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ACTA GEOGRAPHICA UNIVERSITATIS COMENIANAE, Vol. 68, 2024, No. 2, pp. 141-159
EXPERIENCES OF UKRAINIAN MIGRANTS WITH
INTEGRATION IN SLOVAKIA
Terézia Seresová1, Radoslav Štefančík2
1 University of Economics Bratislava, Faculty of Applied Languages, Department of
Romance and Slavic Languages, Slovak Republic,
e-mail: terezia.seresova@euba.sk
2 University of Economics Bratislava, Faculty of Applied Languages, Department of
Intercultural Communication, Slovak Republic, e-mail: radoslav.stefancik@euba.sk
Abstract: People of Ukrainian origin make up the largest group of migrants living in Slo-
vakia. Because of their cultural and linguistic affinities, they should be easily integrated. Al-
though politicians are interested in implementing laws promoting the integration of Ukrai-
nians, they still face many obstacles. A qualitative method in semi-structured face-to-face in-
terviews with 25 Ukrainian migrants was used. The selected migrants arrived in Slovakia be-
fore the Russian invasion of Ukraine, i.e. they did not come to Slovakia as war refugees. Two
main conclusions related to the integration of Ukrainian migrants emerged: (1) Due to the
similar culture, language proficiency, and favourable conditions in the Slovak labour market,
Ukrainian migrants are very well integrated into Slovak society. (2) The state is not well pre-
pared for integrating migrants. Migrants are more dependent on themselves in the integration
process, the state does not provide much assistance in the integration process.
Keywords: integration, migration, Slovakia, Ukraine, labour market
1 INTRODUCTION
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Slovakia was one of
the transit and destination countries for Ukrainian war refugees (Teke Lloyd and
Sirkeci, 2022) and the common border, cultural and linguistic affinities predisposed
Slovakia to quickly integrate them. During this period, the topic of integration policy
appeared in Slovak political discourse for the first time (Štefančík et al., 2023). Al-
though the concept of integration policy was not new, it was criticized in profes -
sional circles for its vagueness and generality (Letavajová and Divinský, 2019;
Seresová, 2022). These and other weaknesses were revealed during the recent mass
immigration. There was a lack of procedures for integrating different groups of mi-
grants – children, people of working age, as well as those of the post-productive age.
The shortcomings of the integration policy were also reflected in the lack of proce-
141
dures for placing migrants in the labour market and the lack of integration courses
and projects to support Slovak language instruction. Despite initial attempts to up-
date the integration policy, migration and integration were pushed to the margins of
political interest in the context of the parliamentary elections in September 2023. Al-
though the topic of migration has appeared in political discourse, populist politicians
have presented migrants as a threat to the cultural and national identity of Slovaks,
a danger to the domestic labour market, and even as a potential threat to the health
and lives of the domestic population (Klátiková and Kmeť, 2023).
Although the securitized approach to migration quickly disappeared from public
discourse after the elections, we have noted a significant shift in the language of
Prime Minister Robert Fico, initially a great critic of migration. While during the mi-
gration situation in 2015 and 2016 Fico presented migrants as a multidimensional
threat (Štefančík et al., 2021), in early 2024 his rhetoric began to include an attempt
to divide migrants into two categories: legal and illegal migrants: “I ask the public
to distinguish between legal migration and illegal migrationˮ (Fico, 2024). Al-
though this differentiation is natural in migration concepts, it did not appear so
clearly in the rhetoric of the Slovak prime minister until after the 2023 elections.
Fico began to talk about the shortage of labour in Slovakia and about the need to
look for workers abroad, especially in Ukraine. The prime minister referred to
Ukrainians as well-educated people from a culturally-related background. At the
same time, he stated that the government would adopt legislation to integrate
Ukrainians into Slovak society as quickly as possible.
In the context of these statements, we were interested in the conditions for in-
tegration of Ukrainian migrants living in Slovakia for several years. We searched for
answers to questions related to the residence of migrants from Ukraine in Slovakia.
Ukrainians were the largest group of migrants living in Slovakia before the Russian
invasion. However, our research showed that the state did not pay enough attention
to the integration issue at that time (Štefančík et al., 2022). This article seeks to
identify important areas in integrating migrants living in Slovakia. We were inter-
ested in how Ukrainian migrants are integrated into the labour market and society.
We used their situation as an example to illustrate the state's approach to integrating
migrants into society. We assume that Ukrainian migrants, due to their geographical
proximity, religious proximity (Orthodoxy as part of Christianity), language and cul-
tural affinity, and last but not least, their age structure, can integrate easily into
Slovak society. However, we also viewed the problem from the other side, the side
of the state. If the integration process does not work well and the state does not pri-
oritize the integration policy, the integration of migrants from nearby societies can
also create problems.
2 METHODOLOGY
To achieve our research objective, we used qualitative research in the form of
semi-structured interviews. Qualitative research is a suitable scientific method for
142
research on integration, which has been confirmed by many researchers (Lu and Wu,
2017; Karaköse and Yaylacı, 2023). Advocates of qualitative research point out that
this type of research can also provide validity, albeit in a different way than quantit-
ative research. This is because qualitative research provides a space for research on
social and cultural variables (Kirk and Miller, 1986). The social and cultural vari -
ables form the basis of research on migrant integration. According to qualitative re-
search experts, researchers who study a particular group of peopleʼs everyday beha-
viour, life experiences, and life stories should opt for qualitative research (Halfpeny,
1979). Individual interviews are, therefore, one of the most widely used qualitative
methods and can provide new insights into respondents' understanding of social life
(Crouch and McKenzie, 2006), including migrants.
In qualitative research, it is important to select a sufficient number of parti-
cipants to provide reliable data to understand a particular phenomenon (Gill, 2020).
Our research consisted of semi-structured interviews with 25 Ukrainians. Individual
questions were pilot-tested on a sample of five Ukrainians. The pilot testing was in-
tended to evaluate the question headings as relevant to our research and to supple-
ment previously prepared headings and questions with topics that were not included
in the pilot testing.
We conducted the interviews from April 2023 to August 2023, during the previ-
ous legislative period. All respondents had come to Slovakia before the Russian in-
vasion of Ukraine. An essential criterion in selecting respondents was the length of
their stay in Slovakia, namely for at least one year. This criterion was chosen ac-
cording to the findings of the International Organization for Migration (IOM, 2019),
which defines a migrant as a national of a country other than the country of his/her
current residence who has resided in that country for at least twelve months.
The questions touched on all areas of migrant integration, including the labour
market, language proficiency in the autochthonous society, acceptance of the culture
of the autochthonous society, the provision of accommodation, the migrant's experi-
ence of state and public institutions, feelings of safety, and acceptance by citizens of
the destination country.
The interviews varied in duration from 50 minutes to 90 minutes. The respond-
ents ranged in age from 21 to 55. The meetings took place in various settings – at the
respondents' workplace, in the respondents' homes, or at the university where the re-
search authors are based. They were briefed at the beginning of the interview about
the intentions of the research and assured that neither the recordings nor other in-
formation would be disclosed to third parties, the police or other state authorities. No
identification was requested from the outset of the interview, and the respondents
were assured of anonymity during the interviews.
The analysis of the interviews showed that our knowledge of the historical and
geopolitical situation of Ukraine helped us to understand the background of the re-
spondents, their native country, the situation which influenced their decision to leave
their country of origin, the current situation in Ukraine and, last but not least, the
cultural similarities and differences between the two countries. The respondents re-
acted positively to the research authors’ knowledge of their country and culture,
143
which greatly facilitated the course of the interviews. The authors’ knowledge of
Russian, which is similar to Ukrainian, was also helpful if the respondents did not
understand the questions or had difficulty understanding the context of the issues un-
der study and the related interview questions. Some of the respondents stated that
Russian was their native language; some even knew Russian at the level of their
native language, which also facilitated communication if their knowledge of Slovak
was not sufficient.
3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The integration of migrants has become a key issue in political discourse, elec-
tion campaigns, and policy decisions throughout Europe (Joppke, 2017). National
governments pay considerable attention to the development of immigration and in-
tegration policies because through them, they determine the legal status of migrants
and the conditions for entry, stays, health care, education, housing support, as well
as the conditions for obtaining various social support (Guzi et al., 2023). Immigra-
tion policies affect the legal and social status of migrants as well as the relations
between natives and migrants (Beine et al., 2016).
In the past, integration policy research addressed the question of the model of
integration that governments were pursuing. In the second half of the 20th century,
authors spoke of the French, British and German models. German author Dietrich
Thränhardt (2005) distinguished between two basic types of integration policy in the
European environment – French (assimilationism) and British (multiculturalism).
The German policy was based on minimal contact between migrants and the native
population and paid little attention to the issue of integration. In the assimilationist
model, migrants were perceived from the outset as equal members of the native
society, provided that they accepted the cultural patterns of the host country as their
own. Citizenship was granted to everyone born within the country. As Peter Schol-
ten (2011, p. 232) points out, ethnicity, as well as religion, culture and race were
considered irrelevant in the context of citizenship. Assimilation as a one-way under-
standing of migrants' social change was criticized because it was one-way; the as-
similation model assumed behavioural change by migrants but not by the majority of
society (Yükseker and Çeler, 2024).
Unlike assimilationism, the multicultural model is not based on creating pres-
sure on immigrants to adopt the cultural behaviour patterns of the home society; in-
stead, it recognizes the legitimacy of different cultures and the equality of ethnic
minorities. The main goal of the multicultural model is “to achieve a socially cohesi-
ve multicultural society that would be strengthened by cultural diversity” (Yükseker
and Çeler, 2024, p. 3). Since the mid-1990s, there has been a growing retreat from
multiculturalism in Europe and a return to the ideas of nation-building, shared val-
ues and identity, and unitary citizenship. In the political discourse of Western
European states, there were increasing claims that multiculturalism causes social ex-
clusion and the cultural segregation of migrants (Ossewaarde, 2014). However, as
144
Schinkel (2018) points out, the UK, Germany and France have never had a common
policy on immigrant integration; integration policies in many countries have been
different from what they were originally intended to denote. Despite this criticism,
other authors (Grip, 2020; von Beyme, 2020) have used the term multiculturalism to
refer to integration policies in some countries, although they have pointed to gradual
retreats from the concept. Kymlicka (2012) argues that the retreat from multicultura-
lism was partly due to the indigenous society's fears that the acceptance of diversity
had “gone too far” and therefore threatened its way of life. This has led to the in-
creasing acceptance of populist, right-wing political movements featuring anti-im-
migration rhetoric.
Thus, since the late 1990s, a model of civic integration has been gaining ground
in Western Europe. According to Goodman (2010), the policy of civic integration
was based on the idea that successful integration into the society of the destination
state of migration depended not only on successful labour market integration (eco-
nomic integration) and civic engagement (political integration) but equally on the in-
dividualʼs relationship to the characteristics that determine national citizenship,
namely linguistic competence, as well as liberal and social values. According to
Joppke (2017), this model is characterized by three elements. First, migration is seen
as a permanent process, thus stopping immigration is no longer the main political
objective of national migration policies. The goal of stopping immigration is usually
articulated by right-wing populists. Rather than asking how to stop migrants, the
question of how to integrate them into society is sought. Integration thus becomes
a central theme in the migration discourse. Second, the model of civic integration is
seen as a retreat from multiculturalism. This has been characterized by some politi-
cal leaders as a flawed model of integration, the consequence of which has been the
creation of parallel societies. Thus, instead of integration, migrants have been mar-
ginalized. The adjective “civic” is meant to signal integration into the mainstream
institutions of society, especially the labour market. Thirdly and finally, according to
Joppke (2017), this model in its initial phase was mainly aimed at undesirable family
migration, mostly from Muslim countries, which constitutes a substantial share of
the migration processes in Western Europe. Perhaps the greatest innovation of civic
integration is to combine immigrant integration with immigration control, which was
previously handled by separate policies.
Given the political conditions that prevented the free movement of labour, there
was no debate similar to that in Western Europe in this geographical area before
1989. After all, in some countries, such as Slovakia, the number of immigrants only
grew after the country joined the European Union. For this reason, the migration dis-
course has been influenced more by the debate on immigration and asylum policy
than on integration (Stojarová, 2019). In the 1990s, however, positive views on mul-
ticulturalism as an integration model appeared sporadically both in Slovakia and, for
example, in the Czech Republic. As in Western Europe, multiculturalism was gradu-
ally rejected in this part of Europe. Here, integration policy issues also began to em-
phasise conditions corresponding to a civic integration model. However, the negati-
145
ve attitudes towards migration of the political elite in the V4 countries (Stojarová,
2018) may be a serious shortcoming of the migration or integration discourse.
Despite the convergence of integration policies, differences in the political dis-
course on integration can be found throughout Europe. The nature of the public dis-
course depends on several aspects, including previous experience with integration,
political goals, the rhetoric of radical political parties, the socio-cultural structure of
migrants, and the performance of the domestic economy. In particular, political rhet-
oric dominated by attitudes that denigrate migrants can have a negative impact on
the integration process (Kontos, 2017). Such discourse has been observed in Slo-
vakia since 2015. Politicians generally present migrants as a security risk (An-
drovičová, 2015; Štefančík et al., 2021; Dulebová et al., 2024). Only since 2023,
when the left-radical populist Robert Fico formed his fourth government in Slo-
vakia, have government politicians started to distinguish between “legal and illegal
migrants”. Thus, if the government presents the opinion that illegal migrants can
work and stay in Slovakia, the government institutions should also address the ques-
tion of what model to choose for their successful integration. Based on the above, it
can be assumed that the model of civic integration is the most relevant. This means
that it is important to focus on teaching the Slovak language, migrants must accept
the legal and political system of Slovakia, as well as its cultural traditions.
Well-integrated foreigners represent an important policy objective for national
governments. However, the features of successful integration are debatable. Ager
and Strang (2008) discuss four key areas of successful integration: integration in the
labour market, housing, education, and health; assumptions and practices regarding
citizenship and rights; processes of social integration into the local community; and
finally, the acquisition of language and cultural practices. Our research was focused
on labour market integration and the circumstances of learning the language of the
host country.
4 OVERVIEW OF MIGRATION DATA
For many years, Slovakia was not one of the typical immigration countries
compared to countries from the western part of Europe (Přívara and Rievajová,
2021); on the contrary, it was considered a country from which people migrated to
other countries, primarily to the Czech Republic (Liďák, 2016; Přívara, 2021). For
several years after its establishment in 1993, Slovakia did not offer enough eco-
nomic, social and political pull factors for faster immigration growth. The number of
migrants started to grow in 2004 when Slovakia joined the European Union. How-
ever, this did not affect the national structure of migrants. Initially, most migrants to
Slovakia came from EU Member States. Until 2018, citizens of EU countries living
in Slovakia accounted for the majority of total foreign migration to Slovakia. How-
ever, in 2018, ten thousand more third-country nationals had residence permits than
citizens of EU Member States. At the end of 2023, the difference between foreign
nationals from Member States and foreign nationals from third countries had risen to
146
200,390 persons (255,898 from third countries, 55,508 from European Union states).
However, this significant difference compared to 2018 is due to the migration of war
refugees from Ukraine. The most numerous nationalities among third-country na-
tionals were Ukrainians (176,522), Serbs (19,045), and Vietnamese (9,082) (BBFP,
2023). The trend shows a year-on-year decrease in citizens of EU origin and in-
crease in third-country nationals. It can be assumed that the number of incoming
third-country nationals will continue to rise in the coming years. Significant percent-
age increases have been recorded for citizens coming from Georgia (from 2,805 in
2022 to 5,217 in 2023) and India (from 1,671 in 2022 to 3,610 in 2023) (BBFP,
2023).
As mentioned above, the largest group of migrants in Slovakia is from Ukraine.
Figure 1 shows the increase in the number of migrants from Ukraine after 2017
when Ukraine concluded a visa-free regime with the EU. Since 2018, there has been
an increase in the number of Ukrainian migrants with valid residence in Slovakia.
This number has been growing significantly since 2022, i.e. after the Russian inva-
sion of Ukraine (BBFP, 2023).
Figure 1 Number of Ukrainians with valid residence in the territory of the Slovak
Republic between 2016 and 2023. Source: BBFP, 2023
147
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
160000
180000
200000
5 RESEARCH RESULTS
It was not easy to interview Ukrainian migrants about their living situation in
Slovakia, as the respondents were often reluctant to share their experiences in detail;
they were secretive, and did not feel comfortable sharing negative experiences, espe-
cially regarding Slovak authorities, institutions or employers. The older respondents
may have had experience with security institutions in the former Soviet Union or in
the transformed regime of the now-independent Ukraine, where one may have been
afraid to divulge information lest it be used against them. Another factor may be the
ongoing war in Ukraine and the pro-Russian part of Slovak society that has reserva -
tions about migrants from Ukraine, regardless of whether they are war refugees or
those who arrived in Slovakia before the Russian invasion.
During the research, we became aware of the limitations of qualitative research
methods. Semi-structured interviews may be a suitable method when researching
more nationalities who have no experience with totalitarian regimes, are more open
to conversation, more communicative and so on. However, qualitative research
methods were beneficial when we wanted to understand the nature of certain issues,
especially more sensitive topics. War was such a topic. Although our research was
not oriented towards this issue, war is present in the lives of Ukrainians living in
Slovakia, and at some point, respondents started to talk about it on their own.
Labour market integration
Immigration significantly impacts the economic situation in the destination
country (Přívara and Rievajová, 2021); therefore, labour market integration forms an
important precondition for integration in general (Demirkol, 2024). The authors
point out that there are differences in the labour market not only between natives and
migrants (Kiner and Štefančík, 2022) but also between different groups of migrants
(Guzi et al., 2023). Our research aimed to determine the extent to which migrants
from Ukraine are integrated into the Slovak labour market.
Given that Ukrainians came to Slovakia primarily as economic migrants, we
were interested in the professions in which they have been able to find employment.
Table 1 shows that they most often occupy jobs that do not require a university de-
gree. It also shows that the number of employed Ukrainians in the territory of the
Slovak Republic with an information card is significantly higher than the number of
employed Ukrainians with an employment permit. Information card holders are not
required to have an employment permit. The information card is submitted to the
competent labour office in whose territorial district the third-country national will be
employed.
Respondents from our qualitative research can be divided into three groups ac -
cording to their professional qualifications. The first group includes highly skilled
persons who work in positions appropriate to their level of education. Foreign firms
and companies have employed them due to their university education and know-
ledge of English and Russian or Ukrainian. A particular subgroup is represented by
doctors whose diplomas have been recognized. The second group is comprised of
148
individuals employed in lower-skilled jobs. It includes persons who have performed
skilled work in Ukraine but are employed in Slovakia in lower-paying jobs or jobs
without the necessary qualifications. This group also includes persons with a univer-
sity degree obtained in Ukraine but who have stayed in Slovakia, working in a low-
skilled job. The third group consists of low-qualified persons who performed similar
work activities in Ukraine but decided to live in Slovakia because of the better salary
conditions and living standards.
Table 1 Number of employed Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic by occupation in 2023
Type of profession with a work permit with an information card
operators and assemblers of machinery and equipment 6 218 8 818
unskilled auxiliary workers 1 082 8 905
skilled workers and craftsmen 1 283 2 194
specialists 616 2 562
technicians and professional workers 249 938
service and trade workers 273 3 603
skilled agricultural, forestry and fishing workers 138 184
administrative workers 109 1 748
legislators and managers 66 218
members of the armed forces 0 0
unspecified occupation 5 98
total 10 039 29 268
Source: Ústredie práce sociálnych vecí a rodiny (2023), own elabouration
In terms of our research on economic integration, we were interested in whether
migrants had to pass specialized exams or undergo additional qualification or re-
training courses before being hired. The interviews revealed that migrants interested
in working in the field of medicine were required to pass a specialized exam. If an
exam or additional certificate was needed for other occupations, the prospective em-
ployer helped them financially to obtain it. Most respondents (except for doctors)
stated that taking the above-mentioned exams or certificates for employment in
Slovakia was unnecessary. Except for medical institutions, most employers did not
require officially translated and notarized university or secondary school diplomas.
We categorized the respondents into three groups based on how they found em-
ployment in Slovakia. The first group includes people who found employment while
still in Ukraine, and came to Slovakia with an already agreed employment contract,
which was preceded by a job interview. Social ties helped some persons to migrants
who were already living in Slovakia. Others found work through internet portals.
The second group includes people who found work only after arriving in Slovakia.
Many of them came to Slovakia for family reunification reasons. In this case, find-
ing a job before arriving in Slovakia was not crucial and occurred at different times,
149
depending on the respondent. This group also included Ukrainians who found jobs
through online job portals or social connections in Slovakia. The third group com-
prised individuals who completed their higher education in Slovakia. As a result,
employers usually do no perceive them as citizens of third countries, but as integ-
rated persons with a good knowledge of Slovak. However, there are still obligations
associated with employment as a third-country national. For example, students can-
not automatically obtain permanent residence after completing five years of studies
in Slovakia and are thus subject to all the obligations for granting temporary resid-
ence.
As discussed in the theoretical section, integration is a two-way process
between the migrant and the autochthonous society (Klarenbeek, 2021). The re-
spondents stated that a friendly, open, non-judgmental working environment also
facilitated integration in society in general. Since they spend a large part of their
waking hours at work, they also develop social contacts there, which influences the
integration process. If a migrant's experience in the workplace is positive, we as-
sume that they will begin to feel accepted in society. This will surely influence their
decision to stay in Slovakia or apply for citizenship, which in most cases leads to
full settlement.
Respondents working for foreign companies feel accepted in the workplace and
do not experience discrimination or negative behaviour from their colleagues. How-
ever, those who work in smaller towns, in Slovak institutions, or at lower-skilled po-
sitions stated that they do not feel accepted by their Slovak colleagues, which makes
integration difficult. However, each of them mentioned that they knew at least one
person who has treated them with understanding and acceptance. Otherwise, they
feel that most of their neighbours look at them with suspicion. Doctors who work in
hospitals in district towns felt the change in the behaviour of a part of Slovak society
after the beginning of the war in Ukraine. The war is discussed in the workplace, but
Ukrainian doctors feel the negative attitude of their colleagues towards their country.
They often hear negative comments about the war and Ukraine:
“It is difficult to work in a department where you don't feel accepted and anti-
Ukrainian views are present.”
Negative attitudes towards war refugees are shared not only by Slovak col-
leagues of Ukrainian doctors but also by patients. However, they have also met
people who treat them politely. We consider it important to note that during the in-
terviews, all of the respondents spoke in positive terms about Slovakia and stressed
the importance of the integration process in becoming part of Slovak society.
Language competence
Having a certain command of the host societyʼs language is an important pre-
requisite for the integration of migrants (Amireault, 2020). Language acquisition fa-
cilitates mobility and helps to develop social networks and social capital in the new
environment (McAreavey, 2017). The increase in the number of migrant workers
150
has a positive impact on the practical aspects of life, affecting not only the cultural
aspects but also the economic aspects, especially the labour market (Alba et al.,
2002). For this reason, we devoted significant attention to this topic in our research.
We designed the questions in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of mi-
grants' attitudes towards language acquisition and how the state regulates this issue.
When asked about the state's assistance in language acquisition, most respondents
felt that the state has not assisted them in any way in language acquisition. The For-
eign Police Department, which is the first point of contact with state institutions for
migrants, does not offer Slovak language courses or publish information about
courses that are usually organized for migrants by NGOs and language schools.
Our research shows that migrants do not have the support of the state in learn-
ing Slovak. Each respondent approached learning Slovak differently, but in most
cases, they attended classes in private language schools. Throughout this process, we
also identified integration issues. After completing several levels of Slovak language
courses, migrants from Ukraine often find the courses insufficient. This is because
Ukrainians tend to learn Slovak faster than migrants from non-Slavic countries.
Consequently, after completing the basic course, Ukrainian migrants tend to discon-
tinue attending language schools. Some respondents took Slovak language courses
in Ukraine or pursued specialized Slovak courses, particularly those in the medical
profession. They also mentioned supplementary learning methods such as reading
books and magazines in Slovak, watching Slovak TV programs, and, in one specific
case, viewing Slovak series, which is especially popular among women. Respon-
dents who formed relationships with individuals from native members of society ex-
perienced the most significant and rapid improvement in language proficiency.
The respondents considered knowledge of Slovak as a priority for their integra-
tion, for obtaining a qualified job and last but not least, for feeling accepted by the
autochthonous society. Ukrainians observed a more welcoming attitude of the
Slovak population after improving their Slovak:
“When I knew Slovak well, people were more polite to me in shops, at the post
office, but also in the hotel where we were on holiday.”
According to the respondents, knowledge of the Slovak at an advanced level is
crucial, especially in contact with the foreign police. After improving their language
skills, Ukrainian migrants reflect the improvement of the behaviour of state officials
and police officers towards them.
A secondary finding in the language section of the interviews was identifying
the difference between Russian and Ukrainian-speaking citizens of Ukraine. Many
immigrants from Ukraine consider Russian as their mother tongue. They come from
the eastern part of Ukraine, where a significant Russian minority with Ukrainian
citizenship also lived before the war. Based on our interviews, we found that
Ukrainians whose native language is Ukrainian, typically come from the western
part of Ukraine, especially the border areas with Slovakia, Poland, and Hungary, and
they learn Slovak more quickly. Grammatically and lexically, they are closer to
151
Slovak than Russian-speaking Ukrainians. Consequently, they acquire vocabulary
and fluency faster and with less effort.
Ukrainian migrants perceive Slovak as a language similar to their own and point
to the quick acquisition of colloquial language, which is necessary in employment.
Slovak employers themselves perceive this language affinity as an advantage when
employing third-country nationals, and prefer to hire Ukrainian migrants. No re-
spondent was turned down for a job because of their Slovak language skills. On the
contrary, they said that the employers themselves noted the similarity of the lan-
guages and assured them that they would learn Slovak during their employment:
“My employer didn't consider it a problem that I didnʼt speak Slovak. He said
that eventually, I would learn it just by working. He paid for my Slovak course, and
I slowly started learning the language.”
Our research shows that some jobs require a certain level of language profi-
ciency, especially in writing, such as working with court translators, administrative
work in embassies, offices, and government institutions of the Slovak Republic, and
education.
Socio-cultural aspects of integration
Academics often address the issue of socio-cultural integration in their texts.
According to Ersanilli and Koopmans (2010: 773), “socio-cultural integration is
measured by host-country identification, proficiency and use of the host country lan-
guage, and interethnic social contacts”. This raises the question of the extent to
which migrants should adopt the cultural patterns of the host-country society and the
extent to which they should retain their own. Too much cultural integration can be
detrimental to a migrant’s subjective well-being, and in terms of the loss of cultural
diversity (from the perspective of host countries) and global connectedness (from
the perspective of both host and home countries) (Norris and Inglehart, 2019).
The interviews showed that Ukrainian migrants themselves do not perceive
huge cultural differences between Slovak and Ukrainian society:
“If I donʼt go into details, there are almost no cultural differences, we are very
similar nations, with similar behaviour.”
The respondents do not see differences in religion, although the majority identi-
fied as Eastern Orthodox (only one respondent identified as Greek Orthodox). They
accentuated the similarity with Catholic or Protestant denominations, as despite dif-
ferences in the celebration of religious holidays, they are based on the same religion.
They have not experienced any restriction from the indigenous society in the obser-
vance of religious practices, as most of them do not follow Eastern Orthodox prac-
tices. Some respondents attend Catholic churches precisely because of their single
religion. Respondents whose children attend Slovak schools or kindergartens have
gradually adopted Slovak religious practices:
152
“Our holidays are different, but because of our son we try to celebrate Slovak
holidays in the same way, because his classmates also celebrate Slovak Christmas.”
The research shows that the respondents try to preserve cultural (religious)
practices, but they also try to adapt to an autochthonous society for the sake of their
children.
They often pointed out that they share common values with Slovaks:
“I didnʼt notice that much difference. You are very family-oriented, as are we.
You go to church – even in the capital – you have similar behaviour, you attend
church services and have similar religious traditions. In our big cities, there are no
practising believers.”
All of the respondents reported the same perception of the importance of family
relationships. They pointed to the closed nature of Slovak society, sensitive to the
expansion of their "social circle" and the complexity of finding social ties. When
asked about cultural identity, they often perceived Slovak society as European:
“Maybe you are less open and more distant, but thatʼs not only in Slovakia, but
also in Europe.”
They also described the values and behavioural features of Slovak society as
European. The interviews revealed that Ukrainians perceived Slovakia as a full-
fledged European country, but they did not speak of Ukraine as part of Europe.
6 DISCUSSION
Based on qualitative research, we concluded that Ukrainian migrants have the
prerequisites to integrate well into Slovak society. They can integrate rapidly into
the labour market, and due to the similarity between the Ukrainian and Slovak lan-
guages, they can quickly grasp basic social contexts. Another crucial aspect of
Ukrainian integration is the similarity in cultural, behavioural patterns and traditions,
especially those associated with the celebration of religious holidays. Thus, employ-
ing migrants from Ukraine could alleviate the labour shortage in the market.
However, the integration of migrants is a two-way process. A successful inte-
gration process also depends on the attitude of the local population towards migrants
in general and towards a particular allochthonous group. This is a problem that can
represent a significant obstacle to the integration of migrants in general, and not only
of Ukrainian migrants. The Slovak political elite has articulated the issue of migra-
tion in an extremely negative manner and has long focused on the negative impacts
of migration on host-country societies. The negative attitude of the Slovak political
elite towards migrants is also reflected in the public discourse on migration, which is
dominated by caution, distrust, criticism, rejection of migrants, or the perception of
153
migrants as a threat to the population's security (Androvičová, 2015; Štefančík et al.,
2021). Although the securitization of migration in Slovak political discourse is
primarily associated with migration from African and Middle Eastern countries, se-
curity concerns have also been identified in the debate on the migration of war
refugees from Ukraine (Mantoğlu and Üste, 2023).
The results of our research correspond with the findings presented by the Mi-
grant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) portal. MIPEX analyses eight areas of in-
tegration policy in several countries, including Slovakia: access to the labour market,
family reunification, education, political participation, obtaining permanent resi-
dence, health, and anti-discrimination. Due to the relevance and rigor of its indica-
tors, MIPEX has been recognized as a quick reference guide across Europe. Policy-
makers, NGOs, researchers, and European and international institutions use MIPEX
data not only to understand and compare national integration policies but also to im-
prove the integration standards in a particular country.
MIPEX (2020) classifies the Slovak approach to integration as “equality on pa -
per” and points out that immigrants in Slovakia have basic rights and security but
not equal opportunities. According to MIPEX, Slovakia needs to devote more atten-
tion to its integration policy and improve the government's approach, as its decisions
can influence whether integration will be a two-way process or not. MIPEX has ob-
served that statements by Slovak politicians encourage the public perception of im-
migrants as foreigners rather than as future citizens. They see education, political
participation, and access to the labour market as the most neglected areas of integra-
tion policy in Slovakia. Our research shows that Ukrainian migrants can quickly
enter the labour market, although the government continues to impose many bureau-
cratic barriers to employing them. Well-integrated Ukrainians are also a prerequisite
for good integration of Ukrainian war refugees who arrived in Slovakia after 2022.
The experience of other countries shows that an essential prerequisite for successful
integration is sufficient opportunities to find suitable accommodation and employ-
ment, as well as to ensure school attendance for their children (Haase et al., 2024).
7 CONCLUSION
The main aim of our research was to determine the extent to which migrants
from Ukraine have integrated into Slovak society. We focused on the economic and
cultural aspects of integration. Based on qualitative research in the form of semi-
structured interviews, we can conclude that migrants from Ukraine are an easily in-
tegrated allochthonous migrant group. Due to the proximity of the language and cul -
tural patterns of behaviour, but also based on the current demand for labour, Ukrain-
ians, as the largest group of migrants living in Slovakia, are well integrated.
The economic immigration of Ukrainians is supported by good economic indi-
cators. Although the Slovak economy has problems with public debt, there is a de-
mand for low-skilled labour, where many Ukrainian migrants are employed. The
economic integration of migrants from third countries is complicated by bureau-
154
cratic conditions. In this text, we have drawn attention to the bureaucratic process of
reporting vacancies to the Labour Office if an employer is interested in employing
a third-country national in this position. However, the respondents included low-
skilled workers but also doctors, university teachers, and skilled employees of large
international firms. Their position in the labour market is less complicated, but for
some jobs the state does not show enough effort in eliminating the accompanying
problems. This includes the bureaucratic process associated with the recognition of
university diplomas, particularly in the case of doctors.
Migrants from Ukraine are also well integrated in terms of cultural patterns of
behaviour. The interviews revealed that they perceive their cultural identity as close
to that of Slovaks; many of them observe similar religious customs and traditions,
and they describe their values as similar to or the same as Slovak ones.
The ability to speak the language of the indigenous society plays an important
role in integration. Migrants from Ukraine consider Ukrainian to be close to Slovak.
Many respondents reported that they learn Slovak much faster in private Slovak lan-
guage courses than migrants from other countries. Ukrainians whose mother tongue
is Russian have a more complicated path in acquiring the Slovak language. How-
ever, since it is also a Slavic language, language acquisition is faster than it is for
migrants from non-Slavic countries.
However, integration is a two-way process; it depends not only on the migrants
but also on the approach of the citizens of the destination country as well as state in-
stitutions. This has been identified as the weakest point in integrating migrants into
Slovak society. Migration discourse in Slovakia is still under the influence of nega-
tive emotions presented by Slovak politicians after the 2015/2016 migration wave.
Some Slovak politicians have a critical or even negative view of migration; in the
case of the discussion on migration agreements at the European Union level, they
present a reserved or dismissive approach. Thus, openness towards migrants is still
not a feature of migration discourse in Slovakia. However, we have seen some
changes. Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico is beginning to distinguish between
legal and illegal migrants. He believes that legal migration could solve labour short-
ages in some industries. It cannot, therefore, be ruled out that over time, as the num -
ber of migrants with legal residence in Slovakia grows, the state will start to become
more intent on integration policy.
Acknowledgements
This paper was written within the framework of the VEGA Project 1/0075/24
“Political discourse in Slovakia in the context of the war in Ukraine” and APVV-
23-0040 “Migration Discourse in the V4 Countries from the Perspective of Political
Linguistics”.
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Skúsenosti ukrajinských migrantov s integráciou na Slovensku
Súhrn
Obyvatelia pôvodom z Ukrajiny tvoria najväčšiu skupinu migrantov žijúcich
na Slovensku. Pre svoju kultúrnu a jazykovú príbuznosť by mali predstavovať ľah-
ko integrovateľnú skupinu migrantov. Hoci politici prezentujú záujem o implemen-
táciu takých zákonov, ktoré integráciu Ukrajincov budú podporovať, existuje
mnoho prekážok v ich integrácii. Našim cieľom je identifikovať dôležité oblasti
v procese integrácie migrantov žijúcich na Slovensku. Zaujíma nás, ako sú ukrajin-
skí migranti integrovaní na trhu práce a do spoločnosti a akým spôsobom reflektujú
prístup štátu k začleňovaniu migrantov do spoločnosti na príklade svojej vlastnej si-
tuácii. Vychádzame z predpokladu, že ukrajinskí migranti, vzhľadom na geografic-
kú blízkosť, náboženskú blízkosť (pravoslávie ako súčasť kresťanstva), blízkosť
jazyka a príbuznosť kultúr a v neposlednom rade vekovú štruktúru predstavujú ľah-
ko integrovateľnú skupinu migrantov. Na získanie dát sme použili kvalitatívnu
metódu formou semištruktúrovaných osobných rozhovory s 25 ukrajinskými mig-
rantmi. Vybratí boli takí migranti, ktorí prišli na Slovensko ešte pred ruskou invázi-
ou na Ukrajiny, to znamená, že neprišli na Slovensko ako vojnoví utečenci. Otázky
sme najskôr otestovali v rámci pilotného testovania na vzorke piatich Ukrajincov.
Práve pilotné testovanie malo za účel vyhodnotiť okruhy otázok za relevantné pre
náš výskum, prípadne doplniť už vopred pripravené okruhy a otázky o témy, ktoré
v pilotnom testovaní neboli zahrnuté. Rozhovory sme realizovali v časovom období
medzi aprílom 2023 a augustom 2023, teda v predchádzajúcom legislatívnom obdo-
bí. V našom výskume všetci oslovení Ukrajinci prišli na Slovensko ešte pred ruskou
inváziou na Ukrajinu. Dôležitý kritériom pri výbere respondenta bola dĺžka obdobia
pobytu na Slovensku, a to po dobu minimálne jedného roka. Témy rozhovoru sme
koncipovali tak, aby sa dotkli všetkých oblastí integrácie migrantov, vrátane inte-
grácie na trhu práce, ovládanie jazyka autochtónnej spoločnosti, prijatia kultúry au-
tochtónnej spoločnosti, zabezpečenie ubytovania, skúsenosť migrantov so štátnymi,
či verejnými inštitúciami, pocit bezpečia v cieľovej krajine, ako aj prijatie migranta
domácou spoločnosťou. Na základe realizovaného kvalitatívneho výskumu sme do-
speli k záveru, že ukrajinskí migranti sú na Slovensku dobre integrovaní. Dokážu sa
158
veľmi rýchlo zorientovať na trhu práce, vďaka podobnosti ukrajinského a sloven-
ského jazyka dokážu veľmi rýchlo chápať základné súvislosti. Ekonomickú migrá-
ciu Ukrajincov podporujú dobré ekonomické ukazovatele. Hoci Slovensko má
problémy s verejným dlhom, existuje dopyt po nízko kvalifikovanej pracovnej sile.
Dôležitý aspekt pri integrácii ukrajinských migrantov je príbuznosť kultúrnych
vzorcov správania, podobné tradície spojené s oslavou významným náboženských
sviatkov. Z rozhovorov vyplynulo, že respondenti vnímajú svoju kultúrnu identitu
ako blízku slovenskej, mnohí z nich dodržiavajú podobné náboženské zvyky
a tradície ako slovenská spoločnosť, svoje hodnoty označujú ako podobné alebo
rovnaké so slovenskými. Integrácia migrantov je však obojstranný proces. To
znamená, že za úspešným integračným procesom je aj postoj domáceho obyvateľ-
stva k migrantom vo všeobecnosti, prípadne k určitej alochtónnej skupine. A práve
tu identifikujeme problém, ktorý môže pôsobiť ako signifikantná prekážka integrá-
cie nielen ukrajinských migrantov. Slovenská politická elita uchopila otázku migrá-
cie mimoriadne negatívne a dlhé obdobie presviedčala obyvateľov Slovenska
v prvom rade o negatívnych dopadoch migrácie na spoločnosti hostiteľských krajín.
Otvorenosť k migrantom tak na Slovensku stále nie znakom migračného diskurzu.
159
