Social and Cultural Influences on Parental Mediation of Digital Media Use in Azerbaijan

Abstract

We report on influences on Azerbaijani families' parental mediation strategies for managing young children's digital practices at home. Data were gathered with five families in 2019 and 2023 using the Living Journals approach. Both fathers and mothers revealed the influences of gender and cultural norms on parental mediation. Fathers held legislative power by making decisions about rules; mothers exercised executive power by implementing those rules but found the process of mediation to be in tension with their desire to be accepted as a ‘good mother’. The study revealed social and cultural influences on parents' mediation strategies that differ from those identified in countries in the Global North.

Full text

Children & Society, 2024; 0:1–11
https://doi.org/10.1111/chso.12927
1 of 11
Children & Society
ORIGINAL ARTICLE OPEN ACCESS
Social and Cultural Influences on Parental Mediation of
Digital Media Use in Azerbaijan
SabinaSavadova | LydiaPlowman
Moray House School of Education and Sport, The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK
Correspondence: Sabina Savadova (sabina.savadova@ed.ac.uk)
Received: 19 February 2024 | Revised: 14 September 2024 | Accepted: 7 November 202 4
Funding: This study has received funding from the University of Edinburgh College Research Award.
Keywords: Azerbaijan| fathers| living journals| parental mediation| young children and digital media
Açar sözlr: Azərbaycan| valideyn idarəetməsi| azya şlı uşaqlar və rəqəmsal media| atalar| həyatdolu gündəliklər
ABSTRACT
We report on influences on Azerbaijani families' parental mediation strategies for managing young children's digital practices
at home. Data were gathered with five families in 2019 and 2023 using the Living Journals approach. Both fathers and mothers
revealed the influences of gender and cultural norms on parental mediation. Fathers held legislative power by making decisions
about rules; mothers exercised executive power by implementing those rules but found the process of mediation to be in tension
with their desire to be accepted as a ‘good mother’. The study revealed social and cultural influences on parents' mediation strat-
egies that differ from those identified in countries in the Global North.
Xülas
Cari məqalədə Azərbaycanda valideynlərin azyaşlı uşaqlarının rəqəmsal fəaliyyətlərini idarə strategiyalarına təsir edən
amillər haqqında məlumat verilir. Məlumatlar 2019 və 2023- cü illərdə yeni ‘Həyatdolu Gündəliklər’ yanaşması ilə beş ailədən
toplanmışdır. İştirakçı ata və analar gender və mədəni normaların onların rəqəmsal fəaliyyətlərə yanaşmasına olan təsirlərini
açıqladılar. Atalar qaydalarla bağlı qərar verməklə qanunverici səlahiyyətə malik idi; analar isə həmin qaydaları tətbiq etməklə
icraedici səlahiyyəti həyata keçirirdi, lakin bu proses onların ‘yaxşı ana’ kimi qəbul edilmə arzusu ilə ziddiyyət təşkil edirdi.
Tədqiqat valideynlərin rəqəmsal fəaliyyətlərlə bağlı strategiyalarına sosial və mədəni təsirləri aşkar edib və bu təsirlər digər
ölkələrdəki nəticələrdən fərqlənir.
1 | Introduction
The uses of digital technologies in the everyday lives of young
children exert an evident influence on their daily practices
(see Chaudron, Di Gioia, and Gemo 2018). There has been
growing recognition of the significance of cultural factors
in shaping parental mediation strategies. Most existing stud-
ies have focused on the Global North (Danby etal. 2018) as
researchers typically study easily accessible environments
with which they are familiar but this can lead to the cultural
context being overlooked or appearing to be neutral. However,
there is a growing body of literature on young children's
digital media practices from the Global South countries.
For example, studies from the Global Kids Online project in
countries such as Brazil, Argentina, Chile and South Africa
further emphasise that factors such as social inequalities
and local infrastructure play a critical role in shaping digital
practices (Stoilova, Livingstone, and Kardefelt- Winther2016).
This further challenges the assumption that findings from the
Global North are universally applicable and highlights the
This is a n open access ar ticle under the terms of t he Creative Commons Attr ibution License, which p ermits use, dis tribution and repro duction in any medium, p rovided the orig inal work is
properly cited.
© 2024 T he Author(s). Children & So ciety publis hed by National Child ren's Bureau and John Wi ley & Sons Ltd.

2 of 11 Children & Society, 2024
need for a more nuanced understanding of children's media
use across the world countries (Livingstone, Mascheroni, and
Staksrud2018).
Although the initial introduction of digital technologies
to children primarily occurs within a family context, their
presence does not necessarily dictate young children's daily
routines (Chaudron, Di Gioia, and Gemo 2018). Rather, the
technology used in everyday lives within homes contributes
to reshaping the context, resulting in blurred boundaries be-
tween digital media and the home (Plowman2019). Children's
access to and uses of digital media are shaped by the guid-
ing influences of parental mediation (Matsumoto etal.2021)
and by social and cultural contexts (Kumpulainen and
Gillen 2 017). While our focus is on the immediate environ-
ment of the home, parents' decisions concerning whether to
encourage or discourage their children's digital media prac-
tices also stem from the values they hold and the qualities
they aim to instil in their children. These values are, in turn,
shaped by the cultural context which they inhabit. An exam-
ination of how parents in Azerbaijan mediate their children's
digital media practices within their cultural context is of
particular interest because Azerbaijani parents do not hold a
shared reference point that can inform this process. Given the
extensive involvement of grandparents and other relatives in
children's lives, Azerbaijani parents often possess a wealth of
familial wisdom regarding traditional facets of childrearing,
such as inducting children into culturally sympathetic values,
but the advent of digital technologies has introduced an unfa-
miliar terrain for which such guidance is absent. We recognise
that research conducted in Global North countries may not be
directly transferable to families in the Global South; similarly,
the reverse is also true as there can be disparities in childrear-
ing practices, cultural norms, belief systems and other contex-
tual variations.
There has been a persistent focus on the roles of moth-
ers in managing their children's digital media practices
(Heaselgrave2023; Hong2023; Soyoof etal.2024) as a result of
easier access to mothers as research participants and, perhaps,
due to the gender- neutral terminology of parental mediation
(Heaselgrave 2023). Azerbaijan is a former Soviet country,
where men play a dominant role in many aspects of society
(Mehrabov2016), and this carries through to their role in the
family, which is seen as a microcosm of society. Traditional
gender roles often assign fathers as breadwinners, while
mothers assume the role of homemakers, spending more time
at home with their children (Sayfutdinova 2015). However,
there is a recent growing trend of more women working out-
side the home. Children rarely attend sports or after- school
clubs in the capital city of Baku (Hunner- Kreisel etal.2022),
the location of the study reported here, which means that
children spend most of their after- school time at home with
their mothers (Habibov, Barrett, and Chernyak2 017). The re-
sponsibility for care not only places mothers in a prominent
position within the family structure but also carries respon-
sibility for the complex scheduling of daily life for the entire
family (Hunner- Kreisel etal.2022). In this regard, family life
in Azerbaijan may not differ fundamentally from that in other
countries. However, in Azerbaijan's patriarchal society, the
role of childrearing traditionally falls largely on mothers, with
fathers primarily providing for the family's material needs
(Najafizadeh2012).
This cultural expectation raises questions about the extent of
fathers' participation in their children's engagement with dig-
ital media. Understanding fathers' views on their children's
digital media practices, along with how they relate these ex-
periences to their own childhoods, can offer insights into how
they manage and influence their children's use of technologies.
Exploring these dynamics helps shed light on the evolving role
of fathers in mediating their children's digital media practices.
By giving voice to fathers, the study reported here contributes
to the literature by (i) drawing attention to the gendered na-
ture of parental mediation, (ii) providing a counterweight to the
previous concentration on mothers' roles in mediating young
children's interactions with digital media (Page Jeffery 2020)
and (iii) responding to the lack of research that involves fathers
(Wa rr en 2017). By examining some of the cultural and social
influences in Azerbaijan, we also contribute to knowledge by
(iv) directing attention to parents' perspectives regarding the
expanding role of digital technologies in Azerbaijan and the
ways in which this may influence their parental mediation
practices.
2 | Parental Mediation
Parental mediation describes how ‘parents utilise different in-
terpersonal communication strategies in their attempts to mit-
igate the negative effects of the media in their children's lives’
(Clark 2011, 325). Recent research into parental mediation of
young children's digital media practices has identified several
strategies for achieving this. Active mediation involves parents
engaging in conversations with their children about the poten-
tial negative influences of media to help them understand the
possible drawbacks of digital devices (Chaudron, Di Gioia, and
Gemo2018). Restrictive mediation refers to parents' rules to limit
their children's use of such devices, including setting restrictions
on the time, location and duration of digital media interactions
(Zaman etal. 2016). Co- use occurs when parents and children
use digital media together, sharing experiences such as watch-
ing TV, playing games or creating content based on shared in-
terests (Connell, Lauricella, and Wartella 2015). Clark (2011)
describes a fourth strategy, participatory learning, emphasising
a learner- centred approach and encouraging parents to act as
listeners and co- creators, inviting their children to take the lead
and guiding them in experiences with gaming, mobile phones,
social networking and other digital activities.
Digital technologies are becoming increasingly ingrained in
various facets of our social lives, reshaping society in an era
described as postdigital (Jandrić et al. 2018). The rapid and
widespread integration of digital technologies into our daily rou-
tines in a postdigital age further blends digital and non- digital
realms (Knox2023; Plowman 2019). These swift and evolving
changes inf luence family context and compel parents to reas-
sess their strategies for mediating their children's use of digital
technologies at home and beyond. In light of these transforma-
tive changes, we explore social and cultural factors influencing
parental mediation in a Global South country, where digital
and non- digital boundaries remain more clearly defined and
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postdigital trends may not be as widely recognised as they are
in the Global North.
Previous research in the Global North has investigated vari-
ous influences on parental mediation, including parents' ed-
ucation (Nikken and Schols 2015), parents' own digital skills
(Livingstone etal.2017), parents' confidence and risk perception
(Festl and Gniewosz 2018) and overall family values (Lafton,
Wilhelmsen, and Holmarsdottir 2024). Drawing on the study
described here, we previously identified subterfuge as an addi-
tional parental mediation strategy (Savadova 2023b). We build
upon this here to examine social and cultural inf luences on pa-
rental mediation within a theoretical framework informed by
ecocultural theory and the concept of prolepsis.
3 | Ecocultural Approach and Prolepsis
Given our focus on cultural and social influences on parental
mediation of children's digital media practices, this study draws
on ecocultural theory for its insights into the everyday practices
and interactions among individuals and culture and how activ-
ities (re)shape children's daily lives within their cultural groups
(Tudge 2008). The defining characteristics of a cultural group
encompass shared values among its members and a dedication
to transmitting these beliefs to succeeding generations (Tudge
and Odero- Wanga 2008), acknowledging that culture is not a
static concept and that individuals can simultaneously belong to
multiple cultures and cultural groups.
Besides recognising the complex influences of cultural groups
on parents' decisions about childrearing, the concept of prolep-
sis is helpful to explore the reasons behind parents' decisions in
their mediation. Prolepsis aligns well with ecocultural theory,
as it focuses on how parents' past experiences, beliefs and future
aspirations significantly influence their present childrearing de-
cisions, including those related to digital media access, within
the broader cultural context. The rapid technological changes
of the past few decades have transformed the cultural landscape
in which children are raised, and parents have assumed the role
of mediators and facilitators of their children's engagement with
digital media (Dias etal.2016). The concept of prolepsis is help-
ful for understanding these processes further.
Prolepsis, a concept from literary theory, involves narrating a
future event before recounting past events. Cole (1998, 2002)
applies this idea to childrearing and describes prolepsis as a
process whereby parents imagine their child's future and then
shape the child's present behaviour to align with the expecta-
tions associated with that envisioned future (Cole 2002). This
phenomenon is influenced by the parents' cultural background
and assumptions and is rooted in their own past experiences and
upbringing.
Overall, through prolepsis, parents reflect on their past experi-
ences, project them into the future and then bring this imagined
future back into the present to influence various aspects of the
family's daily experiences and practices, so shaping the socio-
cultural environment in which the child grows. Cole(1998) pre-
dominantly refers to mothers when discussing the mechanism
of prolepsis. McPake and Plowman(2010) effectively applied the
concept of prolepsis to explore young children's digital media
practices, particularly examining how parents' beliefs inf luence
the role of digital media within family dynamics. In the study
reported here, the concept of prolepsis fits very well with eco-
cultural theory. Besides the complex influences, the cultural
context has on the parents' decisions about childrearing, their
own past experiences, beliefs and future aspirations for children
play a significant role in the decisions they make in the present,
in this case in relation to access to digital media. We extend re-
search conducted by McPake and Plowman(2010) and acknowl-
edge Cole's scholarship to consider the ways in which prolepsis
helps us to understand more about the influences on parental
mediation of young children's digital media practices and how
this encompasses fathers' roles and involvement.
4 | Research Design and Method
The key research question underpinning this study was: What
are the cultural and social influences on parental mediation in
Azerbaijan? Given the complex intricacies of real- life contexts
(Thomas2011), a multiple- case study approach was adopted to
unveil diverse pa rticipant interpretations. Fami ly homes in Baku,
the capital city of Azerbaijan, were considered the bounded con-
text. Each of the five families served as a case (Gustafsson2017)
and was visited three times. In addition, living journals, a digital
participatory research method (Savadova2024), were developed
particularly for this study to provide multiple sources of data
and to investigate the nuances of everyday lives from a distance.
The living journals facilitated remote exploration of children's
daily experiences by actively engaging mothers as proxy re-
searchers, thereby shifting the focus away from the researcher
during the data generation process. The data generated through
this method yielded multivocal, multimodal, metatextual and
multifunctional data (Savadova2023a).
In the initial phase, participant mothers received prompts
sent via the WhatsApp instant messaging application, as it
is widely utilised in Azerbaijan. These prompts were sent to
five mothers three times a day over 8 days in total over a pe-
riod that included both the school term and a summer holiday
break. The prompts solicited visual materials such as pictures
and/or brief 30- second videos of their respective children in
line with the provided guidance. On each occasion, mothers
were requested to provide succinct responses to four specific
questions concerning the child's current location, compan-
ions, ongoing activity and the purpose underlying their en-
gagement in the activity. In the second phase, participants
were asked if they wanted to exclude any of the text or visuals
they had already sent, but no such requests were received. The
images that they provided were then used to create paper and
digital versions of each child's journal for distribution to their
families. In the third phase, digital versions of the prepared
journals served as prompts for discussion. Discussions were
held with mothers and children concerning both their own
family's journals and those of other participant families, en-
abling them to highlight ways in which their own practices
resembled, or differed from, others. Similar discussions were
held separately with fathers. This approach ensured that fa-
thers, who are often underrepresented in research on paren-
tal mediation, were fully included. More nuanced procedures,
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4 of 11 Children & Society, 2024
limitations and affordances of the approach have been de-
tailed elsewhere (Savadova2024).
Initial data generation using the living journals method took
place in 2019, and a subsequent round was conducted 4 years
later, in 2023. This additional phase of the study demonstrated
the longitudinal affordances of the method and provided an
opportunity for families to reflect on changes as their chil-
dren grew up with and beyond the restrictions caused by the
COVID- 19 pandemic. Each family was provided with access
to their respective online journal from 2019 and invited to in-
terpret their earlier activities, with an emphasis on identifying
potential changes. As in 2019, online discussions were held
separately with fathers, while mothers and children joined in
together. With the permission of the participants, the discus-
sions were video- recorded for translation and transcription
purposes.
4.1 | Participants
A snowball sampling method solicited information from po-
tential participant families by leveraging personal and pro-
fessional networks (Noy2008). The only criterion in selecting
participants was that the families had a five- year- old child.
This meant that the participant children were in the school
preparation year in 2019, transitioning from nurseries to
schools. Given that same- sex marriage is illegal in Azerbaijan,
the families in this study consisted of only heterosexual cou-
ples. Judgements about Socio- Economic Status (SES) in this
study were based on information provided about parents' em-
ployment and observations of the participant families, com-
pared to the general population's living conditions. However,
given the small number of families, SES was not a key aspect
of analysis. A high SES was attributed to families who were
relatively well- off, able to send their children to prestigious
private preschools and provide digital devices for all their chil-
dren. A middle SES describes families who live comfortably,
own their own home and car and have at least one stable job,
whereas a low SES indicates a status near or below the poverty
line. In Azerbaijan, it is common for extended family members
to live together and play an active role in raising children. In
Kamala's family, paternal grandparents lived with them, while
in Yasin's household, it was his paternal grandmother. Bilal's
family shared their flat with his paternal uncle, and in Elcan's
family, his paternal grandparents frequently visited for month-
long extended stays. Khumar's maternal grandparents lived
close to them and her grandmother was often taking care of
the children. Figure1 presents demographic information about
the participating families at the time of the first study in 2019.
The digital inventories of the family homes varied in terms of
device ownership and usage as depicted in Figure2.
4.2 | Data Analysis
We first analysed the data separately within each case and
then across cases. The analytical framework employed for this
study was rooted in ecocultural theory, paying attention to the
environment in which children lived and the companions with
whom they interacted in their daily lives (Tudge2008). To gain
a deeper understanding of the data, the concept of prolepsis was
also utilised to elucidate the impact of parents' own prior experi-
ences with digital media.
Given the diverse nature of the data gathered through the liv-
ing journals, inductive thematic analysis was used (Braun and
Clarke 2021). An iterative approach was applied to the coding
process in order to ensur e that each step during coding wa s revis-
ited multiple times, ensuring a thorough examination and inter-
pretation of the data (Locke, Feldman, and Golden- Biddle2022).
The coding process encompassed two stages: open and focused
coding. During the open coding process, codes and code groups
were developed inductively, following the research question.
At the focused coding stage, these codes and code groups were
FIGUR E  | Participant families. [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
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5 of 11
refined, leading to new codes, categories and themes, which
were continually compared both within and across cases to un-
cover distinctions and commonalities. As an example, Table1
illustrates the coding process on an excerpt and some examples
of interpretations.
This excerpt is from the ‘preparing children for the digital
future’ findings discussed later in the article. Guided by eco-
cultural theory, we concentrated on children's environments
and interactions during the coding process. The open cod-
ing phase revealed attitudes from both mothers and fathers,
generating codes such as ‘health concerns’, ‘hiding devices’,
‘parents’ own experiences', ‘changing digital media practices’,
‘catching up’ with peers', ‘digital device availability’ and ‘re-
stricting children's access'. However, subsequent focused
coding uncovered opposing behaviours despite the prevalent
negative views on digital devices and children's digital media
practices. These included ‘parental aspirations', ‘changing dig-
ital media practices, ‘developing children's' digital skills' and
‘Azerbaijan's digital development’. We reconciled these con-
tradictions in the analysis phase, leading to the insight that
while parents maintained negative sentiments towards digital
devices, they occasionally allowed or even facilitated access
when it aligned with educational objectives that would help
them see their children ready for a digital future with appro-
priate digital skills and knowledge.
4.3 | Ethical Considerations
This study addressed ethical considerations in accordance with
the ethical guidelines established by the British Educational
Research Association (BER A 2018). Ethical approval was sought
and obtained from the University of Edinburgh. All the partic-
ipant names and surnames are anonymised, and pseudonyms
are used.
Given the complexities of the method, including the use of pho-
tographs, remote data generation, involvement of children and
complex family dynamics, there was a rigorous commitment to
ethical considerations throughout the study. This involved in-
person family visits, during which initial (and then renewed)
consent was obtained from both mothers and children. This
was followed by online discussions with parents and children
to obtain their consent prior to starting data generation and cre-
ating the living journals. Once the journals were created, we
requested consent from mothers, fathers and children to share
their journal with other families, as well as obtaining explicit
consent from parents and children for using children's visuals,
including photographs and videos, in academic publications and
conference presentations.
As there was a substantial focus on children's lives and individ-
ual activities, particular attention was paid to their continuous
consent, focusing on their rights to withdraw from the study at
any stage (Flewitt2019). Securing their consent involved having
discussions with them before the start of data generation and
staying in tune with possible cues of discomfort.
5 | Social and Cultural Influences Impacting
Parental Mediation in Azerbaijan
The discussions prompted by the living journals revealed types
of parental mediation strategies Azerbaijani parents tended to
use (Savadova2023b), as well as cultural and social influences
FIGUR E  | Digital inventories of family homes. [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
TABLE  | An example of the coding process on an excerpt.
Excerpt Open coding output
Focused coding
output Examples of interpretations
I am thinking of sending
him to IT courses now.
Before, I was not thinking
about it, but now I am keen
to encourage him in that
direction because Artificial
Intelligence has now widely
spread to all aspects of life
(Mrs Mammadova, LJ
discussion, 2023)
• IT courses
• Mothers' changing attitudes;
media use
• ‘Catching up’ with peers
• Mother attitudes towards
digital media
• Parental aspirations
• Changes in digital
media practices
Mothers' changing attitudes and
approaches towards digital media
are affected by the current changes
in the spread of digital media
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6 of 11 Children & Society, 2024
on them. In this article, we focus on the following identified
influences:
1. Fathers and mothers had differing roles in parental medi-
ation; fathers were found to be decision- makers in identi-
fying strategies, while mothers were tasked with executing
their decisions.
2. Mothers felt an obligation to mediate relationships among
their children, their spouses and the grandparents while
remaining a ‘good’ mother in the eyes of all of them. They
found this problematic in the area of children's practices
with digital media.
3. Despite their overall negative attitudes towards young
children's digital media practices, parents allowed condi-
tional access since they wanted to prepare their children
for the future and help them avoid falling behind their
peers.
Previous research makes some reference to mediation prac-
tices in terms of parents' gender (Sonck, Nikken, and De
Haan2013), as well as the influences of culture and the per-
sonal nature of individuals (Shin and Li 2017; Kirwil2009).
However, the study reported here revealed parents' differing
approaches to mediating young children's digital media prac-
tices and unveiled some of the power dynamics within the
families. Parental responsibilities were allocated by gender.
Fathers held legislative powers by making decisions about
rules regarding children's uses of digital media; they set rules
for mothers to carry out and saw mediation as part of the
mothers' daily childcare responsibilities. There was an expec-
tation that mothers would put these rules into effect, leading
mothers to feel pressure to prove that they were ‘good’ moth-
ers and to feel guilt when they allowed their children to use
digital devices.
5.1 | Legislative and Executive Powers: Differing
Parental Roles
All the fathers in this study were perceived as authoritative fig-
ures within the families and tried to uphold this image by taking
strict stances when intervening in matters regarding children's
daily activities. Motivated to keep this authority intact, they ac-
tively set the rules but left their execution to the mothers. Such
a division of responsibilities was consistent with the perceived
understanding of gender roles in Azerbaijan (Mehrabov 2016).
Decisions about whether to project their vision of the future
onto their children's present activities also influenced fathers'
law- making. Fathers saw their children's future lives as being
increasingly digital. However, they often hesitated to translate
this future vision into their current decisions and mediation
strategies.
For fathers in the study, there was a relationship between their
own ch ildhood exp eriences and thei r children's intro duction to
digital technologies. Mr Azadov—Kamala's father—thought
that children do not need to develop digital skills at a young
age. He drew from his personal experience, which involved
first using a computer during early adulthood, and concluded
that children could acquire digital skills later in life. Both the
2019 and 2023 stages of data generation yielded a spectrum
of fathers' concerns regarding their children's engagement
with digital media. Anxieties regarding the well- being of their
children extended beyond mere physical concerns and en-
compassed possible psychological distress, such as fear, and
unwanted behaviour induced by digital content. These multi-
faceted concerns motivated parents to impose limitations on
the digital media activities of their children, although parents
also acknowledged the increasing integration of digital tech-
nologies into their children's lives. During the living journal
discussions held in 2023, however, Mr Azadov reaffirmed his
belief that, notwithstanding the ‘demands’ of their children,
they were still trying to keep them away from digital media
devices 4 years later. Consequently, they resorted to imple-
menting time restrictions on its usage.
[Computer use] is bad for the child. I first saw a
computer when I was 18 or 20. Some people learn
how to use a computer at the age of 25. The children
can learn at that age, too. It won't make a difference.
(Mr Azadov, Living Journals (LJ) discussion, 2019)
Digital media use is just increasing. Nowadays,
children are very demanding in that sense. But we are
trying to keep them away as much as possible. It is
not good for their eyesight or brain functioning. The
main thing is that we set time limits. Maybe half an
hour or one hour a day. They can watch cartoons for
one hour or two a day.
(Mr Azadov, LJ discussion, 2023)
In contrast to the other fathers in the study, Mr Aliyev, Elcan's fa-
ther, acknowledged the evolving nature of digital media and the
shifti ng generational dynamics. His v iewpoint diverged from the
idea of simply replicating past behaviours in terms of children's
interaction with digital technologies. Consequently, his family
embraced a greater number of devices and were more lenient in
this regard. For example, one of the recent measures adopted by
Elcan's father was the implementation of a screen time rule for
children, limiting their usage to a duration of 3 hours each day.
This compares with 1 hour in the rest of the families but, even
though his approach was more liberal in terms of restrictions,
Mr Aliyev still saw it as his role to set the rules.
All fathers in the study were introduced to digital technologies
in their early adulthood, and four of them projected their own
experiences onto their children's future: content with their own
digital proficiency, they did not perceive the need to provide
their children with early access. Their rationale was rooted in
the belief that if they had acquired computer skills during adult-
hood, their children could do the same without experiencing any
obstacles.
Another factor influencing the fathers' behaviour and deci-
sions was the local context. In line with the broader societal
norms and expectations, Azerbaijani fathers are in a more
authoritative position, while mothers assume more of the re-
sponsibilities of homemaking (Hunner- Kreisel et al. 2022).
This division of responsibilities aligned with fathers setting
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7 of 11
the rules and mothers implementing them as part of the daily
practices of homemaking. In both 2019 and 2023, data con-
firmed that fathers used their authority to set rules. This
was corroborated by statements from fathers themselves,
their children and mothers. The influence of gender carried
through to mothers asserting that their sons were more in-
clined to heed their fathers' requests. Then, explaining their
mediation strategies, fathers highlighted how they possessed
the power to take away devices, but they rarely, if ever, ex-
ercised this authority, instead choosing indirect methods of
controlling access in the interest of preserving good relation-
ships with children (Savadova2023b). They drew attention to
the perceived lack of mothers' authority and the workarounds
that this necessitated, such as mothers disconnecting the Wi-
Fi router rather than confronting children by being ‘strict’.
When I am not home, his mother cannot control
him. He is a bit scared of me. However, honestly
speaking, his mother defends him a lot, and that is
why she cannot control him. She cannot take the
notebook away from him, so she turns off the Wi- Fi
router.
(Mr Rzayev, LJ discussion, 2019)
Mr Aliyev: They [children] supervise it. Sometimes [the chil-
dren] exceed that set time, but then we decrease
the time the next day to make up for it. That
is how we try to supervise. But when I am not
home, when they are home with their mum, it is
not supervised most of the time.
Researcher: Any specific reason for that?
Mr Aliyev: Their mum is not strict that much. I trust them,
but I also control them from time to time. Their
mother is not strict enough.
(Mr Aliyev, LJ discussion, 2023)
Overall, drawing upon Cole's (1998) concept of prolepsis, the
study unveiled the ways in which fathers projected their past
experiences onto their children's futures, inf luencing their
decision- making. Fathers tended to idealise and romanticise
their own childhoods when contemplating their children's en-
gagement with digital media. They aspired for their children
to undergo similar experiences, characterised by limited ex-
posure to digital technologies in early childhood, and to defer
the development of digital skills until the later stages of their
children's lives. To enact these rules and fulfil their objectives,
fathers initiated them and delegated their implementation
to mothers, who integrated them into the daily lives of their
children.
5.2 | Navigating ‘Good’ Motherhood
Most fathers in the participant families were absent from their
households during the day due to work commitments, so their
direct involvement in mediating children's daily digital media
practices was limited. However, even when they were at home,
they tended to maintain a distance from immediate involve-
ment in managing children's activities. By contrast, mothers
oversaw their children's lives more actively. Participant moth-
ers appeared willing to assume the responsibility for imple-
mentation and for meeting the expectations of other family
members. Ultimately, this rendered mothers the most influen-
tial figures in shaping their children's digital media practices.
Fathers and, at times, grandparents strongly reinforced the
belief that the duty of implementing rules rested with moth-
ers. When children deviated from these rules, it was perceived
as a failure on the part of mothers to fulfil their responsibil-
ities effectively. Mothers themselves adopted this viewpoint
and internalised the need to supervise their children's digital
media practices. They experienced guilt when they believed
they had not succeeded in achieving this objective, especially
when their children spent what was deemed to be excessive
time using digital media devices or encountered inappropriate
content while watching YouTube videos.
I feel guilty that sometimes when I am busy, I give
him my phone or tablet to watch something to get rid
of him. Yet, when I have time, I sit down with him
and watch how rain or thunderstorms happen on
YouTube videos, and I explain them to him as they
are mostly in English or Russian.
(Mrs Mammadova, LJ discussion, 2019)
Mrs Mammadova's guilt was partly assuaged by guiding her son
towards content that she deemed educational on topics such as
the mechanics of earthquakes or the science behind thunder-
storms, an approach that can also be influenced by maternal
beliefs that prioritise educational and physical activities such as
reading books, engaging in outdoor play and fostering social in-
teractions over digital media use . These convictions are, in turn,
influenced by the mothers' own childhood experiences and how
their time was allocated during that period. This phenomenon
can be understood within the framework of prolepsis, as de-
scribed by Cole(1998), which illustrates how parental attitudes
are moulded by their own earlier life experiences.
Mothers' supervision encompassed taking on the pivotal role of
gatekeepers for their children's interactions with digital devices
(Brito etal.2017). They were tasked with striking a delicate bal-
ance between allowing regulated access to digital media and
acceding to the wishes of extended family members, notably
grandparents. Mothers frequently cohabited with their spouses'
parents and reported perceived heightened scrutiny of their
motherhood, amplifying the pressure to conform to the expec-
tations of being a ‘good mother’. For example, Kamala's mother
labelled herself as a ‘bad mother’ following her children's nega-
tive response to her restrictions on their phone usage at a café.
Elcan's mother cited her father- in- law advising her, ‘If you love
your children, you should not let them play with their tablets
or any other digital technologies’. Yasin's mother, on the other
hand, grappled with feelings of guilt for permitting her child to
use digital media devices while she undertook household chores.
Mothers' emotions, including anxiety regarding their children's
engagement with digital technologies, intersected with their
aspirations to be regarded as competent parents by themselves
and their immediate relatives. They sought validation from
their spouses and relatives as ‘good’ mothers. Meeting these
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8 of 11 Children & Society, 2024
multifaceted expectations posed a complex challenge for moth-
ers, often resulting in restrictions imposed on their children's
exposure to digital technologies.
5.3 | Preparing Children for the Digital Future
During the first stage of data generation in 2019, when the
focus children were 5 years old, all parents highlighted that
their children were still too young to use digital technologies.
However, parents had reconsidered their stance in 2023 and un-
derlined that the future was increasingly digital. They reflected
on how other children were developing digital skills and that
they wanted their children to avoid ‘falling behind’ their peers,
so that they would compete with them in the present and fu-
ture. In 2023, all the participating children had been given their
parents' or relatives' old phones for their own use. Parents also
talked about wanting to send their children to specialised tu-
toring classes where children learn digital skills, programming
and coding.
They should be able to do research and understand
on their own. If they do not learn technologies now,
then they will be behind their peers. … So, I would
like my children to know how to use technologies in
the future.
(Mrs Azadova, LJ discussion, 2023)
I am thinking of sending him to IT courses now.
Before, I was not thinking about it, but now I am keen
to encourage him in that direction because Artificial
Intelligence has now widely spread to all aspects of
life.
(Mrs Mammadova, LJ discussion, 2023)
Even though this theme emerged in discussions in 2019, it was
not uppermost. Now that the children were older, factors such as
maintaining their competitiveness in the future labour market
and not ‘falling behind’ their peers became a stronger inf luence.
The efforts to maintain a balance between control and freedom
in terms of children's technology use were still present but par-
ents seemed more accepting of the presence of technologies in
everyday life and actively adjusted their perspectives to encour-
age children to acquire digital skills, rather than hinder their
access.
Before, we did not want technology for them because
they were young, but now, it is OK. But again, not for
games or cartoons. Because it does not matter how
much games help them to develop, they freeze their
brain.
(Mrs Azadova, LJ discussion, 2023)
Follow- up data from 2023 revealed parents' changing attitudes
towards their children's digital media practices as technologies
became more widespread in daily life. What remained constant
over the four- year period was the parents' preference for educa-
tional content of digital media over entertainment.
He is very good at Russian now. I want both of [my
children] to start English classes as well, and then
I will encourage them to watch Netflix or YouTube
videos in English to improve their English language
skills.
(Mrs Hajiyeva, LJ discussion, 2023)
Sometimes, they want to watch YouTube videos
with me when I lie down. I am trying to watch child-
friendly content then. For example, I saved a video la st
time showing how they put luggage on the plane. I
showed them how they do it, so they get to learn about
the process. For example, I show them on YouTube
how to make cheese or any other daily things and
stuff they use at home.
(Mr Hajiyev, LJ discussion, 2023)
While parents often imposed limitations on their children's tech-
nology usage, they acknowledged that their children had some
degree of access to digital media. Consequently, they preferred
to utilise this time by providing curated content with an edu-
cational focus or, at the very least, engaging with entertaining
content in a foreign language. Four out of five participant chil-
dren attended preschool and school in either English or Russian
rather than in their first language, Azerbaijani. In common
with other studies, parents were inclined to offer digital media
to their children when they were convinced of its educational
value (Livingstone and Blum- Ross2020).
5.4 | Parents' Reflections on Digital Development
in Azerbaijan
Parents connected some of the changes in their practices with
Azerbaijan's digital development over the years. In 2023, par-
ents considered Azerbaijan to be a long way from reaching the
level of digital progress on par with Global North countries, es-
pecially given the lack of availability of the latest hardware and
software products in the country.
All kinds of updates on phones and other digital
devices, or software updates, come to Azerbaijan
last. Tech companies treat Asian countries—us—as
secondary. I would use Alexa or any others if they
had it in Azerbaijan. It is just I am not aware of the
existence of those devices. Information is limited. We
are so far from digital technologies that we are not
aware of the existence of these kinds of things…
(Mr Hajiyev, LJ discussion, 2023)
As parents suggested that these technologies were not widely
understood or adopted in Azerbaijan, it is not surprising that
attitudes towards digital technologies differ from those in
the more technologically advanced countries of the Global
North. Revisiting his earlier point, Mr Hajiyev mentions again
that Azerbaijanis like himself might not be well- informed or
aware of the latest digital trends and innovations, resulting
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9 of 11
in hesitancy in embracing or integrating new technology into
everyday life.
Also, we are not that much interested and enthusiastic
about [digital technologies]. Azerbaijanis have a
different approach to digital media as well. We are not
aware of those new things in our country. You might
tell me something that I might have never heard of
in Azerbaijan. Maybe that will come to our country
next year… In Azerbaijan, too, there are some people
using new digital technologies, but very few… People
are hardly accepting robot vacuum cleaners.
(Mr Hajiyev, LJ discussion, 2023)
Parents drew attention to Azerbaijanis' increasing interest in
smartphones rather than other digital devices, even though they
were not taking advantage of many features they offered. Given
the increasing differences between the capital cit y, Baku, and other
cities and regions of Azerbaijan, parents also highlighted people's
tendency to use digital media in urban rather than in rural areas.
In Azerbaijan, there is a tendency that everybody is
buying new expensive phones because they look at
others and see that they are doing it. For example,
their monthly salary is 500 manats, but they buy a
phone worth 3000 manats. So, they waste their six-
month salary on a phone with credit.
(Mr Azadov, LJ discussion, 2023)
I think people in urban places and cities are keener to
use digital technologies. But in suburban places, it is
not the same.
(Mr Mammadov, LJ discussion, 2023)
Although the same questions were asked of fathers and moth-
ers, fathers tended to be more vocal about the lack of availability
of software and devices on the local market. This research was
conducted in the capital city, Baku, where many people can gen-
erally afford to purchase mobile phones and tablets. However, as
highlighted by some parents, Azerbaijan is not currently a prime
market for innovative technology or smartphone applications,
such as the United States, the United Kingdom or other more
highly developed economies. While Alexa and Amazon services
are not available, changes brought about by developments in AI
capability have been accessible to anyone with an internet con-
nection. The availability of tools such as banking services and
their integration into daily lives has clearly prompted parents
to re- evaluate the role of digital skills in their children's future.
6 | Conclusion
Previous research has reported an imbalance in the media-
tion practices of mothers and fathers (Peng2022; Warren2017;
Heaselgrave2023), but we have extended this to explore inter-
sections of cultural and social influences on parents' roles in
the mediation process as guided by their past childhood expe-
riences. The study's contribution includes (i) drawing attention
to cultural and social influences on parental mediation in
Azerbaijan, a country of the Global South; (ii) revealing fathers'
perspectives and roles in parental mediation; and (iii) highlight-
ing fathers' perspectives on Azerbaijan's digital development
and its potential impact on the uptake of digital media.
While the study echoes some of the main findings of Livingstone
and Blum- Ross(2018) about parents' imagining of the future and
its impact on their present perceptions and decisions, the addi-
tion of the participant fathers' voices in both 2019 and 2023 is
distinctive. Cole's(1998) concept of prolepsis helps to reveal the
ways in which fathers ref lected on their own pre- digital child-
hoods to inform their present- day actions towards the children's
imagined digital future. Despite acknowledgements of the future
being digital, fathers found it challenging to ensure a balance be-
tween restrictions and access to digital media and, as authorita-
tive figures in the families, made rules which their spouses were
expected to execute. Engaging families in discussions about the
living journals 4 years later, it became apparent that parents were
worried about their children falling behind their peers or miss-
ing out on opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
Edwards(2023) usefully frames the several decades- long history
of the debate on young children and technology into three gen-
erations. Generation 1 refers to the debate on whether to allow
children to use computers for learning, encompassing the first in-
troduction of such devices in family lives in t he 1980s. Generation
2 refers to the era of research that focused on understanding chil-
dren's interactions with technology, and this period is termed
‘digital play’. Generation 3 is considered postdigital, a term that
describes the current state of society in which social practices
and digital technologies are intertwined with daily actions.
We have explored the ways in which the cultural context affects
parents' decision- making and how they imagine their children's
future. In particular, fathers highlighted that Azerbaijan's socio-
economic situation has predominantly restricted the availability
of technological devices to smartphones, tablets and TVs. Even
though the availability of the latest technology is perceived to
be lagging in Azerbaijan, the main devices such as computers,
tablets and phones are available there, as in the Global North.
However, this study illustrated that the considerations of adop-
tion and uses of such technologies by children in Azerbaijan are
still at Edwards' (2023) stage of Generation 1. Some aspects of
Generation 2, or digital play, are emerging among the families
researched here but are mostly manifested if the content is ed-
ucational in nature. It was beyond the scope of this study to in-
vestigate national economic and political inf luences in any depth,
but it is clear that the way in which these influences intersect
with social and cultural changes is key to understanding more
about practices in the home. We encourage future longitudinal
research to redress the emphasis of existing studies which focus
on the Global North by uncovering changes over time and how
these are influenced by social, cultural, economic and political
perspectives in countries of the Global South.
Acknowledgements
We are deeply grateful to all the participating families in our research
for their willingness to share their experiences and insights with us.
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10 of 11 Children & Society, 2024
We also thank the anonymous reviewers of this article and the edi-
tors of the special issue for their valuable insights and constructive
feedback.
Ethics Statement
The research has received ethical approval from the University of
Edinburgh.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Data Availability Statement
The authors have nothing to report.
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