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This book will be welcomed by many readers. It places relations with the lands to
the south at the heart of its interpretation of the Northern World. Late Romanists
and historians of the post‑Roman West will gain a new understanding of the signi‑
cance of the North and its connections with continental Europe.
Ian Wood, University of Leeds
Skre has written a monumental history of Scandinavia AD 180–550 by analys‑
ing archaeological remains, epigraphy, historical narratives, and place names. His
work is challenging and thought‑provoking and will be a natural starting point
for discussions about the sociopolitical order of Iron‑Age Scandinavia in years to
come.
Anders Andrén, Stockholm University
In this brilliant book, Skre turns his knowledge of social development to the ill‑
dened centuries well before the Viking Age. Developing novel approaches and
analysing a wide scope of evidence, he shows how and why Scandinavian societies
were set on the course that eventually resulted in the Viking achievements.
Jesse Byock, UCLA and Háskóli Íslands
THE NORTHERN ROUTES
TO KINGSHIP
This book argues that tribal Scandinavia was set on the route to kingship by the
arrival in the AD 180s–90s of warrior groups that were dismissed from the Roman
army after defeating the Marcomanni by the Danube.
Using a range of evidence, this book details how well‑equipped and battle‑
seasoned warriors, familiar with Roman institutions and practices, seized land
and established lordly centres. It shows how these new lords acquired wealth by
stimulating the production of commodities for trade with peers and Continental
associates, Romans included, to reward retainers and bestow on partners. In these
transcultural circumstances, lords and their retainers nurtured artisanal production
of exquisite quality and developed a heroic ethos and rened hall etiquette. The
topic of warfare, created by the volatile politics of lordly cooperation and competi‑
tion, is also explored. Venturing substantially beyond the usual scope of syntheses
of this period, this book looks at how the break‑up of the Western Roman Empire
and the rise of ‘Great tribes’ such as the Franks and Goths inuenced lords and
tribal leaders across Scandinavia to form kingdoms, emulating what they for cen‑
turies had considered the superior polity, the Roman Empire.
This book’s fresh take on disputed research topics will inspire scholars, stu‑
dents, and interested readers to delve further into this pivotal period of European
history.
Dagnn Skre is professor at the Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo.
Over the last 40 years, he has researched several aspects of Iron‑Age, Viking, and
Medieval Scandinavia, including political, economic, ecclesiastical, urban, and
monetary history. His publications include multi‑volume series on the Viking town
Kaupang and the kingly manor Avaldsnes.
THE NORTHERN ROUTES
TO KINGSHIP
A History of Scandinavia AD180–550
Dagfinn Skre
Designed cover image: Gold bracteate type C from Funen (IK 58).
Photo: A Fellow Editor/Wikimedia Commons (CC‑BY‑SA 3.0)
First published 2025
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2025 Dagnn Skre
The right of Dagnn Skre to be identied as author of this work has been asserted in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identication and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing‑in‑Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 9781138831377 (hbk)
ISBN: 9781138831384 (pbk)
ISBN: 9781003543053 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003543053
Unless stated otherwise in gure captions, maps in this book have been prepared using
these two resources:
Data from the European Union’s Copernicus Land Monitoring Service information:
https://doi.org/10.5270/ESA‑c5d3d65;
https://doi.org/10.2909/960998c1‑1870‑4e82‑8051‑6485205ebbac
Data on rivers, lakes, and oceans from Natural Earth:
https://www.naturalearthdata.com/
Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
List of Figures xv
List of Tables xix
Abbreviations xx
Preface xxi
Acknowledgements xxvi
Introduction 1
I.1 Scandinavia: A Brief Introduction 5
I.1.1 Topography, Settlement, and Routes 6
I.1.2 Climate 9
I.2 Scandinavia’s Remoteness: A Scholarly Trope 9
I.3 Scandinavia and Beyond 12
I.4 The Main Argument of this Book 13
I.5 A Brief Guide to Readers 14
I.6 Some Key Terms 15
PART I
Coming to Grips with Early Kingship 19
Chapters 1 to 3 19
1 Post‑1970 Kingship Studies: How to Proceed? 21
1.1 Explaining Kingship: Motivations and Opportunities,
Structures, and Systems 23
CONTENTS
viii Contents
1.1.1 Methodological Individualism 24
1.2 The Weakness of Systemic Explanations 27
1.3 Pragmatic and Eclectic Use of Theories 30
2 Rulers and Polities: Tribes, Lordships, and Kingdoms 32
2.1 Dealing with the Pre‑1945 Germanistik Legacy 34
2.2 Ethnicity: The Post‑1990 Debate on Germanic Peoples 37
2.2.1 An Evanescent Situational Construct? 40
2.2.2 The Case of the Longobards 42
2.3 Ethnicity: A Probabilistic and Empirical Approach 46
2.3.1 Identity: Embodied, Negotiated, and Situational 47
2.3.2 Tribes: Ethnicity and Groups 49
2.3.3 Tribes: Organic and Political Cohesion 53
2.4 Rulers and Polities: dux and rex – þiudans, dróttinn,
and *kuninga‑ 56
2.5 The Military Origin of Kingship: The Retinue 60
3 Religiously Derived Ethics: A Societal Perspective 63
3.1 The Societal Role of Religion: Hierarchies and
Legitimacy 66
3.1.1 Weber: Ethics and Legitimacy 67
3.1.2 Weber: Meaning, Values, and Verstehen 68
3.1.3 Human Ethics: An Evolutionary Perspective 69
3.1.4 Hierarchies: Authority and Subversion 73
3.1.5 Hierarchy and Heterarchy, Agency and Power 76
3.1.6 Conclusions: Ethics and Meaning, Agency and
Power 80
3.1.7 Conclusions: Legitimacy and Religion 83
3.2 The Heroic Warrior Ethos: Beowulf 84
3.2.1 Beowulf: A Scandinavian Song of the Mid‑6th
Century 86
3.2.2 Beowulf Scholarship: An Afterthought 94
3.2.3 The Conguration of Heroism 95
3.2.4 Beowulf and History 100
3.2.5 Loyalty 104
3.2.6 Revenge 105
3.2.7 Virtuous Heroism 107
3.2.8 Conclusions: The Ethea of Warriors, Lords, and
Kings 109
3.3 Addendum: Historical Disciplines and Contemporary
Concerns 113
Contents ix
PART II
The Military Twist: Armies, Lords, and Retainers
(AD180–450) 119
Chapters 4 to 6 120
4 Warriors and Traders 122
4.1 The Military Twist – Two Hypotheses 123
4.1.1 The Southern Scandinavian Armament
Deposits 125
4.1.2 A Roman Arms‑Trading Network? 134
4.1.3 A Strategy for Adjudicating between the Two
Hypotheses 134
4.2 The Chronology of Denarii in Northern
Barbaricum 135
4.2.1 Denarii: Dating their Crossing of the Limes and
Arrival in Scandinavia 137
4.2.2 Hoarding and Circulation in Scandinavia: A
Larger Picture 141
4.3 Scandinavia’s Earliest Monetisation 142
4.3.1 What Is Money and Monetisation? 143
4.3.2 Lessons from the Viking‑Age Use of Islamic
Dirhams 146
4.3.3 Paying with Denarii in Scandinavia 149
4.3.4 Silver Coins in Soldiers’ Purses 152
4.3.5 Coin Use in the Illerup A Army’s
Homelands 157
4.4 Scandinavian Finds of Denarii: Summing Up and
Moving on 158
4.4.1 Warrior Graves and Roman Items 160
4.4.2 Earning Denarii 169
4.4.3 Recruiting Germani 172
4.5 Three Prominent Sites in Southern Scandinavia 175
4.5.1 Gudme: The Central Settlement 178
4.5.2 Scandinavian Halls: Cult Houses, Residences, or
Both? 180
4.5.3 Gudme: The Smaller Building 182
4.5.4 Gudme: The Larger Building 182
4.5.5 Three Prominent Sites: A Lord and his
Retainers 184
4.6 Conclusions 190
x Contents
4.6.1 Scandinavians in the Roman Army’s Regular
and Irregular Units 192
4.6.2 A Military Web of Long‑Distance Trade
Routes 194
4.6.3 The Illerup A Army: Headed for Service as an
Irregular Unit in the Roman Army 197
5 Kinsmen and Strangers 201
5.1 Forms of Military Organisation 204
5.1.1 Armies, Retinues, and Kindred 206
5.2 Puzzling Men from under a Rock 210
5.2.1 Heroic Germanic Personal Names 210
5.2.2 Meaningful Names or Mere Variation? 212
5.2.3 Personal Names and Social Status 214
5.2.4 Guests and other Strangers 215
5.2.5 Nicknames, Epithets, Shibboleths, and
Sobriquets 220
5.3 Personal Names in Armament Deposits 225
5.3.1 Warrior Names and Nicknames 230
5.3.2 The Tone of the Nicknames 231
5.4 Conclusions: Sworn Men and Kin 234
6 Settling and Sustaining the Men 238
6.1 Tribal and Lordly Land Rights 238
6.2 Settling Armies in Central Scandinavia 242
6.3 Personal Names Carved in Stone and Perpetuated
in Settlement Names 247
6.3.1 Reconsidering the Assumed Retainer
Names 249
6.4 TheSocialSignicanceofRunestones 253
6.4.1 Dening the Sample: Commemoration and
Gender 254
6.4.2 The Epigraphic Habit 256
6.4.3 Runic Epitaphs: Whom Do They Name? 260
6.5 Claiming the Land 265
6.5.1 The Nine Early Epitaphs: The Names 266
6.5.2 The Nine Early Epitaphs: The Sites 269
6.6 Conclusions: Lordly Polities and Land Rights 277
6.6.1 Settling Men by Routes 277
6.6.2 Lordly and Tribal Land Rights 278
Contents xi
PART III
Obtaining Wealth for Gifts and Rewards
(AD180–450) 283
Rewarding the Men 283
Shaping Hall Life 289
Creating ‘Rome in the North’? 293
Chapters 7 to 10 295
7 Long‑Distance Routes and Relations 298
7.1 Scandinavia: The Northern Routes 298
7.1.1 The Signicance of Sailing Routes: Avaldsnes
by the Norvegr 301
7.1.2 Lessons from the Norvegr 307
7.2 Western Routes to the Continent 309
7.2.1 From Scandinavia to the Rhine 309
7.3 Eastern Routes to the Continent 316
7.3.1 From Gotland to Goths 317
7.3.2 From Gudme to Goths 319
7.4 Exchange Modes and Matters – Scandinavia
and the Continent AD 180–450 324
8 Iron from the Woodlands 329
8.1 Dating Production and Calculating Output of
Bloomery Sites 330
8.2 Iron Production in Trøndelag 333
8.3 Iron Production in Jämtland from the 3rd Century
Onwards 335
8.4 Iron Trade and Consumption 339
8.5 Lordly Control of Iron Production and Trade 347
9 Arctic Wildlife Commodities 354
9.1 The Peculiar Economy of Hålogaland 357
9.2 From the 3rd Century BC to the 2nd AD: Hålogaland
Disconnected 359
9.3 The 3rd Century AD: Warriors and Envoys 361
9.4 Norsemen and Sámi 365
9.5 The Rogaland–Hålogaland Connection 367
9.6 Setting Up the 3rd‑ to 4th‑Century Arctic Trade 374
9.7 Rogaland Immigrants in Hålogaland? 380
xii Contents
10 Raiding for Slaves 383
10.1 Roman and Scandinavian Slavery in the 1st to 4th
Centuries AD 384
10.1.1 Germanic Slaves in the Roman Empire 384
10.1.2 Slavery in Scandinavia 385
10.2 Hillforts in Scandinavia in the 3rd to Mid‑6th
Centuries AD 386
10.2.1 Lordly and Tribal, Coastal and Inland 389
10.3 Conclusions 393
PART IV
Olden Ways, New Beginnings (AD180–500) 395
Chapters 11 and 12 396
11 Wealth and Warfare: The Precarious Politics of Lordship 397
11.1 Tribes and Lordships: A Summary 398
11.2 Militarised Tribes: Öland and Gotland 401
11.3 Sociopolitical Currents in the Age of Lords
(AD 180–450) 407
11.3.1 The Forming of Great Tribes 407
11.3.2 Scandinavia: OfcinaGentium – The
Workshop that Produces Tribes 410
11.3.3 Centre and Periphery, Tribes and
Lordships 412
11.4 An Age of Prosperity and Strife (AD 180–450) 417
11.4.1 Lordly Coopetition 417
11.4.2 Multiparty Wars: Unstable Alliances and a
Permanent State of War 419
11.4.3 Warfare AD 180–450: Ebbs and Floods,
Neighbouring and Long‑Distance
Adversaries 423
11.4.4 Warfare AD 180–450: Political Campaigns
Against long‑Distance Adversaries 431
11.4.5 Conclusions: Rivalry and Warfare,
Cooperation and Equilibrium
AD 180–450 437
12 The Transformative 5th Century 441
12.1 The 5th Century in the West: From Romans to
Franks 442
12.2 AD 450–90: The Gold Rush from the Southeast 445
Contents xiii
PART V
Building the Kingdom (AD450–550) 451
The Emergence of Kingship – A Provisional Sketch 451
Chapters 13 to 15 457
13 Swearing in the Men 459
13.1 The Scandinavian Gold Bracteates 461
13.1.1 Scandinavian Bracteates and their Roman
Models 466
13.1.2 Religious Amulets of Political Media? 469
13.1.3 Names of Lords, Rulers, and Gods 472
13.1.4 Conclusions: The Sociopolitical Meanings
and Functions of Bracteates 476
13.2 The Political Geography of Scandinavia
c. AD 450–550 479
13.2.1 Interpreting Bracteate Distribution 482
13.2.2 Distribution 1: Bracteates in Graves and
Hoards 484
13.2.3 Distributions 2 to 4: Die‑Identical Bracteates,
Formula Families, and Production
Techniques 486
13.2.4 Conclusions: Realms and Institutions of
Kingship 491
14 Granting the Land 493
14.1 From Draugr to Húskarl and Hirðmaðr 494
14.2 Kingly Land Transfers in Beowulf 495
14.3 Army Commanders, Spearmen, and Protectors 498
14.3.1 Appellatives or Personal Names? 499
14.3.2 Personal Names in ‑lev Names 500
14.3.3 The ‑lev Settlements 505
14.3.4 Conclusions: Yielding the Land 507
15 Kingship in the Heroic Age 514
15.1 Chadwick and Renfrew: Evolution and Polity
Transformations 515
15.2 Kingship among the Danir 518
15.3 Culture and Society: Kingship in Central and
Northern Scandinavia 521
15.3.1 The Conuence of Tribes and Lordships 523
15.3.2 Names of Territorial Polities: Tribes or
Kingdoms? 528
xiv Contents
15.3.3 The Origin of the First Kings 530
15.3.4 The Stability of kingship and Realms,
AD 450–550 536
15.4 Explaining Kingship: Inter‑Polity Interaction 538
15.4.1 Kingship in Scandinavia: An Adaption
to Economic Change? 538
15.4.2 Kingship in Scandinavia: Economy, Culture,
or Both? 543
15.4.3 Negotiating Economy and Culture 546
15.5 Kingship in Scandinavia: A Renaissance 549
15.6 Contesting or Perpetuating Rome? 550
15.6.1 The Availability of 4th‑ to 5th‑Century solidi
in Mid‑5th‑Century Scandinavia 553
15.6.2 Conclusions: Emulating Rome 555
15.6.3 Conclusions: Leaving the Orbit of Rome 558
15.7 The Longue Durée of Scandinavian Kingship 560
15.7.1 Scandinavia AD 536–50: Two Black
Swans 561
15.7.2 Scandinavia: One, Three, or Many? 563
Epilogue: Colonialist and Emic Approaches 569
This Book: An Attempt at an Emic Approach 572
Notes 575
Bibliography 590
Name index 659
Index of topics etc. 665
1 The Hogganvik rune stone xxii
2 The main regions and sailing routes of Scandinavia (main map)
and the division into southern, central, and northern Scandinavia
(smaller map) 4
3 Satelite photo of Scandinavia 8
4 The three main dialect branches that split from Proto Germanic
some time before the turn of the 1st millennium BC/AD 16
5 Map of tribal territories in early 1st millennium Scandinavia 39
6 The three ‘golden collars’ found in Scandinavia 64
7 Four Thracian warriors and Orpheus in Greek vase painting from
c. 440 BC 112
8 An early 3rd‑century warrior grave from Brunsberg, Toten in
Opplandene 124
9 Excavation photo from the Illerup Ådal armament deposit 126
10 Finds from Illerup Ådal after conservation 127
11 Map of the zone where the armies that had their armament
deposited in south‑ Scandinavian lakes originated in the early to
mid‑3rd century (period C1b) 131
12 Map of the zone where the armies that had their armament
deposited in south‑ Scandinavian lakes originated in the late 3rd to
early 4th centuries (period C2) 132
13 Map of sites where armaments were deposited in the late 4th to the
late 5th centuries (periods C3–D1) 133
14 Finds of denarii in Scandinavia 136
15 The copper‑alloy ttings, buckle, and mounts for a belt from the
Illerup A deposit 153
FIGURES
xvi Figures
16 Map of warrior graves in periods B1–B2 (c. AD 1–160) 162
17 Map of warrior graves in periods C1–C2 (c. AD 160–320) 164
18 Map of nds of Roman items in Scandinavia in periods B1–B2
(c. AD 1–160) 165
19 Map of nds of Roman items in Scandinavia in periods C1–C3
(c. AD 160–400) 166
20 A reconstruction of the central residence in Gudme from the late
3rd to the early 5th centuries 179
21 The layout of the Uppåkra settlement cluster 189
22 The general layout of a Roman auxilia camp, castrum stativum,
from the Imperial Period 191
23 Map of the distribution of warrior graves with and without swords
in four districts in Opplandene in periods B2–D1 (AD 70–450) 207
24 A silver shield handle from the Illerup A deposit 226
25 An early 4th‑century sword sheath from the Nydam deposit 227
26 A reconstruction of the village in Hove, Jæren, Rogaland in the
1st to 2nd centuries AD 244
27 A reconstruction of the lordly settlement in Hove from around
AD 200 244
28 A reconstruction of the unique sunken c. 700 square‑metre
courtyard at Hove 245
29 Gold arm ring and nger ring from a mid–late 3rd‑century
cremation grave at Hove 246
30 Map of the distribution of pre‑AD 550 runic inscriptions on stone 248
31 Map of commitatus settlement names along the coast of Ranrike 272
32 Map of settlements with epitaphs along the south‑westernmost
coast of the Scandinavian Peninsula 274
33 The marble epitaph in the columbarium of the Voconia family in
the Roman Colonia of Augusta Emerita (present‑day Merida, Spain) 285
34 The gold hoard from Bjurs on Gotland 286
35 The mid‑3rd‑century golden neck ring from Flaghaug Grave 2 at
Avaldsnes, Rogaland 288
36 The mid‑3rd‑century golden nger ring from Flaghaug Grave 2 at
Avaldsnes, Rogaland 289
37 A Roman glass vessel that inspired the shape of a Scandinavian
table‑pottery vessel 292
38 Map of the Norvegr, the sailing route along the western coast of
the Scandinavian Peninsula 299
39 The site of the 3rd–6th‑century lordly settlement at Avaldsnes 301
40 Map of monumental grave mounds dating from the early Bronze
Age to the Viking Age near Avaldsnes 303
41 Avaldsnes as it might have appeared from an approaching ship in
the 3rd to 5th centuries 305
Figures xvii
42 Map of 1st‑ to 4th‑century gold nds in Scandinavia by weight
per parish 306
43 Roman copper‑alloy vessels of the type called Westland cauldrons,
retrieved in Rogaland 310
44 The chronology of interment in Scandinavia of the two main
classes of Westland cauldrons 311
45 Map of the distribution of Westland‑cauldron nds in Scandinavia 312
46 Map of the distribution of Westland‑cauldron nds on the
Continent and in Britain 313
47 Map of the distribution of the glass‑vessel type called ‘230’ by
Hans Jürgen Eggers (1951) 323
48 Map of hillforts, woodlands with iron extraction sites, and 1st‑ to
2nd‑century warrior graves in Trøndelag 334
49 Estimated quantities of iron produced annually in Trøndelag and
Jämtland c. AD 100–600 336
50 Map of settlements, warrior graves, hillforts, and production sites
in parts of Ångermanland, Medelpad, and Jämtland 338
51 The largest deposit of spade‑shaped iron billets, found in Månsta
by Storsjön lake in Jämtland 343
52 Map of the distribution of spade‑shaped and rod‑ or scythe‑shaped
iron billets 344
53 Map of courtyard sites, warrior graves, and hillforts in 3rd‑ to
4th‑century Hålogaland 358
54 Map of nds of 107 brooches from the late 2nd to the 4th centuries
in Rogaland and southern Hordaland 369
55 Map of nds of late 2nd‑ to 4th‑century gold, weaponry, and
Continental glass and copper‑alloy vessels in Rogaland and
southern Hordaland 373
56 Map of the c. 1,750 hillforts in Scandinavia 387
57 Aerial view of the Broborg hillfort in Uppland 389
58 View from the Storaberget hillfort, Sandnes in Rogaland 390
59 Map of armament deposition sites and the sea‑defence work
on Funen 425
60 The four sites with ten armament depositions on Funen, dated to
AD 180–460, the likely origin of the armies, and their minimum
number of warriors 433
61 Gold hoard of Roman solidus coins, nger rings, and bullion,
retrieved in Spångebro, Öland, weighing about 82 grams 446
62 A gold bracteate type C from an unknown location on Funen 463
63 The early 6th‑century Fuglesangsager hoard from Sorte Muld,
Bornholm 481
64 An attempt to reconstruct a necklace from the bracteates from the
Fuglesangsager hoard 483
xviii Figures
65 Map of the distribution of sites where bracteates have been found
in graves and hoards, respectively 485
66 Map of nd spots of bracteates in Axboe’s chronological group
H1, AD 450–475 487
67 Map of Scandinavian nd spots of bracteates in Axboe’s
chronological groups H2, AD 475–500, and H3, AD 500–530 488
68 Scandinavia’s largest preserved gold hoard from the period
AD 400–550, retrieved from Timboholm in Västergötland 497
69 Map of settlement names in Scandinavia ending with ‑lev 506
70 Map of the 33 ‑lev settlements on Funen 511
71 Map of the distribution of selected types of dress accessories
AD 400–450 (period D1) 524
72 Map of the distribution of selected types of dress accessories
AD 450–500 (period D2a) 525
73 Map of the distribution of selected types of dress accessories
AD 500–550 (period D2b) 531
74 The reconstructed 7th‑century longhouse with a central hall section
in Borg in Lofoten, Hålogaland 537
75 Map of the distribution of four major constellations of dress
accessories in Scandinavia AD 550–650 565
1 Terms for chronological periods applied in this book 17
2 The 14 personal names in 11 inscriptions on weapons and other
types of armament from the deposits in southern Scandinavia 228
3 Occurrence of endings in the total corpus of 104 pre‑AD 550
dithematic personal names in runic inscriptions, in ‑lev names,
and in Beowulf 250
4 Datings of the pre‑AD 550 runic inscriptions with the 11
dithematic personal names with endings that appear to specify
individual relationships 251
5 Dithematic names in raised‑stone inscriptions 261
6 Dithematic names in Beowulf with last elements that also occur in
names in runic raised‑stone inscriptions 262
7 The 17 occurrences of monothematic names in 15 runic
inscriptions on raised stones 263
8 The chronological distribution of the four types of the runic
inscriptions in stone 267
9 Personal names on the 9 epitaphs from AD 160–450 268
10 The 17 personal names on bracteates 464
11 The 27 names of warriors and male members of the kingly kin in
Beowulf 473
12 The 39 rst elements in the 51 dithematic personal names in ‑lev
settlement names 501
13 The 15 monothematic names in ‑lev settlement names 502
TABLES
* Precedes a word or a stage of language development that is not attested
in writing but reconstructed from more recent evidence
AM Archaeological Museum, University of Stavanger
Da. Danish
Germ. German
IK [no.] Refers to the corpus of bracteates published by Axboe and Hauck
(1985–2011)
KJ [no.] Refers to the publication of pre‑AD 700 runic inscriptions by Wolfgang
Krause und Herbert Jankuhn (1966a, 1966b)
MCH Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo
n. Note
Norw. Norwegian
ON Old Norse
Pl. Plural
RGA Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. De Gruyter. Berlin
RGA‑E Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde – Ergänzungsbände.
De Gruyter. Berlin
SAU Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis
SHM National Historical Museums, Stockholm
Sw. Swedish
UMB University Museum of Bergen
ABBREVIATIONS
The at rock on the villa lawn had been a nuisance for years, so Bjørg and Arnnn
Henriksen asked their son Henrik to bring an excavator to remove it. When, in late
September 2009, the 600‑kilogram slab was lifted, Arnnn spotted what he thought
might be runes on its lower side. They carefully lowered it and called the county
archaeologist.
Within a week, the rst reading and interpretation of what turned out to be the
second‑longest runic inscription in the old futhark, the runic alphabet in use c.
AD 160–700, appeared in social media; two years later, it was published in a schol‑
arly journal (Knirk 2011). In the same volume of the journal appeared the result
from the excavation that had been conducted in 2010 at the site in Hogganvik near
the small town Mandal in Agder, in the very southwest of Norway (Glørstad et al.
2011). The unprecedented speed with which all this happened is a testament to the
excitement the nd, the rst of its kind in 62 years, caused among scholars and in
the public sphere (Figure 1). Deservedly, the Henriksen family was awarded the
county’s heritage prize.
As the reading and interpretation of the 61‑rune inscription unfolded in the news
and on social media, I was preparing a major research project, the Avaldsnes Royal
Manor Project, on the genesis of the Norwegian Kingdom (AD 180–1000), based
on excavations of the prominent kingly manor Avaldsnes on the southwestern coast
of Norway (Figure 40). Excavations at Avaldsnes were conducted in 2011–12 and
2017 and since published (Skre 2018b, 2020b). As the project developed and addi‑
tional funding was granted in 2017, the project’s research ambitions were extended
to include the whole of Scandinavia. This ambition is evident in several chapters
in the second volume from the project (Bill 2020; Iversen 2020; Skre 2020a) and
indeed in the present book.
PREFACE
xxii Preface
FIGURE1 The Hogganvik rune stone re‑erected on the site where it once stood (upper).
(Continued)
Preface xxiii
During the years of excavations at Avaldsnes and the ensuing publication work,
the Hogganvik inscription kept echoing in the back of my mind. In some way, it
seemed signicant for the research problems I was pondering, but I could not quite
gure out how. While some passages in the inscription remain nebulous, it soon be‑
came clear that the monument commemorated Kelbaþewaz (‘calf’ + ‘henchman’),
and the commemorator identied himself as Naudigastiz (‘need’ or ‘peril’ + ‘guest’
or ‘stranger’), also called Erafaz (‘wolverine’).
I was fascinated by these names. To me, they appeared to be miniature stories
saturated with meaning. Could that meaning in some way pertain to whom these
men were and to the lives they had lived? The last element of Naudigastiz is the
same as in the earliest recorded Germanic name, Harigastiz (‘army’ + ‘guest’ or
‘stranger’), inscribed by a soldier on his copper‑alloy helmet c. 50 BC, retrieved
in 1812 in Negau, present‑day Slovenia. Could this name element have anything
to do with the gesta, the ‘police force’ of the 11th‑ to 13th‑century Norwegian
kings? The gesta did the king’s dirty work: espionage, assassinations, third‑degree
questioning, and corporal punishment of convicts. No one has ever presented a
satisfactory explanation as to why these most feared men of the lowest rank in the
kingly retinue were called ‘guests’ or ‘strangers’. It struck me that perhaps this was
a then‑ancient term, and that ‑gastiz in one of the names in the Hogganvik inscrip‑
tion identied him as one that undertook brutal tasks for his lord, as suggested by
the rst element in Naudigastiz and indeed by his nickname. The gesta certainly
inicted peril, and the wolverine is a ferocious hunter, an adversary feared by much
larger animals.
In spring 2018, when I came around to start writing this book, I had devel‑
oped some vague ideas as to how certain 2nd‑ to 6th‑century personal names in
runic inscriptions and place names relate to the emergence of kingship. So, I com‑
menced by exploring them, and these efforts resulted in Chapter 5. Writing that
chapter generated new ideas regarding names and inscriptions that are explored in
Chapters 6, 13, and 14.
Exploring my hypotheses regarding the personal names led me into a discipline
and literature that I, an archaeologist by training, did not know much about – namely
FIGURE1 (Continued) The inscription is highlighted in the photo. It should be read
right to left, starting with the uppermost row and continuing with the low‑
est, then the upper of the two horizontal rows in the middle, and nally,
the second horizontal row. The centre and lower photos are taken from the
hilltop just behind the stone. The former overlooks the Hogganvik settle‑
ment to the northwest, whereas the latter is towards the nearest harbour, a
kilometre to the south. A map of the site is included in Figure 32 and the
inscription and site are discussed in Chapters 5 and 6 (pp. 210–35, 25 0–81 ).
Photos, K. Jonas Nordby (upper), Frans‑Arne Stylegar © MCH (CC BY‑SA
4.0) (centre and lower).
xxiv Preface
onomastics, the study of names, or more specically the sub‑discipline anthropon‑
ymy, the study of personal names.
I started my exploration of the names by collating them with the medium
through which they were conveyed, be they place names or runic inscriptions on
various types of items. In this interdisciplinary endeavour, I soon found myself in
the humbling company of the late 19th‑century pioneers of the historic disciplines;
they were historians rst, specialists only thereafter. The same may be said about
Dennis H. Green (1922–2008). His book Language and History in the Early Ger‑
manic World (1998), which I acquainted myself with in 2007, came to have pro‑
found inuence on my thinking. Green was a philologist by training and, since his
rst book on the topic (1965), he explored the meaning of early Germanic words in
the context of archaeological and historical scholarship to gain historical insights.
As I delved into his creative and inspired discussions, yet always concise and sub‑
stantiated, I came to agree with him that neither linguistics nor archaeology “can
afford to ignore what it might learn from the other” (1998:2). And I came to regard
results from the study of historical linguistics – the phonological, grammatical, and
semantic changes of words over time – a much rmer basis for the comparative
study of the past than the analogies often preferred by archaeologists. Pondering
these issues, I ended up agreeing with Jon Elster (2015:171) that analogies tend to
lead scholars astray because they produce a “mental click that is easily confused
with the click of explanation” (p. 549).
These realisations emboldened me to write what turned out to be a mainstay
of this book, the discussion of Germanic words related to warfare, tribe, lordship,
and kingship (Chapter 2). Thus, I believe it fair to say that in combination with the
project team’s work on Avaldsnes and the discovery of the Hogganvik inscription,
Green’s writings set the course for this book.
Since my rst academic paper on 17th‑century clay pipes from an excavation
in Oslo (1981), I had been practising the sub‑discipline of historical archaeology,
which, as Mats Morgen and coauthors put it (2009), ‘triangulates’ between mate‑
rial, textual, and pictorial evidence. However, although I had made use of evidence
other than the material and of research results from related disciplines, I had never
penetrated as deep into them as would be needed to resolve the research questions
I now pursued. So, now and then during the rst two to three years of writing this
book, I asked myself: have I bitten off more than I can chew?
Still, I continued my chosen course in the hope that the advantages of approach‑
ing a eld from the outside with a different set of hypotheses and assumptions
would outweigh the disadvantages of not having deep knowledge of the disci‑
plinary ropes. I was acutely aware though, that this would not sufce to achieve
the scholarly quality for which I aimed; a discipline’s source‑critical insights and
standards are sometimes hard to grasp for an outsider. So, I made a habit of asking
scholars within the disciplines in question, and indeed specialists within my own
discipline, to read and comment on my texts (Acknowledgements, pp. xxvi–xxvii).
Preface xxv
I have strived to listen carefully to their advice, although not necessarily followed
those that sprang from their disciplines’ traditions for how to contextualise and
interpret their evidence.
The analyses of personal names and other facets of the early Germanic word
hoard made me more mindful of the steps in such a research practice, and as the
writing this book progressed, I could thus more easily approach other types of
unfamiliar evidence and scholarship in the same manner. Therefore, throughout
this book, the reader will encounter the following research strategy: when fac‑
ing a research question that cannot be reliably answered by analysing the primary
evidence, the context, and thus the scope of evidence, is extended. Introducing ad‑
ditional contextual parameters – for instance, spatial, chronological, sociocultural,
socioeconomic, even psychological, and biological – might contribute to resolving
the conundrum, or they might enable a line of reasoning that leaves one of the al‑
ternative explanations more likely than others.
In addition to providing a wider context that might resolve puzzles, this re‑
search strategy allows multiple lines of inquiry to be pursued when researching
one and the same problem. This multilinear approach has proved quite rewarding,
and I chime in with John M. Foley (1995:xiv) in uttering “my admittedly personal
preference for interpretations or perspectives that can be reached by more than one
avenue – an outright bias to which I gladly confess”.
So, rather than triangulating between three types of evidence, I have come to
pursue a multilinear and multilayered research practice attentive to research prob‑
lems, arguments, and contexts rather than evidence types and disciplinary domains.
Applying a term coined by William Whewell in 1840 and revived by Edward O.
Williams (1998), this research practice seeks consilience, which occurs when anal‑
yses of independent groups of evidence or the use of disparate types of methods
converge on the same conclusion. The claim made by proponents of such a re‑
search practice seems reasonable, namely that when consilience occurs, the con‑
clusion they converge on can be considered stronger than the individual results
(Slingerland and Collard 2012).
As my work on this book branched off in a variety of directions, I was somewhat
surprised to realise that I did no longer consider my own discipline, archaeology, as
that from which evidence and results from other disciplines should be approached.
While some lines of arguments in this book are unmistakably archaeological, the
integration of evidence and scholarship from diverse disciplines is based on the be‑
lief that all of them address the same messy, bewildering, and paradoxical, yet not
incomprehensible past (p. 30); thus, the choice of ‘history’ instead of ‘archaeology’
in this book’s subtitle. That should not be understood as if I aspire to contribute to
the academic discipline of history. Rather, I seek to write history in a more generic
sense: a narrative about the past based in inquiry.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I am indebted to the funding bodies for the Avaldsnes Royal
Manor Project. Karmøy Municipality and other private and public donors, listed
in the colophon on the two books (Skre 2018b, 2020b), funded the project until
the books were published. Subsequent activities, the main of which is the writing
of this book, have been funded by a generous grant from the Norwegian Ministry
for Education and Research. My employer, the Museum of Cultural History at the
University of Oslo, has hosted the project since 2010, and I owe the museum’s
director through the last ten years, Håkon Glørstad, a special thank for his unwa‑
vering support.
Helpful colleagues have generously taken on the daunting task of reading and
commenting on the rst version of the full manuscript: Anders Andrén, Jesse By‑
ock, and Ian Wood. Other colleagues have kindly accepted to comment on various
parts of the text: Per Ditlef Fredriksen (Chapters 1–3), Iver B. Neumann (Chap‑
ters 1–3, 11, 12, and 15), John M. Hill (Subchapter 3.2), John Hines (Subchapter
3.2), John D. Niles (Subchapter 3.2), Lennart Lind (Chapter 4), Helle Horsnæs
(Chapter 4), Jan Stubbe Østergaard (Chapter 4), Kyrylo Myzgin (Chapters 4, 7
and 11), Anne Nørgård Jørgensen (Subchapters 4.1 and 4.6, Chapter 10), Lena
Peterson (Chapter 5), Kristel Zilmer (Chapters 5 and 6), Ulla Lund Hansen (Chap‑
ter 7), Bernt Rundberget (Chapter 8), Gert Magnusson (Chapter 8), Lars Stenvik
(Chapter 8), Reidar Bertelsen (Chapter 9), Asgeir Svestad (Chapter 9), Andreas
Rau (Chapters 11 and 12), Frands Herschend (Chapters 11 and 12), Charlotte Behr
(Chapter 13), and Ingunn Røstad (Chapter 15).
In addition, a number of colleagues have responded positively to my queries,
and several have allowed the use of their unpublished material. Some of them are
acknowledged in footnotes, but a few deserve special mention. Torun Zachrisson
has patiently and generously answered my numerous questions regarding scholarly
Acknowledgements xxvii
literature, nds, and monuments in Sweden. Frans‑Arne Stylegar has kindly sent me
the background information for his maps of warrior graves in Norway ( Figures 16
and 17) as well as photos from Hogganvik (Figure 1). Even Bjørdal has shared the
evidence from the excavations in Hove, Rogaland, and contributed to producing
three illustrations from the site (Figures 26–28). Mads Dengsø Jessen and Palle
Østergaard Sørensen have shared the manuscript for the then‑forthcoming publica‑
tion of the Gudme halls, and Sørensen has shared his deep knowledge of the site
and supplied evidence and feedback on preliminary version of the illustration of
the Gudme halls (Figure 20). Chapter 9 has benetted from discussions follow‑
ing my presentation in a webinar with colleagues at the University of Tromsø on
25.2.2021 organised by Marte Spangen. And nally, my work on this book has
benetted from Ulf Näsman’s comments on a paper (Skre 2020a) where I sketched
some lines of argument that have been further developed here.
Four faithful helpers deserve special mention. Ingvild T. Bøckman has produced
the majority of illustrations, obtained the remaining ones from the copyright hold‑
ers, and tirelessly made the many adjustments I have sent her. Athena Trakadas and
Anthony Zannino have copy‑edited my manuscript, and Lisa Virginia Benson, the
head of the archaeological library at the University of Oslo, has never tired from
my numerous loan requests and appeals for help to obtain obscure publications.
This has been of particular signicance during the 2020–22 pandemic when travel‑
ling restrictions and closedowns prevented me from visiting libraries in person.
And nally, my life partner, Tinna Damgård‑Sørensen, receives a special thanks.
Patient and unwavering, interested and supportive, she has listened to my ideas and
doubts and helped me navigate them.
It is customary and tting to end the acknowledgements by relieving helpers
from responsibility for weaknesses and errors and ask the reader’s forgiveness for
those that remain. The former I hereby do, the latter cannot be done more pro‑
foundly and eloquently than in Giovanio Boccaccio’s concluding words in De
Claris Mulieribus, ‘Concerning famous women’, here in Guido A. Guarino’s trans‑
lation (Boccaccio [1361–2] 1963:251):
…For it often happens that a writer is deceived not only by ignorance of the
matter but by the excessive love he has for his work. If I have done this, I am
sorry, and I ask, for the glory of honorable studies, that wiser men tolerate with
kindly spirit what has not been done properly. And if anyone has a charitable
soul, let him correct what has been improperly written by adding to it or delet‑
ing and improve it so that the work will ourish for someone’s benet, rather
than perish torn by the jaws of the malicious without being of service to anyone.
Veksø, May 2024,
Dagnn Skre
DOI: 10.4324/9781003543053-1
“I am the communists’ king, too”, King Haakon VII of Norway is said to have
exclaimed in the aftermath of the 1927 election. The revolutionary Labour Party
had won 37% of the votes, and of the seven factions in Parliament, theirs was now
by far the largest. The resigning conservative prime minister had advised the king
to ask a fellow conservative to form a new government. Although discouraged by
leading politicians and heavily criticised in the conservative press, the king, how‑
ever, followed customary procedure and gave the assignment to the leader of the
major party (Bomann‑Larsen 2008:366–413). Even though the catchphrase that
has come to characterise the king’s deeds cannot be veried, his actions during
those weeks certainly contributed to the current widespread support for the Nor‑
wegian monarchy.
Today, 8 of Europe’s 44 states1 are kingdoms, 3 of which make up Scandinavia:
Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. Since it was introduced some 1,500 years ago,
kingship has prevailed among the Norse. No doubt, common popular support has
contributed to the persistence of this ancient institution, which predominated across
post‑Roman Europe until the widespread republican reforms 100 to 200 years ago.
The bourgeoisie largely instigated these reforms while the nobility supported the
monarchy (Haakonsen 2007), but Scandinavian kings in this period evidently suc‑
ceeded in adjusting to political demands from merchants and gentry alike, and in
time, from the working class.
This versatile and resilient nature appears to have been a feature of kingship in
Scandinavia throughout its history. For instance, rules of succession and the extent
of kings’ executive powers have varied considerably over the centuries. Today, the
three monarchies are constitutional and hereditary – the rst‑born child, male or
female, is the legitimate heir – and monarchs exercise merely ceremonial roles in
politics. However, some 300 years ago, the rst‑born son from wedlock was the
INTRODUCTION
2 The Northern Routes to Kingship
only legitimate heir, and kings were autocratic rulers wielding full executive power
and control of the legislative and judicial domains as well as of the state nances.
A millennium ago, in the late Viking Age, kings needed to be of kingly lineage,
but the elder son was not privileged, and illegitimate sons had equally valid claims
to the throne as those born in wedlock. To become king, a pretender needed to be
acknowledged in provincial assemblies across the realm as the heir. At that time,
kings negotiated legislation in assemblies throughout their realm, and certain as‑
pects of regional power were delegated into the hands of earls.
Since Saxo in the late 12th and Snorri in the early 13th centuries, the history
of kingship in Scandinavia has been studied as it were the nation’s history. That
approach has been perpetuated in academic research of the 19th to mid‑20th centu‑
ries, probably because issues pertaining to the nation loomed high on popular and
political agendas. Since the early 1800s, the three nations had, in varying measure,
faced perilous times, territorial contractions, and losses of independence. Undoubt‑
edly, these ordeals contributed to national sentiments and to the copious scholarly
attention paid to the kingdoms’ histories. Times were to change, though, and the
peaceful decades and booming globalisation since the 1970s have moved national
history to the periphery of scholarly and popular attention. Still, most subsequent
studies of early kingship have largely maintained the 19th‑century proclivity to
study kingship within the framework of one of the three realms. While the pre‑1970
national approach to kingship sprang from social developments, cultural patterns,
and scholarly traditions, its post‑1970 continuation is more likely due to a lack of
alternative approaches. Although some scholars have escaped them (examples in
p. 21–2), education and hiring patterns discourage pan‑Scandinavian 1st‑ millennium
studies. Whereas interdisciplinary departments of ‘Scandinavian Studies’ can be
found at multiple universities outside Scandinavia, no discipline in Scandinavian
universities, except for linguistics, takes a pan‑Scandinavian approach to their area
of study. In particular, the scope of cultural‑historical disciplines that study the 1st–
2nd millennia AD is largely national.
This book takes a different approach. First, instead of working retrospectively
from written evidence of the 12th–13th centuries, for instance, the Icelandic Kings’
Sagas, as has been the habit in the nation‑centred approach, this book’s discussion
of kingship is based on evidence from the late 2nd to mid‑6th centuries, considered
in a contemporary Roman and Germanic Continental context.2
Second, instead of studying the emergence of kingship in AD 180–550 through
the lens of a realm or a nation, Scandinavian history in this period is explored
through the lens of emerging kingship. The rationale for this is that because king‑
ship, a sociopolitical institution, has repeatedly initiated and adapted to socio‑
cultural and socioeconomic change; the very emergence of kingship was also an
adaption, an intervention, or an unintended result of societal, economic, and cul‑
tural conditions and transformations. Thus, a multi‑thematic study centred on the
emergence of kingship has the potential to identify profound conditions and dy‑
namics that framed the lives of 15 to 20 generations of Scandinavians.
Introduction 3
Third and nally, to avoid confusing the peoples of this early period with the
inhabitants of the countries of the last millennium, the modern form of the two eth‑
nonyms that have since come to enter two of the Scandinavian kingdoms’ names,
Danes and Swedes, are avoided, and two more ancient terms, Danir and Svíar, are
used instead.
Choosing Scandinavia as the spatial frame of this study is not only to avoid
being caught in a national mindset. Linguistically homogeneous and internally
well‑connected by sea and land routes (Figure 2 and Chapter 7), Scandinavia had a
rather narrow southern geographic window to linguistically and culturally closely
related Continental societies living between the Vistula river in the east to the Con‑
tinental North Sea coast in the west.3
For these reasons, Scandinavia stands out as a discrete, well‑suited unit of
study. Information will have travelled quickly internally, and interfaces with non‑
Scandinavians are not all that hard to identify. Scandinavia is also sufciently di‑
verse in terms of climate, topography, and resources to offer multiple sources of
subsistence and plentiful opportunities for commodity production (pp. 6–9 and
Chapters 7–10). Communities range from tiny to extensive, and opportunities
for economic surplus and specialised production vary considerably. Conditions
for scaling up the societal hierarchy, which would entail producing a subsistence
surplus sufcient to feed craftsmen, artists, warriors, and kings, will have been
present in some regions but absent in others. Collating evidence on the uppermost
social echelon with natural conditions and communication routes may clarify, for
instance, why warrior graves are found in certain regions rather than in others (pp.
160–9, 194–7), why commodities were produced in some regions and distributed
to others (Chapters 8–10), and ultimately why kingship emerged in certain parts of
Scandinavia before it did elsewhere (Chapter 15).
Admittedly, taking such a contextual approach to the emergence of kingship in
Scandinavia makes a virtue of necessity; it could hardly have been studied directly.
The paucity of written evidence that conveys, for instance, kingly endowments, de‑
cisive battles, kingly lineages, reigns of kings, and the names and extents of their
realms, would undermine such an approach. In pursuing a contextual approach to
emerging kingship, each of this book’s chapters approaches a relevant socioeco‑
nomic or sociocultural issue based on a separate set of evidence. The ambition is that
together, this book not only provides complex explanations of the ‘whos’, ‘hows’,
and ‘whys’ of emerging kingship but also illuminates signicant aspects of the soci‑
eties where these developments occurred, why certain typied agents, like ‘warrior’
and ‘lord’, might have acted in ways that can be inferred from the evidence: for
instance, when they raised a runestone on the tomb of a fellow warrior (Chapter 6).
This book’s investigation into kingship, a sociopolitical institution, thus takes
the form of a multifaceted, albeit episodic exploration of Scandinavia’s history in
this period. The facets and dynamics explored are largely sociocultural and socio‑
economic, not only because they are best evidenced but also because this author
nds that explanations of sociopolitical matters often reside in them – probably
4 The Northern Routes to Kingship
FIGURE2 The main regions and sailing routes of Scandinavia (main map) and the
division into southern, central, and northern Scandinavia (smaller map). In
the latter, the border between southern and central Scandinavia is based on
(Continued)
Introduction 5
another virtue born from necessity. Does one of the two spheres have the greater
potential for explaining the shift to kingship, or is the combination of them neces‑
sary to grasp the societal dynamics behind this pivotal transformation? That ques‑
tion is addressed in the concluding Chapter 15 (pp. 546–49).
I.1 Scandinavia: A Brief Introduction
The name Scandinavia rst occurs as Scatinavia in Plinius the Elder’s Naturalis
Historia (4:96) written in the AD 70s. Unlike many regional names (Figure 2 and
pp. 528–37), it does not contain an ethnonym but is a geographical term. Plinius
held this to be the most renowned of the many islands in the northern ocean, and of
unknown magnitude. He mentioned several peoples living there: the northernmost
were the Feningia, the Sámi (p. 355; Svennung 1974:67–70).
The name’s rst element, Scandi‑, probably sprang from the perilous waters, lit‑
tered with sandbanks and currents, in the sound between Scania and Zealand. Prob‑
ably, the name is rooted in Proto Norse *skaþan, meaning ‘danger’ or ‘damage’
(Svennung 1974:53–4). Today the sound is called Øresund, but its ancient name is
FIGURE2 (Continued) four types of evidence analysed in this book: armament deposits
( Figures 11–13), runestones (Figure 30), gold‑bracteate deposition contexts
(Figure 65), and settlement names ending with ‑lev (Figure 69). It largely
corresponds with Frands Herschend’s division (2009:gure 1A) based on
longhouse types. The border between central and northern Scandinavia is
based on differences in climate and vegetation (pp. 6–9).
Regions exist on many levels and their extent and names change over
time; therefore, a comprehensive map of the 2nd‑ to 6th‑century regions
cannot be produced. The selection of names in the main map is directed by
the book’s need for geographic reference. Discussions in some chapters de‑
mand more precise reference, and relevant maps are presented there.
All regional names on the map are ancient. The names in the eastern
Scandinavian Peninsula (present‑day Sweden) correspond to the so‑called
landskap, a division of the realm for primarily judicial purposes testied
in the High Middle Ages. The names in the western Peninsula (present‑
day Norway) date back to before the Viking Age. In the very south
( present‑day Denmark) are given the names of the three main islands and
Jutland. Many of the names on the map were undoubtedly in use in the
period discussed in this book.
The convention in this and other maps in this book is that woodlands, tundra,
and mountains are given in shades from green to brown indicating increasing
altitude, while farmland and pastures currently under cultivation are yellow. Al‑
though large stretches of land have been cleared since the period discussed here,
in particular in Jutland and the neighbouring isles, the yellow colouring provides
a rather accurate impression of the extent of agrarian settlement and population
density in the period AD 180–550. Illustration by Ingvild T. Bøckman, MCH.
6 The Northern Routes to Kingship
preserved in the name Scania (Sw. Skåne), the region on the sound’s eastern bank
(Figure 2), and in Skanör, a town in the very southwest of Scania (Sw. ör and Dan.
ør mean ‘sandbank’).
Sconeg in Wulfstan’s late‑9th‑century report is no doubt Scania (Englert and
Trakadas 2009:15, 9). In Beowulf is said that Bēow was renown throughout the
Scedelandum (line 19), ‘Scede lands’, and that the king of the Danir scattered his
gold over Scedeniġġe (line 1686), ‘Scede islands’. Robert D. Fulk and co‑authors
(2014:lviii, 471) maintain that both terms designate Jutland, Scania, and the isles
between, all of which appears to have been the lands of the Danir king at the time
(pp. 518–21). It makes good sense that the hazardous sound, the bottleneck on the
seaward route between the Baltic and the North Seas, gured so prominently in
people’s minds that it inspired names of lands on both sides.
Several Continental authors of the many centuries after Plinius the Elder (listed
in Müllenhoff 1887:359–61; Nyman 2005) adopted his use of the name to des‑
ignate the Scandinavian Peninsula, this insula magna, shaped as a lemon‑tree
leaf, as Jordanes quoted from Ptolemy (Getica 3:16; Van Nuffelen and Van Hoof
2020:227). Spelling varies; the current ‘Scandinavia’ might be a Latin adaption of a
Proto Norse name *Skaþan‑awjō, ‘Scania island’ (Svennung 1974:51–6), which in
the native tongue designated what is now the region of Scania, Old Norse Skáney.
Only from a southern Continental position does it make sense to extend the name
of the peninsula’s southernmost region to the whole landmass, which ranges some
1,850 kilometres northwards. Thus, although rooted in in indigenous name for a
sound and from that extended to a region and neighbouring islands, Scandinavia
as a name for the whole landmass is not indigenous but an exonym, a name given
from the outside (Nyman 2005).
I.1.1 Topography, Settlement, and Routes
From a modern land‑based perspective, Jutland and the islands to the east might be
conceived as more connected to the Continent than to the Scandinavian Peninsula.
However, in the pre‑modern period, navigable seas connected rather than separated
lands, and in the period discussed here, sea routes indeed connected Jutland and the
isles to the eastern and western peninsula (Figure 2 and Chapter 7).
Present‑day Denmark and Scania is the northern extension of the North Euro‑
pean Plain which ranges southwards towards the Alps, eastwards to the Vistula
valley and westwards to the North Sea coast. The land is free of rocky outcrops and
consists of glacial, marine, and uvial sediments transported from the north by the
icecap that covered most of Scandinavia during the last Ice Age and by the many
rivers that emanated from it, and occasionally reworked into moraines by the ice‑
cap. Solely consisting of sediments and with altitudes that do not exceed 170 me‑
tres, the quite extensive wetlands that surround the numerous rivers and streams are
the main impediment to land communication in present‑day Denmark and Scania.
Introduction 7
A quite different topography is found in the Scandinavian Peninsula north of
Scania. The main topographic feature there is the mountain ridge that runs from
the far north towards the south‑southwest. Reaching heights of nearly 2,500 me‑
tres, the eastern side of the ridge undulates gradually towards the lowlands, ending
at the Baltic Sea and the Gulf of Bothnia some 300 to 500 kilometres to the east,
while the mountains in the west fall quite steeply towards the Atlantic and North
Sea coast some 80 to 200 kilometres to the west. From the west, several fjords ex‑
tend from the coast up to 150 kilometres inland towards the central mountain ridge
(Figures 2 and 3).
Where the mountains meet the sea in the west, the slopes taper off, creating
a at landscape in the outer coastal zone; the Norwegian word strandat, mean‑
ing ‘beach plain’, has become the internationally accepted geological term for this
landscape‑formation type, quite rare globally.4 This brim of low‑lying land and
shallow sea, in places several kilometres across, is found along the coast from
Rogaland to the Scandinavian Peninsula’s northern tip. Through billions of years,
erosion has broken up the strandat, creating thousands of islands and reefs along
the coast (Ramberg et al. 2008; Olesen et al. 2013). These islands and skerries
protected sounds and stretches nearer to the mainland from strong winds and rough
waves from the ocean in the west, giving rise to the sheltered Norvegr sailing route
(Figures 38–40).
In the western Scandinavian Peninsula, arable land, and thus Iron Age settle‑
ment, are found where the receding glacier of the last Ice Age, c. 10,000 BC, left
behind sediments. They are found predominantly in valleys – especially where
they meet fjords – and here and there on the strandat. Thus, settlement is largely
sea‑bound, occasionally extending up into valleys. Most settlement areas are small;
many consist of a handful of farms up to a hundred. Only two large stretches of
more or less continuous cultivated land exist: in Jæren in Rogaland (Figure 55) and
in Trøndelag (Figure 48).
To the east of the mountain ridge, the land north of Uppland and west of Väst‑
manland is largely covered by coniferous forests, the western extension of the
Eurasian taiga. There, settlement is mainly found where the bedrock is covered by
fertile sediments and moraines, that is, in river valleys, around lakes and in estuar‑
ies. Communication routes follow the river valleys with occasional crossings of
hills and ridges to neighbouring valleys or lakes.
In a broad strip of land from Uppland in the northeast to Västergötland in the
southwest, fertile land is plentiful, interrupted by wooden stretches and rocky
lands. Rocky outcrops and woods continue southwards through the sparsely in‑
habited Småland until the fertile plain in Scania. The Baltic islands of Gotland,
Öland, and Bornholm are quite at, and where there is soil cover over the bedrock,
conditions for agriculture are favourable, but large stretches of land in both islands
have little soils, resulting in marshes in Gotland, the prairie‑like alvar in Öland,
and woodland in Bornholm.
8 The Northern Routes to Kingship
FIGURE3 This satellite photo, captured on February 19th, 2003, illustrates distinct
features of the Scandinavian Peninsula’s topography, climate, and settle‑
ment. Since they protrude above the tree line, the mountain ridge and tundra
along the Scandinavian Peninsula are all white. To the east of the mountain
ridge, the dark‑grey areas suggest the extent of the coniferous forests, the
taiga, while the lighter indicate cultivated land, which for the most part is
found in river valleys and plains, like on the Baltic islands, in the Mälaren
valley, and in Scania. (Continued)
Introduction 9
I.1.2 Climate
In the Köppen climate classication, based in seasonal precipitation and tempera‑
ture patterns, the climate along the peninsula’s western coast is of the oceanic and
subpolar types (Cfb, Cfc), characterised by mild winters and cool summers with
ample precipitation all year round (Köppen 1936:9–10; Kottek et al. 2016; Köp‑
pen [1884] 2011). Thanks to the warm waters that sweep northwards along the
west Scandinavian coast, fed by the Gulf Stream into the North Atlantic current,
this mild climate extends much further north, notably on the outer coast, than any‑
where else on the planet (Figure 3). Thus, conditions were favourable for agricul‑
ture there, pastoralism in particular, and in the period discussed here, the 3rd to
6th centuries, oats and barley were cultivated all the way to northern Hålogaland
(Johansen 1990; Myhre 2002:142–8), which is situated at 70° North, the same
latitude as the northern tip of Finland, Point Lay in northern Alaska, and Disko Bay
in Greenland.
The woodlands east of the peninsula’s mountain ridge have a subarctic climate
with cool summers and cold winters (Dfc), while the lands from Uppland to Götaland
has a humid Continental climate with warmer summers (Dfb). Temperatures are
higher further south in the peninsula, as well as on the Baltic islands, Zealand, Fu‑
nen and Jutland. South of Götaland, the climate becomes increasingly oceanic to‑
wards the southwest, with mild summers and winters and higher precipitation (Cfb).
While there were severe cooling periods 800–1 BC, the period c. AD 200–950
saw higher and more stable summer temperatures (Sjögren and Arntzen 2013:3),
except for the so‑called Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA) from AD 536 to
c. 660 (pp. 561–63; Büntgen et al. 2016).
I.2 Scandinavia’s Remoteness: A Scholarly Trope
A certain trope appears to have inuenced post‑WWII scholarship on Scandinavia
in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, namely, that Scandinavia is utterly
remote and somewhat isolated. Admittedly, when Vikings arrived on the shores
of the British Isles and Francia around AD 800, these men from the North ap‑
pear to have been quite unfamiliar to the local ecclesiastical and kingly scribes.
FIGURE3 (Continued) The lack of snow on the outermost coast west of the mountain
ridge and the northern tip of Jutland demonstrates the impact of the Gulf
Stream on the climate along the outer west Scandinavian coasts. While the
rest of the peninsula and the Baltic islands are fully covered in snow, and
Mälaren lake and much of the Gulf of Bothnia and Vänern and Vättern lakes
are covered in ice, this outer western coast is free of snow and ice all the
way to northern Hålogaland. This oceanic climate allows cereal cultivation
and agrarian settlement in this coastal zone much further north than is the
case on the Bay of Bothnia coast. Photo, MODIS Rapid Response Project
at NASA/GSFC.
10 The Northern Routes to Kingship
But isolation is not only a matter of geography but also of travel patterns, and they
tend to change over time.
So, the relevant question is: were southern peoples rather unfamiliar with
Scandinavians, and vice versa, in the period discussed in this book? In the fol‑
lowing, the geography is briey addressed, and thereafter follows an introductory
discussion of a theme that will resurface repeatedly throughout this book, nota‑
bly in Chapters 4, 6, 7, and 11: namely, the level of sociocultural and socioeco‑
nomic exchange between Scandinavia and the Continent in the late 2nd to mid‑6th
centuries.
Since the Roman expansion into the Continent started in the mid‑1st century
BC, Scandinavians’ interaction with Continental Barbaricum and the Roman Em‑
pire appears to have happened predominantly along the Lower Rhine and the Mid‑
dle and Lower Danube (Chapters 4 and 7), and the distances are modest. That from
central Jutland to the Rhenish limes could be marched in a month.5 Regions north
and east of Jutland were connected by seas, and the sailing distance from Roga‑
land and Vingulmark to central Jutland was 550 and 400 kilometres, respectively
(Figure 2), about a week’s rowing, while the seaway distance to the northernmost
Germanic settlements in Hålogaland, routinely sailed in this period (Chapter 9),
was 1,800 kilometres. Under favourable weather conditions, that distance could be
rowed in a month. The Baltic route from the northernmost Germanic settlements in
Ångermanland to Jutland was about 1,200 kilometres, while the route to the mouth
of the Vistula was less than 1,000 kilometres; both could be rowed in about three
weeks. The march from the Vistula estuary to the Danubian limes was about 750
kilometres and would take some ve weeks.
So, from Jutland and the neighbouring isles to the east, the limes could be
reached in four to ve weeks (p. 199), and, adding a margin for unfavourable
winds, travellers from any Germanic region in the Scandinavian Peninsula and the
Baltic Isles could get to the limes after one to three months’ travel by sea and land.
Comparable distances were routinely sailed in the Mediterranean and marched
in the Roman Empire. For instance, the sailing distance from Rome to Alexandria
was 2,100 kilometres and the Longobard march in AD 568 from Pannonia to north‑
ern Italy was some 650 kilometres. Thus, in a geographic sense, Scandinavia was
not separated from the rest of Germanic Barbaricum, nor indeed from the conti‑
nental Roman Empire, by longer travel distances than were routinely travelled on
the Continent and across the Mediterranean in this period. But were these northern
routes actually travelled then?
Various types of written evidence, from mid‑6th‑century Jordanes onwards,
continue to identify Continental tribes as originating in Scandinavia (pp. 409–17).
While until the 1980s scholars tended to assume that this had a historical back‑
ground, albeit hard to decipher, the northern origin of Continental tribes has since
been increasingly written off as a literary trope. For instance, Robert W. Rix
(2015:6) writes in a recent study: “…the legend of Northern ancestry was not an‑
cient oral patrimony, but primarily a tradition that came into being through a series
Introduction 11
of literary borrowings”. And further (2015:12): “…the ‘out‑of‑Scandinavia’ legend
[…] was a bookish trope hatched by antiquarians to shore up a history for barbarian
peoples that could match that of the Romans and the Greeks”.
One wonders how any historical root for the legend can be dismissed solely
from studies of writings, which is what Rix does, thereby ignoring archaeologi‑
cal, linguistic, toponymical, and genetic evidence, as well as indications in pre‑
Jordanes Classical writings on Barbarian migrations. If scholars do not search
outside books for a possible background for a trope, of course it appears to be
bookish.
Rix’s and others’ conclusions on this issue seem to be based in an unwarranted
dichotomy. Clearly, the study of literary tropes is essential for assessing an ac‑
count’s historicity, and there is every reason to let this evidence undergo all types
of critical scrutiny. However, theories and methods from literary studies, which
are what Rix applies in his analyses, are just not sufciently potent to dismiss all
other types of evidence and scholarship, although some scholars seem to think oth‑
erwise.6 The identication of a passage or theme as a trope does not eradicate the
possibility of it containing some historical substance. Indeed, all modern scholarly
texts, including Rix’s and the present, are littered with tropes, the origin of some
identied by a reference, others not, because authors assume that the scholarly
community has more or less accepted them as valid knowledge or conventional
ways of arguing. But does that cut off the possibility that our texts, tropes included,
might connect to lived lives and actual events? Traditions and themes become
tropes for a reason, one of them being that the texts’ intended readership or audi‑
ence knows that they contain some truth.
As argued repeatedly throughout this book, a variety of evidence types –
archaeo logical, linguistic, onomastic, written accounts, and other – suggest that
groups of people ventured repeatedly between Scandinavia and the Continent.
Some of the northbound returned to their homelands. However, one must also en‑
tertain the possibility that some of those that arrived from the Continent settled in
other parts of Scandinavia than where they originally came from, and in addition,
that not only returning Scandinavians arrived in the North but also peoples who
originated in Continental Barbaricum. The out‑of‑Scandinavia legend discussed by
Rix and others is more extensively addressed in Chapter 11 (pp. 409–17).
Thus, in a political, economic, and cultural sense, Germanic Barbaricum was
not divided into a northern Scandinavia and a southern Continent, as was the case
in 7th to 10th centuries. For reasons touched upon in Chapter 15 (pp. 560–8), the
mid‑6th century saw the emergence of a quite strict socioeconomic and sociocul‑
tural division between Christian kingdoms on the Continent and Britain, and pagan
kingdoms in Scandinavia. Not only did these societies develop along disparate
trajectories, but that long period of separation also created a profound difference in
the evidence about these societies: scribes in Christian kingdoms produced letters,
law codes, cadastres, and the realms’ histories, while none of that existed in the
North until the 12th century.
12 The Northern Routes to Kingship
For research on late 2nd‑ to mid‑6th‑century Scandinavia, the disparities in
7th‑ to 11th‑century evidence are less consequential than their result: a disciplinary
and mental border in the minds of scholars between Scandinavia and the Continent
(Grane 2007:279–80). With rare exceptions, this rift is prevalent in Continental,
British, and Scandinavian scholarship on Late Antiquity and the Early Middle
Ages.7 It is somewhat justied regarding the latter period – differences in the evi‑
dence and societal formations were real and profound. However, when studying the
late 2nd to mid‑6th centuries, the split is not justied. The types of contemporary
evidence are much the same for more or less the whole of Germanic Barbaricum,
as were, it seems, societal formations and the level of long‑distance interactions –
some differences are discussed in Chapters 11 and 15 (pp. 407–17, 560–8).
In conclusion, one should handle tropes with care. Although they may hold true
for a certain period and context, they may be quite mistaken in another. The schol‑
arly trope that Scandinavia was remote during the 1st millennium AD is a result of
post‑550 disparities in evidence and societal formations between Scandinavia and
the northern Continent. To some extent, both result from the Christianisation of
Continental kingdoms. In the period AD 180–550, however, there was no such rift,
and allowing research on this period to be guided by this trope is thus unwarranted.
Therefore, the perspective that lies at the heart of this book is that in this period,
there was not a North and a South, but a Barbaricum interconnected.
I.3 Scandinavia and Beyond
It follows from the above that this book’s exploration of emerging kingship in
Scandinavia cannot be conned to the northern sphere. Since the Roman expansion
and the establishment of the northern border along the Rhine and the Danube in the
early 1st century AD, Scandinavian developments were closely connected to those
on the Continent. In the wake of the early to mid‑5th‑century withdrawal of Roman
troops and collapse of Imperial administrative infrastructure, kingship was not only
introduced in Scandinavia, but also among Germanic peoples across Continental
and insular Europe. In the late 5th to 6th centuries, kingdoms were founded among
the Suebi, Burgundians, Franks, Thuringi, and others, and in Britain, kings came to
power in Mercia, East Anglia, Kent and elsewhere (Wood 2013a).
While these latter developments are quite well researched, the emergence of
kingship in Scandinavia is less well explored; some reasons for that are sketched
above. While the study of early kingship on the Continent and the British Isles is a
preoccupation of historians and a handful of historically oriented philologists and
archaeologists, pre‑9th‑century Scandinavian polities are largely studied only by
archaeologists.8
However, when it comes to the pre‑6th‑century developments that contributed to
the establishment of kingdoms, the evidence is of roughly the same type and quan‑
tity across Germanic Barbaricum – except that Classical authors mainly address
Introduction 13
peoples living near their borders and only here and there those in Scandinavia. Still,
just as historians have difculties interpreting these writings without taking heed of
other types of evidence, archaeological evidence needs to be contextualised to be
brought to speak on societies (Preface and p. 2–5).
Therefore, care is taken in the following to build thematically and empirically
versatile contexts for the interpretation of every type of evidence. Thus, this history
of early kingship in Scandinavia and the developments leading to its introduction is
written based on Scandinavian evidence and scholarship, analysed and interpreted
in dialogue with research on Continental Germanic societies and their interaction
with the Roman Empire. This threefold approach is pursued throughout this book.
I.4 The Main Argument of this Book
In the decades around AD 200, Scandinavian societies underwent profound changes.
Runic writing was conceived, the rst hall buildings were erected, new burial prac‑
tices were introduced, the number of Roman items in graves and deposits surged,
commodity production boomed, and the rst market sites were established. Rightly,
this has been regarded as a stepping up of the societal hierarchy, as evidence that
a new social echelon, clearly well connected to the Roman Empire (Grane 2013a,
2013b), established new political and economic institutions in the tribal societies of
Scandinavia (Hedeager 1987; Hedeager and Tvarnø 2001; Andersson 2013). Some
three centuries subsequently, the rst evidence of large polities, kingdoms, emerged
amid the Norse, best evidenced among the Danir (pp. 451–7, 518–21). The develop‑
ment of polities over these and the following centuries has largely been interpreted as
a gradual shift over centuries from tribes via tribal confederations to kingdoms
(e.g., Hedeager 1992b; Näsman 2006, 2012).
This book’s arguments and conclusions differs in several respects. First, it is
argued that a series of events in the late 2nd century came to inuence Scandinavia
political, economic, and cultural life for centuries to come. The main event was the
arrival and settling of large units of Germanic auxilia that had been forged through
combat and the strict line of command in the Roman army during the Marcomannic
Wars (AD 166–80). Knowledgeable about Roman institutions and practices, some
of these groups of procient, well‑equipped, and battle‑seasoned warriors sought
their luck in Barbaricum, some of them in Scandinavia. During the previous couple
of centuries, some tribes there had sent warriors to the Continent, received them on
their return, and thus built up a signicant military strength. Some of these tribes
may have managed to resist the groups of auxilia that arrived after AD 180 but in
most of Scandinavia’s lush tribal regions, former auxilia ofcers that had sworn
their best men in as retainers, took land and settled. Some of these new lords may
have had ancestral rights to the land, while lords that originated in Continental
Barbaricum or elsewhere in Scandinavia used their superior military competence
to claim land to which they had no pre‑existing rights.
14 The Northern Routes to Kingship
Second, this book argues that, except in the small number of militarised tribes,
these new lords were not integrated into the existing polities, the tribes. In most re‑
gions, they did not add an extra echelon to tribal hierarchies, but formed a new type
of polity, lordships, that existed in parallel with tribes for the following few centu‑
ries. Tribes were territorial polities that had emerged from generations of cohabita‑
tion and with institutions for solving conicts, managing land rights, and protecting
people against external foes. Lordships, on the other hand, were headed by a lord
with sworn retainers that protected him and manged the staff that undertook sub‑
sistence production on their land, commodity production further aeld, and the
transport and trade of commodities to markets. Retainers also trained warriors that
could be mustered for military exploits of various sorts. Thus, in territorial terms,
a lordship did not consist of a coherent realm but of a core where the lord and his
retainers resided, of production sites there and elsewhere, and of routes that con‑
nected them. Lords and their retainers interacted with tribal leaders, institutions,
and populations, but primarily with other lords with whom they entertained hostile
or amicable and mutually benecial relations. Their interaction might well have
had an informal hierarchic component depending on the respective lords’ resources
and renown. Such alliances of multiple lordships might have lasted for some time,
perhaps for generations, but a dark cloud of mistrust, treachery, and broken alle‑
giances always loomed over lordly politics.
Third and nally, it is argued that in the 450s–80s, troops from Scandinavian
lordships and militarised tribes participated in the Danubian war theatre and
brought loads of gold to their homelands, allowing more forceful political agency.
In parallel, the collapse of the Western Roman Empire reduced interaction across
the Rhenish limes, and lords directed more of their commodity production and
trade towards Scandinavian peers and tribal populations. It appears that a large
non‑Scandinavian group migrated from the Continent and took control in parts of
southern Scandinavia, where they formed the kingdom of the Danir. These devel‑
opments produced the conditions that inspired lords and tribal leaders elsewhere
in Scandinavia to reorganise polities, and by the mid‑6th century, kingdoms had
been established in all Scandinavian regions settled by Germanic‑speaking peo‑
ples. Lords were sworn in as the kings’ earls, tribal peoples had a new layer added
to their identity as they were now ‘inhabitants of the kingdom’, and the time of
tribes and lordships was over.
I.5 A Brief Guide to Readers
This book’s contextual approach to kingship and the interdisciplinary ambitions
sketched above, and in the Preface, will pose challenges to many readers. First,
some readers will nd the theoretical discussions in Part I, notably in Subchapters
1.1, 2.2–2.3, and 3.1, hard to digest. They are hereby invited to take an alternative
route through this book, skipping over to the discussion of history in the remain‑
ing subchapters in Part I as well as in Parts II–V. And then, when concepts and
Introduction 15
conclusions from Part I resurface, notably in Chapters 11 and 15, those readers
optionally can return to Part I, guided by cross‑referencing to the relevant pages.
A second cautioning is sounded to specialists within the various disciplines
whose respective evidence and scholarship are addressed in this book. Few readers
are likely to be previously familiar with all these types of evidence and scholarship,
and some might be tempted to limit their reading to the chapters that fall within
their own disciplinary domain. They are of course welcome to do that. However,
they are hereby warned that the passages they read are framed within evidence,
assessments, and conclusions found in other chapters. Thus, results that might ap‑
pear conjectural, even speculative, in a selective reading of this book will hopefully
appear less so if the text is approached comprehensively.
The third piece of guidance is also directed at the specialist reader. Each of this
book’s parts and chapters is dedicated to exploring a certain set of research prob‑
lems that pertain to a particular period of time. Some sites or categories of evidence
speak to several research problems and some span two or more periods. Therefore,
the same site or category of evidence may be addressed in several chapters and
parts. For instance, Westland cauldrons, a type of copper‑alloy cooking vessel of
Roman make, is addressed in Chapters 7 and 12. And Gudme, a prominent site in
Funen, is mentioned in every part and most chapters. For specialists interested in
what this book has to say about, for instance, Westland cauldrons or Gudme, that
is a hassle, of course. Still, the present author has found that pursuing a research
problem through multiple bodies of evidence contributes context, complexity, and
nuance to discussions, perhaps even consilience, and that these gains by far out‑
weigh the disadvantages of this way of organising discussions. Selective readers
may always rely on cross references and the indexes (pp. 659 –66).
I.6 Some Key Terms
As argued in Subchapter 2.2 (pp. 52–6), ‘tribe’ is the only term for an ethnic group
that is applied in this book, occasionally substituted by ‘people’ for variation,
and the reader will encounter several ethnonyms, names of tribes. Several other
terms that readers might take to be ethnic, like ‘Germanic’ and ‘Scandinavian’, are
not of that nature. The latter simply means an inhabitant of Scandinavia, while the
use in this book of ‘Germanic’ has a linguistic basis (pp. 34–7).
In 18th‑century linguistics, a series of related European languages were clas‑
sied as ‘Germanic’, and the use of ‘Germanic’ in linguistics is thus imposed
quite recently from the outside and was not used in the past by speakers of
these languages (Fruscione 2006). Therefore, this book’s use of the term carries
no connotations of past relatedness between peoples or cultures, only of well‑
attested similarities between their languages. In the period discussed here, these
languages were quite closely related, and although not every person speaking
a Germanic language could understand all that spoke another (Pohl 1998b:24),
some languages were mutually intelligible and the threshold for becoming able
16 The Northern Routes to Kingship
to communicate across languages was quite low. The related languages facilitated
the deep connectedness across Germanic Barbaricum in the 1st to 6th centuries
(pp. 9–12), which in turn may have contributed to reducing linguistic differences
and triggering parallel changes in related languages. The ongoing debate on how
these languages should be classied and designated (Lindow 2020b; Schjødt
2020a) is not all that important for this book’s discussions, and Robert Nedoma’s
(2017, 2018:1584–5) recent overview is sufciently precise for the present pur‑
poses (Figure 4).
FIGURE4 The three main dialect branches – East Germanic, Proto Norse (Proto North
Germanic), and West Germanic – that split from Proto Germanic some time
before the turn of the 1st millennium BC/AD. The chronology of their fur‑
ther splitting into dialects is indicated, as is the type of evidence in which
they are conveyed. For further details and references, see Robert Nedoma
(2018). Illustration, Ingvild T. Bøckman, MCH, based on Nedoma’s gure 1.
Introduction 17
The lands north and east of the limes that was settled with Germanic‑speaking
peoples is called ‘Germanic Barbaricum’, occasionally ‘Barbaricum’ for brevity.
‘Scandinavians’ is for the most part used as a term for Germanic‑speaking peoples
of Scandinavia. However, since there was a linguistically and socioculturally dis‑
crete group living in the woodlands and tundra of the Scandinavian Peninsula, the
Sámi, passages where they are discussed (Chapter 9) demand a specic term for
Germanic‑speaking Scandinavians. Again, a term based on linguistics is chosen,
the ‘Norse’, derived from the term ‘Proto Norse’, the language spoken by the
Scandinavian non‑Sámi population at the time (Figure 4).
‘Polity’ simply means political unit. Many social scientists equate it with
‘state’, but when studying pre‑modern polities, the present author prefers a less
time‑bound term for groupings that act politically. For instance, while a territory
is a constituent component of a state, non‑territorial polities are well‑known in
pre‑modern times. Therefore, Yale Ferguson and Richard Mansbach’s (1996:34;
also, Neumann 2019:2) denition is adequate for the present purposes. They iden‑
tify three properties of a polity: a self‑reective identity or ‘we‑ness’, a capacity to
mobilise resources, and a degree of institutionalisation and hierarchy. In the present
context it is relevant to add an additional feature, namely, in Colin Renfrew’s words
(1986:2), that a polity is “the highest order sociopolitical unit in the region in ques‑
tion” – with the notable addition that relations between two polities that overlap
spatially is not necessarily ranked. The three polity types discussed in this book,
the tribe, the lordship, and the kingdom, comply with this amalgamated denition
(Subchapter 2.4).
In contrast to the everyday use of ‘institution’ as a shorthand for ‘organisation’,
this social‑science term covers a wide scope of sociocultural phenomena. In the
context of this book, Douglass C. North’s (1991:97) denition is appropriate:
Institutions are the humanly devised constraints that structure political, economic
and social interaction. They consist of both informal constraints (sanctions,
TABLE1 Terms for chronological periods applied
in this book.
Period Dates AD
B1 1–70
B2 70–160
C1a 160–220
C1b 220–260
C2 260–320
C3 320–400
D1 400–450
D2a 450–500
D2b 500–550
Phase 1 550–650
18 The Northern Routes to Kingship
taboos, customs, traditions, and codes of conduct), and formal rules ( constitutions,
laws, property rights).
In this book, ‘institution’ will for the most part be used when discussing topics
within the sociopolitical realm. However, as is clear from the quotation, cultural
features like traditions and codes of conduct are integral, perhaps even constituent
parts of sociopolitical institutions like assemblies and retinues.
Regarding chronology, the terminology developed by Hans Jürgen Eggers
(1951) is applied. While his periodisation is widely accepted, the dates for the
transitions from one period to the next have been and still are subject to debates.
Differences between categories of evidence and various parts of Scandinavia add
to these complexities. From negotiating the various positions in these debates, this
author has concluded that the datings in Table 1 are meaningful for Scandinavia
AD 1–550.
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