resentation to the Latino community and other low-income immigrant families”.9
However, this study also highlights the limits to local NGOs’ ability to pro-
mote the inclusion of precarious Latino immigrants. Despite the gains achieved in
coalition-building, particularly in the face of anti-immigrant sentiment and poli-
cies, our study suggests that there remain nonetheless many obstacles that hamper
fuller inclusion. As discussed previously, precarious Latino immigrants sometimes
experience tension, rivalry, and hostility from their own communities as they may
find that social hierarchies that exist in their countries of origin are replicated in the
US, thereby contributing to a sense of exclusion and discrimination. They grapple
with societal stigmatization from both the wider society, as well as from their own
communities. This prevents some members of the community from joining or seek-
ing assistance from NGOs and therefore reduces the sense of solidarity among the
Latino communities. This is exemplified by Emilio, a Mexican national in his mid-
30s who settled in the Bay Area just over 10years ago after being smuggled into
the U.S. When he first arrived, he received help from family members, notably his
cousins, who suggested that he contact a local organization whose goal is to provide
assistance to newly arrived migrants, mainly from Mexico. However, when he con-
tacted the organization, he recounted that his lack of regular legal status seemed to
have prevented him from getting help.
I don’t see the benefits of getting help from [NGOs]. I went there in the past,
but they don’t help people like me. Us [precarious migrants] get the short
end of the stick; we are scapegoated, we are at the bottom [of the hierar-
chies]. (…) When I went to [NGOs name], they made me feel like I should
not be here; one of the workers there, she made me wait and come back
so many times, in the end I gave up.(…) She said I was not the priority,
because she had to help [documented Mexican] people first.
8 https:// medasf. org/
9 https:// www. lrcl. org/
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
During our conversation, Emilio explained that NGOs run by individuals of Mexican
origin tend to prioritize assisting documented Mexican immigrants over those who are
undocumented. This underscores the significant role that legal status plays in shaping the
experiences of migrants facing precarious situations. Among our participants, two-thirds
of the Mexican respondents reported feeling discriminated against at least once when
seeking help from predominantly Mexican-staffed organizations due to their undocu-
mented status. Conversely, Emilio’s experiences with NGOs primarily staffed by non-
Mexicans were more positive. He noted that while the assistance provided was some-
times limited, the reception he received was generally more welcoming and supportive.
Even though the brunt of the discrimination is borne by this group, it is nonethe-
less interesting to note that a small number of documented Latino immigrants who
were interviewed also recounted instances of discrimination at the hands of precari-
ous Latino migrants. This form of “reverse” discrimination became particularly pro-
nounced within the labor market, notably in industries where precarious migrants
constitute the predominant workforce (e.g., service industry). As a reaction, these
documented Latino immigrants expressed a reluctance to align themselves with the
struggles of their precarious counterparts. This reluctance to join forces underscores
the profound influence of legal standing on their outlook and behavior. It sheds light
on the perceived advantages held by individuals who have succeeded in attaining
legal status, emphasizing the perceived privilege that accompanies such an achieve-
ment. This intricate dynamic illuminates the complex interplay between legal cat-
egorizations and social hierarchies within migrant communities and acts as a power-
ful break in attempts to further promote solidarity among the Latino communities.
An analysis of the interviews indicates that to counter these challenges, one strat-
egy that has been used by some precarious Latino migrants is to seek assistance
from pan-ethnic—and sometimes inter-ethnic—organizations instead of NGOs that
cater to specific national groups. Our respondents indicated that these NGOs often
provide a more supportive environment where they are less likely to experience
discrimination. They reported that these organizations better help create spaces for
dialogue, empowerment, and collective action, fostering a sense of belonging and
solidarity in their overall community. Over 50% of the precarious Latino migrants
interviewed who joined these NGOs reported being more likely to develop a
stronger sense of belonging after joining them. By turning to pan-ethnic NGOs,
precarious Latino migrants attempt to counter the social hierarchies they may per-
ceive within their own community. In the SFBA, many organizations advocating for
immigrant rights often opt for narratives that sidestep direct confrontation of issues
related to race and power. Instead, they tend to adopt language centered on shared
progressive values, aiming to foster inclusion of the community at large.
Conclusion
Our research illustrates how Latino pan-ethnic identity was bolstered in the San
Francisco Bay area at a time when anti-immigrant rhetoric was rising. The com-
plex journey through immigration enforcement, coupled with restricted access to
Building Bridges inaSanctuary City: Pan‑ethnic Identity…
resources and social marginalization, has cemented a foundation for shared strug-
gles and experiences. This journey not only heightened awareness of shared cir-
cumstances but also spurred collective action and fortified a resolve to unite against
adversity. The emergence of a reactive ethnicity in response to these challenges
seems to have empowered and mobilized some of the members of the precarious
Latino community and reinforced their sense of solidarity.
Corroborating previous research (De Graauw, 2017), our study accentuates
the essential role local NGOs and grassroots organizations have played in attain-
ing policy successes and enhancing the lives of precarious Latino immigrants. The
achievements of these organizations, generally run by members of the Latino com-
munity, underline the transformative capability of grassroots activism and empha-
size the pivotal role of local context in nurturing a pan-ethnic identity among pre-
carious immigrants in the SFBA. Specifically, local NGOs have been instrumental
in supplying vital resources, legal aid, and social services to mitigate the impacts
of anti-immigrant policies and foster a sense of collective resilience and identity.
By offering platforms for community members to share stories, forge connections,
and organize for societal transformation, these NGOs have positively influenced the
cultivation of a Latino pan-ethnic identity among precarious Latino immigrants in
the SFBA.
The concept of reactive ethnicity typically underscores the creation of a collec-
tive identity rooted in national origin as a countermeasure to external pressures. Yet,
our study unveils a nuance: precarious Latino immigrants appear to lean towards
pan-ethnic (as well as inter-ethnic) NGOs to alleviate internal discord, circumvent
societal hierarchies, create solidarity, and counteract discrimination within their spe-
cific national origin groups. This trend fortifies their sense of community belonging
and sheds light on the complex dynamics that shape the identity formation within
precarious Latino communities.
Recent scholarship (De Graauw, 2016a, 2016b, 2021; Longazel, 2016) has pos-
ited that alliances with labor groups may cultivate support for inclusive immigrant
policies. However, our findings reveal that legal status, along with ethno-racial fac-
tors, still serves as a divide that hinders NGOs’ coalition-building endeavors. This
pattern amplifies the understanding that the ramifications of immigration politics are
most palpable at the local level and continue to shape the identity formation of pre-
carious Latino immigrants in the U.S.
Declarations
Competing Interests The authors declare no competing interests.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License,
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you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Com-
mons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article
are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the
material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is
not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission
M.L.Mallet-Garcia, E.Garcia
directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/.
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