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Social Foundations of
a Just Coal Transition
Joanne Jordan
Janna Tenzing
Public Disclosure AuthorizedPublic Disclosure AuthorizedPublic Disclosure AuthorizedPublic Disclosure Authorized
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Please cite this work as follows: Jordan, J. and
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Cover design: Cybil Maradza
Contents
Contents ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Acknowledgments .................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Executive summary ...............................................................................................................................................................................................................
Acronyms ......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Study objective ........................................................................................................................................................................................................
1.2 Audience, methods, and scope ..................................................................................................................................................................
2. SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
2.1 Transition impacts on people and communities ...........................................................................................................................
Loss of employment among lower-skilled and informal workers, and non-mine workers ..........................
Increased household costs and reduced public investment in social services and local infrastructure ....
Mobility and outmigration ...............................................................................................................................................................................
Stress, anxiety, and depression ....................................................................................................................................................................
Place attachment, and social and cultural identity ......................................................................................................................
Tension, conflict, and violence ...................................................................................................................................................................
Intersectionality ......................................................................................................................................................................................................
2.2 Social co-benefits of a coal transition ....................................................................................................................................................
3. A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
3.1 Analytics ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................
3.2 Consensus and vision-building ...................................................................................................................................................................
3.3 Institutional readiness .......................................................................................................................................................................................
3.4 Community investments ..................................................................................................................................................................................
3.5 Knowledge exchange .........................................................................................................................................................................................
3.6 Dialogue and participatory approaches as cross-cutting .......................................................................................................
4. CONCLUSION AND FURTHER WORK
REFERENCES
APPENDIXES
Appendix A. Status of coal phaseout .....................................................................................................................................................................
Appendix B. Research design and methods ....................................................................................................................................................
Appendix C. Seven principles to realize a just transition to a low-carbon economy ........................................................
Appendix D. World Bank 3x3 framework for a just transition .............................................................................................................
Appendix E. Overview of the social aspects of mine closure .............................................................................................................
Appendix F. Degree of citizen participation and power in decision-making ..........................................................................
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Social Dimensions of Climate Change | iii
Acknowledgements
This study was produced by the Social Dimensions of
Climate Change Global Solutions Group in the Global
Department for Social Development at the World Bank,
under the leadership and guidance of Louise Cord,
Nikolas Myint, Jana El-Horr, and Margaret Arnold. It was
co-authored by Joanne Jordan and Janna Tenzing.
Joanne Jordan led on the desk-based research,
qualitative interviews, data analysis, writing, and review
and contributed to the conceptualization of the study.
Janna Tenzing led on the conceptualization of the
study and contributed to the desk-based research,
analysis, writing, and review. The authors gratefully
acknowledge substantive contributions from Jana El-
Horr, Ezgi Canpolat, Lelia Croitoru, Margaret Arnold,
and Cristina Coirolo, as well as further inputs from Ava
Khavari and Sana Ikram Sharif. They are also grateful for
the invaluable feedback received from peer reviewers
at various stages of the research: Balada Amor, Nina
Kolybashkina, Abidah Setyowati and Bandita Sijapati,
as well as Stéphane Hallegatte, Elizabeth Ruppert
Bulmer, Marcela Rozo, Michael Stanley, and Andrea
Fitri Woodhouse. In addition, they thank the experts
who generously contributed their insights through
interviews for this study: John Leo Algo, Balada
Amor, Elaine Joyce Borejon, Kenneth Bernard M.
Hizon, Binnu Jeyakumar, Mukul Kumar, Michelle
Lapiz, Joel Chester Pagulayan, Riedo Panaligan, Sri
Lestari, Nick Robins, Anabella Rosemberg, Elizabeth
Ruppert Bulmer, Michael Stanley, Justine Sylvester,
Emcet Tas, and the participants of the stakeholder
meetings of the Just Coal Transition Platform
Southeast Asia. They thank Lucy Southwood for her
skillful editing of the manuscript and Cybil Maradza
for the design of the report.
The team gratefully acknowledges funding from
the Extractives Global Programmatic Support
(EGPS) Program.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
iv | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Executive Summary
With climate change causing loss and damage,
disrupting nature, and aecting the lives of billions
of people, the world has accepted that it cannot
achieve carbon dioxide reduction goals without
phasing out coal. The global energy sector is the
primary contributor to carbon dioxide emissions,
with coal as the foremost contributor between 2015
and 2019, responsible for approximately 44 percent
in 2019 (IEA 2020). But while transitioning from coal
to aordable, reliable, and clean energy sources is
essential for fulfilling the Paris Agreement targets,
it also poses economic and social challenges in
meeting growing energy demands.
This paper argues that addressing the broader
social dimensions of coal transitions is crucial for
success and oers benefits and opportunities for
the millions of people aected. It outlines existing
literature about anticipated impacts of the transition
not just on workers, but on people and communities
more broadly, such as loss of employment, increased
household costs, reduced public investment, mobility
and outmigration, mental health, social and cultural
identity, and conflict. It also considers the social co-
benefits of coal transitions, such as reduced risks to
livelihoods, new job opportunities, improvements
in health and well-being, and social empowerment.
Finally, it cautions that the uneven distribution of
transition benefits and burdens can exacerbate pre-
existing inequalities and systemic marginalization,
reproducing the energy sector’s legacy of social
exclusion and injustice (Johnson et al. 2020),
underlining that social sustainability, alongside
economic and environmental sustainability, are vital
for advancing a just transition away from coal.
The paper oers a framework of upstream
interventions to help governments and other actors
facilitate inclusive planning, decision-making,
and transition management. To help ensure their
transition away from coal is both socially sustainable
and just, interventions must start at the earliest
stages of planning and continue through to the post-
transition community development phase. To guide
planners and decision-makers through this process,
the paper explores the importance of:
• Collecting and analyzing socioeconomic and
social inclusion data early on, which helps develop
a good understanding of the context within which
the transition will take place. Using participatory
approaches and mapping helps ensure everyone
is heard and nobody is overlooked in transition
planning and management.
• Supporting consensus and vision-building,
which will enhance trust in and community
ownership of the transition process. Having
a shared vision for the community’s post-coal
future provides clear direction for transition
planners, guiding decision-making and resource
allocation toward specific outcomes. Sustained
and inclusive social dialogue contributes to the
co-creation of such a vision—and a roadmap
for its achievement—with aected communities
and stakeholders.
• Ensuring institutions at all levels are ready
and able to manage the transition, and work
together with all stakeholders, which will ensure
more eective and inclusive policy planning
and decision-making. Governance structures
must be transparent and participative, and
outcomes desirable and acceptable for aected
communities. Decentralizing decision-making
authority to the lowest appropriate level of
governance while ensuring coordination and
collaboration between dierent government
levels, sectors and stakeholders will help align
the needs and priorities of aected communities
with national transition and development goals. It
will also promote eective local action.
• Community investments that respond to local
priorities and needs while being aligned with
regional and national development planning,
which will enhance trust and ownership over the
transition process. Environmental rehabilitation,
land repurposing, and stranded asset upgrading
can attract new opportunities and bring broader
social benefits to the local community, especially
when guided by locally led, participatory,
inclusive, and empowering processes.
• Multicountry and national-level coal phaseout
knowledge exchange platforms, which can help
bridge the gap between the way we understand
and address challenges around socially sustainable
just transitions away from coal. As well as building
confidence that there is a better way to manage
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | v
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
the transition, these platforms can facilitate
the dissemination of bespoke, contextualized
knowledge and play a pivotal role in disseminating
policies, reforms, and initiatives.
• Building meaningful and continuous dialogue
and engagement, which lies at the heart of
developing a socially sustainable transition, and
cuts across the five areas of intervention outlined
above. Building trust among stakeholders
and in institutions takes significant time and
resources, and must be patiently cultivated
through ongoing dialogue and transparent and
participatory policy practices.
It is important to recognize that this framework
represents a set of ideal interventions or entry-points,
and to acknowledge the challenges of implementing
this transition. Doing so will require political will,
significant time inputs, financing, and an interdisciplinary
skillset. These challenges underscore the complexity
and depth of the transition process, and the need
for sustained eort and collaboration across various
stakeholders to ensure a fair and equitable outcome.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
vi | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
CIF
COP
IEA
ILO
IPCC
LURA
PPCA
SME
STEM
Climate Investment Funds
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change
International Energy Agency
International Labour Organization
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
Land Use Repurposing Application
Powering Past Coal Alliance
Small and Medium-sized Enterprises
Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics
Acronyms
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | vii
ACRONYMS
1 | Introduction
Climate change is widespread, rapid, and intensifying.
It has already caused dangerous losses and damages,
led to disruptions in nature, and aected the lives
of billions of people worldwide (IPCC 2022). Risks
to livelihoods, food security, water supply, health
and well-being, ecosystem structure and function,
biodiversity, economic growth, and human security are
projected to increase with global warming of 1.5°C and
will increase further with 2°C (IPCC 2018a).
The global energy sector stands as the primary
contributor to carbon dioxide emissions. Limiting
warming to well below 2°C necessitates swift and
substantial reductions in energy system carbon
dioxide and greenhouse gas emissions (Clarke et
al. 2022). This entails increasing production from
low- and zero-carbon energy sources, decreasing
reliance on fossil fuels, and promoting greater use of
electricity and alternative energy carriers. But despite
these requirements, energy demands and emissions
from the energy sector continue to climb. Fossil fuel
carbon dioxide emissions from the global energy
system surged by 4.6 percent between 2015 and
2019, constituting around two-thirds of annual global
anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions (Minx et al.
2021; Monforti et al. 2021).
As stipulated in the Paris Agreement of the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change, phasing out coal in the electricity sector is
key to limiting global warming to 1.5°C (IPCC 2018b;
Spencer et al. 2018). Coal emerged as the foremost
contributor to carbon dioxide emissions from the
energy sector between 2015 and 2019, and was
responsible for approximately 44 per cent of such
emissions in 2019 (IEA 2020). Should investments in
coal and other fossil fuel infrastructure persist, energy
systems will become locked into higher emissions,
increasing the challenge of limiting warming to well
below 2°C (Clarke et al. 2022).
The urgency of the climate crisis contrasts with
the lengthy coal phaseout process, which often
spans decades. Countries transitioning away from
coal need to adhere to significantly accelerated
timelines compared to those followed in the past,
as globally, unabated coal-fired power generation
must decrease to 80 percent below 2010 levels
(Climate Analytics 2019). To meet such targets,
Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development nations will need to eliminate coal
usage by 2030, and lower and middle-income
countries shut down all coal-fired power plants by
2040 (appendix A), requiring them to cancel new
coal power projects and hasten the retirement of
existing coal plants (Edenhofer et al. 2018; Smith et
al. 2019). To limit warming to 2°C or lower, existing
coal plants must retire 10–25 years earlier than the
historical average operational lifespan (Clarke et al.
2022), while executing all planned projects would
curtail the viable lifespan of all plants by another
5–10 years (Cui et al. 2019).
But while transitioning away from coal is essential for
fulfilling the Paris Agreement targets and attaining
the Sustainable Development Goals, it also poses
economic and social challenges. These obstacles vary
regionally, contingent on extant coal infrastructure,
economic development, alternative energy availability,
institutional capacity and governance, legal and
administrative capacity, historical background,
political economy considerations, cultural norms,
and other factors (Jakob et al. 2020; World Bank
2024a). Importantly, the transition is expected to have
widespread socioeconomic eects on communities
and regions. And, although knowledge and resources
for mitigating the direct impacts of a coal phaseout
on employment and coal mine workers is well
developed, understanding of the indirect, long-term
consequences on the wider community remains
more limited.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
1 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
1.1 Study objective
Given these challenges, the objective of this
study is two-fold. First, it aims to demonstrate
why social sustainability (box 1) is central to the
process of advancing a “just” phaseout or transition
away from coal. It does this by reviewing what the
existing literature says about anticipated impacts
of the transition not just on workers, but on people
Barron et al. (2023) identify four key components of social sustainability (figure 1):
• Building inclusive societies, by expanding access to markets, services, and political, social, and
cultural spaces for all those aected—especially vulnerable and marginalized groups—in ways
that promote their dignity.
• Strengthening social cohesion, by promoting a sense of shared purpose, trust, and willingness
to cooperate within and across communities, and between communities and the state.
• Strengthening communities’ resilience, by ensuring that everyone—including poor and
marginalized groups—can withstand shocks, be safe, and protect the integrity of their culture
and thrive over time.
• Ensuring process legitimacy, which is the extent to which a community or society accepts who
has authority, what goals they pursue, and how policies and programs get implemented, from
the earliest stages of transition planning through to post-transition community development.
Inclusion, cohesion, and resilience¬ are the core elements of social sustainability, while process
legitimacy determines the extent to which they produce social sustainability.
and communities more broadly, and about the
opportunity for leveraging social co-benefits. Second,
it aims to address the “how” of facilitating a socially
sustainable transition, informed by consultations with
key informants working in this area. It does this by
proposing a framework of interventions that decision-
makers and other actors supporting the transition
can undertake from the earliest stages of planning
through to post-transition community development.
Box 1. Understanding “social sustainability”
Figure 1. Conceptual framework for social sustainability
Source: Barron et al. 2023, p21.
Inclusion
Cohesion
Resilience
Context
Design Implementation
Process Legitimacy
Social
Sustainability
Policy Arena Outcomes
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 2
1 | INTRODUCTION
A social sustainability understanding of a just
transition highlights the importance of a society-
wide approach to preparing and managing the
transition away from coal. The literature on just
transition (in and beyond the coal sector) converges
around three overarching dimensions of justice:
distributional justice, highlighting that the benefits
and burdens of transitions must be shared fairly
among all stakeholders; procedural justice, referring
to the need for inclusive, transparent, fair and
equitable decision-making around the transition;
and restorative justice, referring to the need to
redress inequalities through economic and social
empowerment (Carley and Konisky 2020; McCauley
and Heron 2018). While the social sustainability
perspective aligns with these three dimensions of
justice, it brings to the forefront the importance of
transitions being just for the whole of society, not only
those facing loss of employment. This is particularly
important to consider for coal transitions, which
occur under unique circumstances, as coal regions
are often geographically isolated and characterized by
monoculture societies, with a strong cultural identity
rooted in coal jobs, passed down between generations
(Stanley et al. 2019). So, to be socially sustainable, a
just transition away from coal must account for both
direct and indirect social impacts of the transition, and
be responsive to wider communities’ needs, priorities,
and vision for the future.
This study builds on two World Bank publications
that have considered the social dimensions
of sustainability transitions. The first, How to
Implement a Just Transition: Emerging Practices in
Policy and Governance (World Bank 2023a), shares
emerging practice to help manage just transitions
across industries, sectors, and places, and has case
studies from New Zealand, Italy, Spain, and South
Korea. The second, Managing a Coal Mine Closure:
Achieving a Just Transition for All (Stanley et al.
2019), focuses on coal transitions and introduces
the World Bank’s 3x3 framework for addressing the
socioeconomic and environmental impacts of mine
closures (appendix D). The 3x3 framework outlines
three pillars for successful transition: governance
systems, support for people and communities, and
environmental reclamation.
While there are strong interlinkages between all
three pillars of the World Bank’s 3x3 framework on
just coal transitions, this study oers a deep dive
into Pillar 2: People and communities. Its value
added is twofold. First, it outlines the breadth of social
impacts and benefits that coal transitions may have
for people and communities that are directly and
indirectly aected. Existing literature has tended to
focus predominantly on the impacts on coal mine
workers, paying only cursory attention to the broader
aected populations. Second, while the existing
literature emphasizes the importance of consultations
and engagement with aected stakeholders, this
paper widens the scope of interventions for ensuring
a just transition for people and communities. As well
as dialogue, it highlights the crucial need for upstream
analytics, consensus and vision building, supporting
institutional readiness for the transition, community
investments, and knowledge exchange.
1.2 Audience, methods, and scope
This study is produced for the Just Coal Transition
Platform – Southeast Asia. A partnership between
the World Bank and the Energy Transition Partnership
for Southeast Asia, the platform provides a convening
mechanism for sharing knowledge and lessons
learned to help stakeholders in coal regions across
Asia shape an informed vision for a just transition.
The bulk of the world’s coal-powered electricity is
generated in Asia, in plants with an average age of
12 years and a typical economic lifespan of 40 years
(box 2). The major rise in coal production to respond
to growing energy demand in China, India, and
Indonesia—which accounts for 44, 10, and 6 percent
of global coal production, respectively—means that
the region will be impacted most acutely by future
mine closures (Stanley et al. 2019). So, while this study
draws on global literature, it is tailored for and to the
experience of Asia.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
3 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
With 75 percent of the world’s coal capacity and more than 90 percent of all coal-fired plants and
pipelines, the Asia-Pacific region is at the heart of the energy-climate debate. The region’s increase
in coal use, mainly driven by China, contrasts with the decrease observed elsewhere, particularly the
European Union and the United States (IEA 2024a). The situation varies across the Asia-Pacific region.
Pakistan and Bangladesh are expanding their capacity, while in India, despite a heavy reliance on coal,
capacity is declining and its pipeline shrinking. In Southeast Asia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand,
and Viet Nam all plan to expand, mostly from an already high capacity. Indeed, the expansion plans
in Viet Nam and the Philippines are larger than their existing capacity (UN-ESCAP 2021).
But there are also signs that these countries are moving away from plans to increase coal capacity and
generation. Viet Nam, a signatory to the Conference of the Parties (COP) 26 phaseout agreement, has
pledged to stop building new coal-fired power plants, but will allow those that have already secured
financing to complete. Phasing out coal will help the country reach net zero emissions by 2050. The
Philippines, which has announced plans to increase clean power generation and energy eciency
measures, has banned new coal power but will allow approved projects to be built. Indonesia will
consider accelerating the coal phaseout by the 2040s, subject to receiving more financing and
technical assistance, as part of its commitment to reach net zero by 2060.
COP26 also witnessed the launch of a new partnership between Indonesia, the Philippines, and the
Asian Development Bank to establish an energy transition mechanism to help accelerate the clean
energy transition in Southeast Asia (ILO 2022).
Box 2. Status of coal phaseout in Asia
This paper is based on a literature review, focus
group discussions, interviews, consultations,
and feedback (appendix B). As well as covering
literature in the public domain and World Bank
operations supporting just transitions away
from coal, the desk-based review incorporates
applicable insights from other sectoral transitions
and models—such as community and local
development approaches—aimed at fostering
low-carbon economies. The study complements
the review with data from a series of online focus
group discussions and one-to-one semi-structured
interviews, conducted between December 2023
and March 2024 with 16 key stakeholders working
in the just energy transition space (appendix C).
The study is also informed by consultations at
the Just Coal Transition Platform – Southeast Asia
stakeholder meetings on November 9–10, 2023
(in Singapore) and April 25, 2024 (virtual) and a
feedback round with key stakeholder interviewees
on May 8, 2024 (virtual).
Relying on nascent literature and discussions
on the social dimensions of coal and broader
sustainability transitions, the paper aims to outline
the breadth of possible social impacts of coal
transitions, despite not being able to delve more
deeply into each issue. Historical evidence from
past coal transitions oers valuable, though limited,
insights about impacts on people and communities.
Existing literature shows common trends in the
social impacts of the coal phaseout and makes
suggestions on how to minimize some of these.
But it lacks comprehensive coverage of the issues,
due to the relatively recent emergence of the just
transition as an essential part of climate action and
field of study. Its focus is also quite narrow, mainly
covering transitions in higher-income countries such
as the United Kingdom, United States, and Germany,
and oering little evidence from lower- and middle-
income country contexts (Diluiso et al. 2021).
This paper aims to lay the foundation for deeper
consideration of social impacts and co-benefits in
current and future coal transitions.
This paper also recognizes that each coal mine
closure presents unique challenges in diverse
contexts. Some coal communities are close to
urban centers, while others are geographically
isolated or less connected to transport infrastructure
(Siyongwana and Shabalala 2019). And in some
settings, the coal industry oers well-paid, formal,
and secure jobs, while in others, it employs a
large number of informal workers (Banerjee 2022).
The context of the transition will also aect the
anticipated social impacts (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022)—
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 4
1 | INTRODUCTION
for example, the impact of a single coal plant closure
will dier from the impacts of multiple, sequential
closures in an area. Finally, the influence of local,
regional and global political economy factors will
produce winners and losers at the local level, which
will vary from one coal mine or plant closure to the
next. These challenges underscore the importance
of grounding the analysis of distributional impacts
and opportunities, as well as transition planning and
implementation, to local circumstances and needs.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
5 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
2 | Social dimensions of
the transition away
from coal
The concept of a “just transition” has garnered
significant attention as a crucial objective for
achieving a fair and equitable transition toward a
low-carbon economy. A just transition emphasizes
the “key principles of respect and dignity for vulnerable
groups, the creation of decent jobs, social protection,
employment rights, fairness in energy access and use,
and social dialogue and democratic consultation with
relevant stakeholders, whilst coping with the eects
of asset-stranding or the transition to green and clean
economies” (Denton et al. 2022, p 1730).
Given its roots in the labor union movement of the
1970s, a jobs-focused application of the concept
has tended to dominate policy narratives, with a
focus on addressing the economic and employment
ramifications of transitioning away from coal (World
Bank 2023a). Miners and other workers along the coal
value chain have been, and will continue to be, on
the frontline of the transition away from coal. As such,
governments have tended to direct just transition
eorts toward temporary income support, re-skilling
or re-education initiatives, and other forms of social
protection for aected workers (Stanley et al. 2019;
World Bank 2023a).
Comparatively less emphasis has been placed
on the social consequences of sustainability
transitions, but there is a growing recognition of the
significance of justice extending beyond economic
considerations (Browne, Stehlik and Buckley 2011;
Strambo, Aung and Atteridge 2019; Vivoda, Kemp and
Owen 2019; Williams and Doyon 2020). Advocates
of society-focused interpretations of just transition
emphasize the need for system transformation to
address long-standing inequities, both across and
within countries and across temporal scales (World
Bank 2023a), and increasingly acknowledge that
the move toward a low-carbon economy must
neither perpetuate current injustices nor introduce
new ones (Setyowati 2021) (appendix C). But this
interpretation of a socially sustainable just transition
is more challenging to operationalize. A key first step
is improving understanding of both the breadth of
possible adverse impacts on people and communities
of a shift away from coal, and the associated social
co-benefits of a socially sustainable just transition.
This chapter reviews evidence and current thinking
on both these aspects.
2.1 Transition impacts on people
and communities
Loss of employment among lower-skilled and
informal workers, and non-mine workers
Lower-skilled and informal coal workers, and illegal
miners will be directly and disproportionately
aected by mine closures. Unlike formal coal
sector workers, who tend to have higher levels of
education and technical skills, lower-skilled workers
have limited or no education, which severely restricts
their livelihood opportunities (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022).
In Indonesia, for example, a temporary halt in coal
mining activity in 2015-16 primarily aected workers
such as cleaners, support sta, and maintenance
sta (World Bank 2023b). In many countries, activities
requiring unskilled labor (such as loading trucks with
coal) are carried out by informal workers, who are
mostly women (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022). The Indian
state of Jharkhand, for example, provides more than
300,000 direct jobs and nearly 1 million indirect jobs
in coal supply chains and service sectors (CSIS and
CIF 2021). Because they lack written contracts, they
risk being excluded not only from transition dialogue,
but also from safety nets, compensation packages,
and other short-term support. Similarly, the coal
sector includes a significant population of illegal
miners, such as the Zama Zamas in South Africa’s
Mpumalanga province, who use basic tools to extract
coal from abandoned and often unsafe mines for self-
use or to sell in local markets (CSIS and CIF 2021).
Illegal miners, whose livelihoods depend on coal, are
most likely to be excluded from transition dialogue.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 6
2 | SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
Coal mine closures also have far-reaching
implications for labor markets, extending beyond
the workers who are directly involved in mining
operations. Impacts will also be felt by individuals
working in other sectors of the coal supply chain,
as well as those with indirect ties to coal-related
activities, such as local retail, entertainment,
restaurants, and other activities that cater to coal
miners and their families (Ruppert Bulmer et al. 2021).
In Indonesia, for example, when coal trucks were
rerouted from public roads in West Merapi in 2020,
roadside restaurants and shops disappeared instantly
Increased household costs and reduced
public investment in social services and local
infrastructure
Phasing out coal may have adverse short-term
impacts on consumers who rely on it as an aordable
and reliable source of energy. In many lower-income
countries, where demand for electricity is growing
faster than supply, coal constitutes cheap and
abundant energy for cooking, heating, and transport,
among other uses (Kalkuhl et al. 2019). As such,
phasing out coal may lead to higher energy costs
in the near term, particularly for poorer households,
as the transition to cleaner energy infrastructure
and grid expansion often requires substantial
upfront investments (IEA 2024b). This will also aect
consumers indirectly, driving up the cost of food,
(World Bank 2023b). In certain communities, mine
closures can have a persistent and destabilizing
shock on demand for goods and services, as
displaced workers encounter diculties transitioning
to new employment opportunities. This may be due
to limited alternative work options, a reluctance
to accept lower-paying jobs, an unwillingness to
relocate to areas with higher labor demand, a lack
of available opportunities, or restrictions imposed
by skills required to find employment outside the
mining industry (Lawrie, Tonts and Plummer 2011;
Ruppert Bulmer et al. 2021).
transport, and other goods and services (Steadman et
al. 2024).
The transition could also lead to reduced public
spending on social services and public infrastructure
for coal mining communities. In fossil fuel-dependent
economies, revenue from these fuels is a main
source of financing for social programs and public
infrastructure (Laan and Maino 2022). The impacts
of a financing gap for delivering basic services are
often felt locally, particularly in contexts where fossil
fuel extraction represents the main economic activity,
as is the case in many coal communities. Local
governments in Indonesia’s East Kalimantan region, for
example, collect between 25 and 75 percent of their
revenue from coal (World Bank 2023b). Similarly, in the
United States, one-third of public revenue in Boone
To avoid catastrophic impacts on climate, India must halve its coal demand by 2040 (IEA 2021). But
the transition to cleaner energy would aect around 2.6 million coal miners across the country, 70
percent of whom are informal workers (Barnejee 2022).
A survey of Ramgarh coal district in Jharkhand state found that local communities, particularly those
living close to mining areas, are highly dependent on coal mining for income and cannot imagine
a future without coal. In their view, coal mine closures cause an immediate loss of livelihoods,
pushing many people into poverty, particularly unskilled and poorly educated workers, but also, in
some cases, skilled workers. Other eects include reducing employment in local retail businesses,
particularly those near the mines, causing distress migration for the poor, and increasing the
incidence of crime and substance abuse. Even where mines have closed, the persistence of other
mining activities encourages local people to hope they can still secure work in the industry, “if not
here, then somewhere else” (Bhushan, Banerjee and Agarwal 2020).
Of particular concern is the impact of mine closures on informal workers. For example, the closure
of the Saunda D coal mine in Ramgarh district in 2016 aected many informal workers. Those who
could not find alternative work became poorer, while others continued to illegally collect coal from
the abandoned mine. Formal workers were less aected, with many transferring to other coal mines
(Bhushan, Banerjee and Agarwal 2020).
Box 3. Social impacts of phasing out coal in India
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
7 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
County, West Virginia comes from coal activities,
funding the county commission, rubbish collection,
health department, jail and public transportation, and
contributing to the state’s education sector (Carley
and Konisky 2018). A decline in public spending for
basic services, including health, education, and child-
care services will disproportionately impact women,
and disadvantaged and excluded groups, deepening
poverty and widening inequalities for generations to
come (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022).
Mobility and outmigration
Although human mobility has multiple underlying
drivers, outmigration is an anticipated impact of
the coal transition. New or alternative employment
opportunities for former coal mine workers or workers
along the coal value chain may not align temporally
or geographically, requiring long commutes or
relocation (Stanley et al. 2019). And not everyone
responds in the same way to this challenge. Younger,
skilled male workers can often migrate, while older,
unskilled, manual workers (both male and female)
and those with fewer transferable skills tend to be
less mobile (Aung and Strambo 2020; Lahiri-Dutt et
al. 2022).
This impacts not only on the migrants, but also
their families and communities. In communities with
outmigration of skilled and young labor, the result
is significant demographic decline (Spencer et al.
2018). Research also indicates that women in mining
communities have smaller social networks than men
(Sharma 2010), and if they stay in a mining town after
closure, they will bear the brunt of the impacts. Their
ability to rely on support from local social networks
to cope with the impact of job loss and fractured
families will likely be limited (Sesele, Marais and van
Rooyen 2021), while women who become de facto
single parents due to mine closures—because their
husbands or partners migrate or commute long
distances for work—have reported feeling exhausted
and disheartened by the additional responsibility and
increased labor burdens (Dublin and Licht 2000;
Lahiri-Dutt 2023). This is particularly challenging
as they generally have fewer resources. Men have
likewise expressed discontent with the changes in
family life as a result of mine closures, particularly the
limited time they spend with their children and the
consequent impact on their well-being and overall
family cohesiveness (Dublin and Licht 2000).
Despite these potentially negative social impacts,
migration can eectively enhance resilience,
not least by helping households diversify their
sources of income or provide remittances to family
members who stay behind—although this receives
little attention in the just transition literature
(Maharjan et al. 2020; Porst and Sakdapolrak 2020).
Necessary enablers for successful migration include
social networks that provide essential forms of
support, such as access to information, resources
and opportunities; educational qualifications and
occupational skills that improve the ability to secure
employment with the potential for increased income
stability or higher income; and access to adequate
levels of economic capital.
Another often-overlooked challenge that needs
addressing is when individuals and households
aected by the coal phaseout lack the means to
migrate from dicult and worsening conditions. The
just transition literature pays little attention to this issue
of “trapped populations”, both within and beyond the
coal sector, but valuable insights can be drawn from
the climate-migration literature. Identifying the groups
that are more at risk of being trapped in place is vital
(Nawrotzki and DeWaard 2018). The poorest, most
vulnerable households may be involuntarily forced
to stay (Adams 2016), while gendered sociocultural
norms and practices, economic factors, and other
barriers mean that women, children, the elderly,
people with disabilities, and those with pre-existing
health issues are less likely to move away (Ayeb-
Karlsson et al. 2022; Bhatta et al. 2015). Given the
potential exacerbation of risks for those left behind,
particularly women, if men migrate in response to
the closure of coal mines, the “trapped populations”
need greater social protection and livelihood security
(Bhatta et al. 2015).
Stress, anxiety, and depression
In most cases, communities are ill-prepared for
the loss of employment, which leads to poverty,
declining living standards, lifestyle changes,
deterioration of networks and social groups, and
erosion of individual and community identity. This
results in shock and stressful financial and emotional
uncertainty about the future. Studies have indicated
a strong relationship between unemployment,
emotional distress, and health issues such as
insomnia, hypertension, and depression, as well as
feelings of helplessness, isolation, hopelessness, a
lack of purpose, loss of pride, and anger following
mine closure (Ackerman, Van der Waldt and Botha
2018; Bennett 2015; Siyongwana and Shabalala 2019)
(box 4).
Mine closures aect the mental health of former
miners and their families. With men often feeling
the burden of providing for their families, their sense
of self-worth is undermined, and their identity as
former key actors in the energy system eroded; this
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 8
2 | SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
is compounded by the stigma against men seeking
support (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022). On the other
hand, when the men in a household are laid o
and household incomes decline, women are often
compelled to look for income-generating activities,
and female employment rates rise. But these
jobs are often low paid, insecure, and exploitative
(Miewald and McCann 2004). This leads to an
increase in women’s “triple burden” of paid work,
unpaid domestic and caring responsibilities, often
resulting in high levels of anxiety and mental stress,
particularly in the context of heightened levels of
domestic violence and abuse (Aung and Strambo
2020; Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022). Research by Sesele
(2020) in South Africa’s Free State Goldfields found
that some female household heads had resorted
to forcing their daughters and sons into sex work
and crime to alleviate poverty caused by a decline
in mining. Studies show that many people in the
sex trade struggle with mental health problems—
including post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety
and depression, and somatization—as well as
stigmatization (Martín-Romo, Sanmartín and Velasco
2023; Puri et al. 2017).
A survey of local community members and stakeholders in Pilgrim’s Rest found the following social
impacts of the closure of the gold mine there.
Education issues for young people: Many young people dropped out of school because their parents
could no longer aord education expenses, while others relocated with their families following the
mine closure. Some of the parents of the children who remained in school locally were unemployed
and unable to fully assist their children’s education, demotivating some young people and turning
others to substance abuse, which negatively aected the school environment.
Emotional trauma and psychological stress: 48 percent of respondents reported experiencing
emotional trauma and psychological stress after they or their family members were retrenched by
the mine, with some expressing feelings of hopelessness, despair, and suicidal thoughts. The loss of
social networks due to population evacuation worsened the stress of unemployment. Inadequate
communication of the mine closure to workers, coupled with their exclusion from discussing the
issue in a bargaining forum, contributed to feelings of unfair treatment and heightened stress levels.
Substance abuse and excessive alcohol consumption: 54 percent of respondents identified these
as significant issues. Local government ocials attributed these behaviors to a lack of engaging
activities for residents, particularly youth, and reported that they contributed to incidents of rape
and assault.
Increased crime: 83 percent of respondents reported an increase in crime, particularly car theft and
shop breaking, due to a lack of employment opportunities. Despite being hazardous, illegal mining
also increased, with some miners being robbed.
Emigration: 54 percent of respondents indicated that many local miners had left the area, contributing
to reduced employment opportunities, loss of foreign exchange, limited money circulating in the
area, and a decline in living standards. Some community members said they would not leave, despite
the challenges, due to their strong sentimental attachment to the area, prioritizing a sense of “home”
over seeking better opportunities elsewhere. The scarcity of skills outside the mining sector posed
challenges for former miners seeking alternative employment opportunities.
Box 4. Social impacts of the closure of the Pilgrim’s Rest gold mine in South Africa’s
Mpumalanga Province
Source: Based on Siyongwana and Shabalala 2019.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
9 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Place attachment, and social and cultural identity
Individuals in coal communities experience
a profound sense of loss around identity and
attachment, including their sense of belonging,
lifestyle, and familial and kin connections associated
with living and/or working in a coal community.
The hasty removal of physical remnants of the coal
industry, such as pithead gear, fails to consider the
deep-rooted sense of place and heritage that is
often connected to these artefacts. Disregard for the
historical identity of coal mining communities and the
symbolic significance of such objects exacerbates
the emotional impact of their abrupt removal; as one
Mine closures negatively aect social capital,
as evidenced by the erosion of individual and
community identities, shifts in social status, and
the loss of communal spaces due to closures or
dislocation of towns and municipalities (Diluiso et al.
2021). Even decades post-mine closure, the legacy of
poorly executed phaseouts impedes the establishment
of new industries and activities, hampering eorts to
promote a new identity for former coal regions (Diluiso
et al. 2021; Merrill and Kitson 2017). Understanding
how community cohesion and social networks in
areas will be reconfigured and sustained as new
energy futures emerge is crucial to foster more just
transitions (Johnstone and Hielscher 2017).
Although social identity and solidarity can be
strengthened when communities unite to resist or
protest against coal mine closures, there is limited
evidence that this creates durable forms of social
capital and builds community resilience. The act
of mobilization can forge temporary bonds and
woman said, “They just took them down; we did not
have a chance to mourn” (Strangleman 2016, p 479).
Some have expressed feelings of detachment from
their community. Despite taking pride in their children’s
and grandchildren’s educational achievements
and recognizing the importance of education and
outmigration for long-term economic success, a
pervasive sense of loss for future generations remains
(Dublin and Licht 2000). But historical evidence also
shows that separating the discontinuation of coal
from the lived experience of the abrupt shutdown
of other heavy industries is challenging due to its
embeddedness in the social fabric of everyday life
(box 5).
networks, but sustaining these connections over
time presents challenges. During the miners’ strike
in Northumberland and County Durham in England,
for example, there were periods of solidarity within
families, communities, and the union movement—and
across working-class communities across the United
Kingdom, but this was often threatened by conflicting
loyalties (Shaw and Mundy 2005).
Tension, conflict, and violence
When reskilling opportunities are limited and
compensation is inadequate for dealing with the
impacts of the coal phaseout, the risk of conflict,
violence, and social tension increases (Ackerman,
Van der Waldt and Botha 2018; Diluiso et al. 2021;
Sustainable Minerals Institute 2022). Financial and
emotional stress can contribute to an escalation in
household conflict, domestic violence and abuse,
sexual assault and abuse of women and children,
substance abuse among men, and marital breakdown
Sources: Based on Johnstone and Hielscher 2017; Kirk, Contrepois and Jereys 2012; Linkon 2014;
Strangleman 2016.
The phaseout of coal in Yorkshire, United Kingdom, is entwined with the intricate legacies of
deindustrialization that persist long after the closure of mines or plants. These legacies are apparent in
persistent economic struggles, the gradual decline of working-class communities, and the uncertainties
individuals grapple with while attempting to adapt to economic and social transformations.
Coal technologies were deeply ingrained in the fabric of everyday Yorkshire life, playing a transformative
role in shaping the region and ingraining cultural traditions and social identities. This underscores the
importance of not only exploring social, cultural, and political factors but also understanding how
they impact the lives of individuals, families, communities, and locations long after the initial closure
event. It calls for the coal phaseout to be grounded in historical awareness and the cultural and social
context, acknowledging potential intergenerational and lasting consequences.
Box 5. Grounding the coal phaseout in historical awareness of legacies of the past
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2 | SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
(Aung and Strambo 2020; Barry 2001; Bennett 2004;
Lobao et al. 2021; Maggard 1994). For example, after
the layos in the coal sector and workforce reduction
policies in Poland’s Silesia region, substance abuse
and alcoholism rose among men, and domestic
violence intensified (Stanley et al. 2019).
Heightened violence against women due to
the impacts of coal mine closure is particularly
concerning because violence against women is
already widespread both at the domestic and work
levels in the mining sector (Mishra, Sravan and
Mishra 2024). Many studies suggest that women in
coal mining communities already face significant
challenges dealing with their male partners’ work
stress, often caused by working in dangerous
situations. As such, they face higher levels of
gender-based violence—including increased rates
of domestic violence and alcohol-fueled violence—
leading to personal trauma, social isolation, family
break-ups, and more broadly, a lack of community
cohesion (Cane, Terbish and Bymbasuren 2014;
Hinton, Hinton and Veiga 2016; Petkova et al. 2009;
Scheyvens and Lagisa 1998). Research indicates a
mutual reinforcement of gender-based violence at
the household and workplace levels in the mining
sector (Mishra, Sravan and Mishra 2024).
The underlying causes of such conflicts, violence,
and abuse vary, but the psychological impact of
unemployment and the uncertainty it brings, along
with the connection between work and male identity
and masculinity, are significant factors (Bhalotra et
al. 2020; Mshweshwe 2020; Sikweyiya et al. 2020).
Shifts in gender roles due to women’s employment or
political engagement can also play a role (Dublin and
Licht 2000; Kideckel 2004). For example, following
mine closures in the United Kingdom, some women
refused to return to traditional caregiving roles
(Shaw and Mundy 2005). But despite the gender-
dierentiated impacts of the coal phaseout, the
mining industry and governments primarily focus on
addressing the environmental and technical aspects
of mine closure and its impacts on male mine workers
(Lahiri-Dutt 2023). Failure to address existing gender
issues in coal mining, including violence, is likely
to lead to their replication in new energy systems
(Johnson et al. 2020).
Intersectionality
Coal phaseout policies rarely take into adequate
consideration how local contextual factors and other
intersecting axes of dierence and identity shape the
way impacts are distributed among, and experienced
by, dierent groups. Although disadvantaged and
excluded groups will be disproportionally aected by
the direct and indirect impacts of the coal transition,
no single social category or factor can explain people’s
unique situations or lived experience (Lahiri-Dutt et
Source: Based on Keenan, Kemp and Ramsay 2016.
A comparative analysis of agreements between mining companies and communities shows that, in
environments with a “highly patriarchal gender dynamic”, women are less involved in both the informal
and formal agreement negotiations, and that gender-segregated consultations do not guarantee
women’s inclusion. Certain intersectional factors—such as age, migrant status, marital status, and
economic independence—can also intensify the exclusion of women. In particular, those who are
young or middle-aged (and have not yet acquired elder status), migrants and women who have married
into the community (and are therefore considered outsiders), widows, and single mothers, all face
significant barriers to participation. However, women who possess “personal economic independence”
are more active in such negotiations.
Corporate culture and employee diversity within mining companies and their negotiation teams
also play a significant role in shaping the gender dynamics of negotiations. Inclusive, transparent,
and collaborative approaches promote the participation of women, and a company’s stance on
agreement-making is crucial, with those viewing agreements as opportunities for long-term relationship
development generally seeing more favorable outcomes. Being excluded from the negotiation process
does not always mean women’s perspectives and needs are unacknowledged or not influential, but
men are more likely to focus on women’s immediate, practical needs rather than their long-term,
strategic interests.
Box 6. Gendered participation barriers: the importance of intersectionality
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
11 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
al. 2022). For example, gender intersects with various
other identity markers—such as indigeneity, ethnicity,
race, caste, socioeconomic status, age, religion,
education, sexuality, household headship, ability, and
relationship status—as well as with social practices,
institutional arrangements, and cultural ideologies, and
the outcomes of these interactions in terms of power,
causing some people to experience more negative
outcomes from the coal phaseout than others
(Crenshaw 1991; Davis 2008; Mohanty 1988) (box 6).
2.2 Social co-benefits
of a coal transition
Despite the breadth of possible adverse impacts
on people and communities, phasing out coal also
comes with social co-benefits that can be leveraged
through a socially sustainable just transition. The
environmental benefits of transitioning away from coal
are widely acknowledged. But, as shown in section 2.1,
there is a risk of oversimplifying this complex issue by
focusing on reducing carbon dioxide and neglecting
the multifaceted social and economic impacts of the
coal phaseout (appendix E). Social co-benefits, often
underemphasized in the literature, also arise because of
the legacy of poverty and exclusion in the coal sector.
A socially sustainable coal transition seeks to leverage
these co-benefits, or positive outcomes for people and
communities—particularly vulnerable and marginalized
groups—that arise from transitioning away from coal,
such as social inclusion, enhanced resilience, and
social empowerment.
Coal must be phased out to limit global warming
to 1.5°C, which itself will generate many social co-
benefits. Among other things, it will reduce risks to
livelihoods, food security, health, well-being, cultural
identity, human security, and challenges related to
migration and displacement, all of which are expected
to worsen with a 2°C rise (IPCC 2018a; Jordan 2019;
Schuster et al. 2020). Given that structural inequalities
and systemic marginalization—based on gender, race,
indigeneity, caste, socioeconomic status, ethnicity,
age, and ability—render certain social groups more
susceptible to these increased risks (Jordan 2019;
Thomas et al. 2019), a just transition could avert and
minimize the scale of loss and damage experienced by
the most marginalized and vulnerable communities, in
coal regions and beyond.
The shift to clean and renewable energy sources
can lead to net gains in employment, osetting the
decline in coal job losses. The International Energy
Agency estimates that 13.8 million new jobs could be
generated in energy supply between 2019 and 2030
under its net zero by 2050 scenario (IEA 2021). It also
expects almost 5 million formal jobs in fossil fuel
production to be lost in the same period, including
2.5 million in coal fuel supply and power plant
employment. This will result in a net gain of nearly 9
million jobs, with changes varying by region, as job
gains will not always occur in the same locations or
align with the skill sets of jobs lost in the coal sector (IEA
2021). To achieve and sustain such employment gains,
developing comprehensive plans for job transitions,
policy development, and other support measures to
safeguard global workers is crucial (Hanto et al. 2021).
Women and other disadvantaged groups will not
necessarily benefit from the net gains in employment
(Lahiri-Dutt 2023). New and decent employment
in the green sector is largely being created within
areas that are traditionally male-dominated and
many of the potential new jobs will require highly
skilled workers. Women are underrepresented in the
renewable energy sector in the Asia-Pacific region
and globally, especially in technical and leadership
positions (World Bank 2024b). They constitute 48
percent of administrative jobs globally, 28 percent of
science, technology, engineering and mathematics
(STEM) jobs, and 35 percent of non-STEM technical
jobs (IRENA 2019). These sectors present high entry
barriers, particularly for women, including gender-
based occupation segregation, legal restrictions,
unequal access to education and training, and the
disproportionate amount of time women spend
on unpaid care and domestic work (CIF 2024a;
Livingstone and Jenkins 2021; World Bank 2024b). The
intersection of other categories of social dierence—
such as ability, indigeneity, ethnicity, and caste—can
exacerbate these barriers. As a result, women with
disabilities, for example, are likely to experience
further challenges due to stigma, discrimination, and
accessibility issues in the workplace (Livingstone and
Jenkins 2021).
Despite the breadth of
possible adverse impacts on
people and communities,
phasing out coal also comes
with social co-benefits that
can be leveraged through
a socially sustainable just
transition
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 12
2 | SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
Despite these challenges, a socially sustainable just
transition from coal to clean and renewable energy
could foster new opportunities for building an
inclusive and sustainable labor market (CIF 2024b).
Supporting those who are negatively impacted by
job displacement and economic shifts due to the
coal phaseout, and who face barriers to accessing
green and higher-skilled jobs and leadership positions,
requires a multifaceted approach to dismantle
entrenched inequities and avoid deepening the gender
crisis in the world of work (CARE 2022; CIF 2024a). This
includes developing specialized curricula for green
entrepreneurship training, promoting STEM education
early on to build foundational skills, especially among
girls and young women, and providing upskilling
and reskilling programs for women aected by job
displacement (CIF 2024a; Biegel and Lambin 2021;
Livingstone and Jenkins 2021). Eorts should also
focus on advancing women’s careers through inclusive
leadership initiatives involving both women and men,
reducing gender segregation at work, especially
those likely to benefit from new job opportunities,
and implementing measures to safeguard women—
particularly those with Indigenous, tribal, or ethnic
identities, and migrant or disability status—from
violence, exploitation, discrimination, and sexual
harassment as they transition into roles in traditionally
male-dominated fields (CARE 2022; CIF 2024a;
ILO 2017). Other crucial steps include addressing
inequities in unpaid care work by recognizing care as
a fundamental right and ensuring social protection and
safety nets are in place for marginalized groups, such
as women working in the informal sector and workers
with disabilities (CARE 2022; CIF 2024b; Jordan,
Abhilashi and Shaheen 2021).
There are significant opportunities to improve
conditions not only for women but also for people
with disabilities, who often experience a multitude
of socioeconomic vulnerabilities in the workforce
(CIF 2024b). The mining sector has the highest rate
of people with health limitations caused by working
conditions in the energy industry (CIF 2024b). Although
many workers aected by mine closures in countries
with well-developed disability protection policies may
qualify for disability status, implementing measures
to integrate them into the workplace is essential
(CIF 2024b). Prioritizing people with disabilities from
mining work—especially those who are ineligible for
ocial severance packages—for health rehabilitation
programs, reskilling and upskilling training programs,
and other supportive interventions can help facilitate
their transition to new employment (CIF 2024b). It is
crucial to engage people with disabilities to ensure that
workplaces are accessible and inclusive, to facilitate
their integration into the renewable energy sector.
Additionally, disability insurance payments should be
provided to both former informal and formal coal
mining workers who are unable to return to work,
ensuring their financial stability.
For local communities, the more immediate and
direct social benefits of transitioning away from
coal include improved health, particularly arising
from reduced ambient and household air pollution,
which causes almost 7 million premature deaths
globally every year (WHO 2023). Coal mining carries
significant negative externalities for human health and
the surrounding environment, aecting both workers
and nearby communities and disproportionately
impacting people from lower socioeconomic
backgrounds (Diluiso et al. 2021; Grainger and
Ruangmas 2018). Numerous studies have reported a
notable reduction in mortality and morbidity associated
with transitioning away from coal, including decreases
in deaths from cardiovascular and respiratory disease
(Danek 1995; Goodman et al. 2009; ILO 2015). The
environmental and health benefits alone would
outweigh the direct policy costs of a coal phaseout
(Rauner et al. 2020), and the resulting improvements
in public health would also reduce healthcare costs
for households and governments.
Transitioning away from coal will bring substantial
health benefits for marginalized groups—
particularly people from lower socioeconomic
backgrounds, women and children—through
reduced household air pollution. It is crucial to
consider the asymmetric health eects and impacts
of coal consumption more broadly (Diluiso et al.
2021). This is particularly relevant because coal
consumption in domestic households is prevalent
in lower-income countries, disproportionately
impacting people from lower socioeconomic
backgrounds and exacerbating health inequities
(Grainger and Ruangmas 2018). Globally, around 2.3
billion people cook on open fires or inecient stoves
fueled by coal, kerosene, and biomass, resulting in
harmful household air pollution (WHO 2023). This
disproportionately impacts women and children and
has been identified by the World Health Organization
as the second most significant health risk for women
and girls (WHO 2016). In 2020 alone, household air
pollution contributed to more than 237,000 deaths
of children under five (WHO 2023).
Better health outcomes, such as those resulting
from reductions in air pollution, can positively
aect the educational attainment of children and
young people, as well as improve their future career
prospects. As air quality improves, the decline in
health issues commonly associated with coal-related
pollution, such as respiratory illnesses and cognitive
impairments can lead to better school attendance,
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
13 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
enhanced concentration, and overall improved
academic performance (Duque and Gilraine 2022;
Komisarow and Pakhtigian, 2022). In the Midwest in
the United States, Duque and Gilraine (2022) estimate
that the decline in coal use from 2006-07 to 2017-
18 not only led to improvements in math scores by
0.016 standard deviations but also had considerable
impacts on educational inequality given that minority
and disadvantaged children disproportionately attend
schools near coal plants. This decline in coal use
resulted in a reduction of the black-white test score gap
by 0.023 standard deviations and the socioeconomic
test score gap by 0.05 (Duque and Gilraine (2022).
These educational improvements have the potential to
open up greater career prospects in the future.
Post-transition environmental rehabilitation further
mitigates pollution and restores balance where
threats to life and ecosystems are manageable
over time (Stacey et al. 2010). Looking at the
environmental eects of managing ex-mining sites,
Diluiso et al. (2021) found positive eects related to
landscape interventions, including the use of natural
capital, restructuring residential areas, and a higher
degree of landscape diversity. Exposure to nature
has also been found to improve cognitive function,
mental health, and sleep quality (Bratman et al. 2015;
Kondo, Jacoby and South 2018; McCormick 2017),
while green spaces and natural environments oer
opportunities for enhanced social interaction and
foster a stronger sense of community (Kelly et al. 2017;
Nieuwenhuijsen et al. 2017). The World Bank’s Land
Use Repurposing Application (box 7) helps ensure that
land rehabilitation brings about social and climate co-
benefits by enabling an objective assessment of post-
mining land use options.
In areas where coal mines were developed on or near
Indigenous territories, environmental rehabilitation
and landscape interventions have the potential to
contribute to restoring Indigenous Peoples’ social,
spiritual, and cultural relationships to land and other
natural resources that may have been destroyed
or degraded. If these interventions respond to and
align with Indigenous Peoples’ self-determined values
and priorities, they can enhance the health of their
communities, given the significant role that natural
systems play in their well-being (Johnson, Parsons
and Fischer 2021; Sangha et al. 2015). While they
will not undo the impacts of land expropriation,
this alignment ensures that the measures taken are
respectful of and rooted in Indigenous and traditional
knowledge systems and practices, thereby fostering a
sense of ownership and agency among community
members (CIF 2021; Monosky and Keeling 2020).
The transition could have a positive impact for
disadvantaged groups who have long opposed
the coal industry. Health concerns, driven by the
environmental impacts of coal mining, are consistently
cited across 44 countries and a range of periods
as a major motivator for transitioning away from
coal (Diluiso et al. 2021). But opposition to the coal
industry is also driven by competition over resources—
particularly land and water—as well as environmental
and social grievances. For example, Indigenous
Dayak communities in Kalimantan, Indonesia, have
experienced contamination of water, soil and air, as
well as loss of access to land and forests due to mining
and displacement, without adequate compensation
(Atteridge, Aung and Nugroho 2018; Brown and
Spiegel 2017). And in the Philippines, Semirara Island
communities have reported severe environmental
Source: Based on Pohl 2022.
LURA is a free, web-based, open-source tool that informs repurposing project design through
geospatial mapping and by prioritizing recommended economic diversification alternatives, based
on an assessment of the attributed characteristics and suitability of postmining land. The consultative
and collaborative nature of LURA implementation helps build and nurture trust and consensus among
stakeholders. Data about the land are collected and validated with local and national governments, local
communities, civil society, and other stakeholders. After incorporating their feedback, LURA generates
a map that illustrates various zones and the most feasible repurposing strategies for each, considering
local conditions and community requirements. The application suggests a range of postmining land
uses, such as reforestation, agricultural development, natural habitat conservation, and energy crop
cultivation. It also proposes the creation of facilities for renewable energy production and storage,
hydrogen infrastructure, and business parks designed for low-carbon industries.
Box 7. The World Bank’s Land Use Repurposing Application (LURA)
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 14
2 | SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF THE TRANSITION AWAY FROM COAL
degradation due to coal mining, and health problems
and loss of livelihood due to water pollution and land
subsidence have led to strong local resistance against
the expansion of coal mining operations (Santos et al.
2022). Similarly, in Viet Nam, residents of the Ha Long
Bay area have protested coal-powered plants due to
air and water pollution that threatens both health and
tourism, a major source of income in the community
(Ha-Duong et al. 2016).
The transition must acknowledge and redress
historical injustices. Given histories of violence and land
expropriation, Indigenous and frontline communities
often face diculties in expressing disagreement,
let alone participating meaningfully in stakeholder
engagement processes to support the coal phaseout
(Kumar 2023). Including aected communities and
engaging stakeholders in a legitimate, open, and
fair manner can empower stakeholders and/or
democratize relations between diverse stakeholders.
But where consent is violated, trust breaks down, or
coal mining and closure practices are not accountable,
communities can be prevented from expressing dissent,
and stakeholders are impeded from collaborating to
ensure for a just transition (box 8; Sartor 2018; Whyte
2020). To ensure the transition process is legitimate, it
must be transformative, acknowledging and repairing
histories of violence and dispossession (Kumar 2023).
A socially sustainable just transition does not begin
from a situation of justice. The distribution of the
impacts of, and social co-benefits arising from, coal
transitions will depend on local circumstances and
local, regional and global political economy factors.
But this chapter has shown that pre-existing inequalities
render coal communities—and certain groups within
them—vulnerable to the shock of a coal phaseout.
Given the limited social development benefits that
mining operations give to impacted communities and
impoverished individuals, prioritizing the reduction of
social inequality during postmining transitions is crucial
(Meyersfeld 2016). Transitions that do not seek to address
the uneven distribution of benefits and burdens will not
only fuel resistance to change, but also exacerbate pre-
existing inequalities and reproduce the sector’s legacy
of social exclusion and injustice (Johnson et al. 2020).
On the other hand, socially sustainable just transitions
seek to leverage opportunities to redress inequalities
while maximizing social co-benefits, by prioritizing
fairness in both transition outcomes and process.
Source: Based on Kumar 2023.
It is crucial not to overlook the historical lived experiences of violence, expropriation of Indigenous and
frontline communities’ land, and abuse of legal safeguards to Indigenous lands that have enabled the
expansion of coal mines and coal-fired power plants.
An analysis of state violence in 64 coal projects in India finds that 87.4 percent of coal projects were
associated with either medium or high-intensity conflicts, while 12.4 percent involved latent or low-
intensity conflicts. In more than half of these (51.5 percent), there was mass mobilization, arrests, and
violence. High-intensity conflicts involved violent conflicts over land acquisition. Understanding these
historical and ongoing injustices of state violence and land expropriation is essential for ensuring a just
transition away from coal.
Box 8. Violence, expropriation, and abuse of legal safeguards to Indigenous lands in India’s
coal expansion
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
15 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
3 | A framework for ensuring
a socially sustainable
just transition
Although nations shifting away from coal need
to speed up timelines compared to the past, they
must also prioritize the fairness of the transition
and ensure both meaningful engagement with
communities and the legitimacy of their actions
(Forsyth 2014). Without this, eorts to phase out coal
will likely be counterproductive and may even slow
down the speed of the transition.
This chapter proposes a process-based framework
of upstream interventions to mitigate adverse
transition impacts, leverage social co-benefits, and
facilitate inclusive planning, decision-making, and
coal transition management (figure 2). The framework
outlines five areas of intervention to be undertaken
from the earliest stages of transition planning through
to the post-coal community development phase:
analytics, consensus and vision-building, institutional
readiness, community investment, and knowledge
exchange. Dialogue and participatory approaches cut
across these five areas. Indicative or “ideal” activities
are provided for each.
These activities are neither mutually exclusive
nor exhaustive, and should be tailored to the
specific context and political economy within
which the coal transition is taking place. It
is important to acknowledge the local power
dynamics underpinning the transition process,
which determine who stands to gain or lose from
the transition, and where resistance may be present.
A deep understanding of the political economy will
aid in assessing the feasibility of proposed policies or
actions, designing interventions that will help mitigate
negative impacts on vulnerable groups, building
coalitions, and addressing governance bottlenecks,
among other benefits. The global political economy
also significantly influences the transition context
by shaping policy frameworks, market dynamics,
international relations, and social and environmental
justice considerations. Successfully navigating these
complexities requires global policy coordination
and cooperation, and careful attention to economic
interests, political priorities, and societal values at
local, national and international levels.
The framework represents a nonlinear process
for facilitating a socially sustainable just transition
that is iterative, flexible, and involves a wide
range of actors. The activities inform one another,
with some triggering others, and as such, may be
prioritized or sequenced in dierent ways to best
fit local needs and circumstances. While some
activities—such as developing strategies that integrate
transition planning into wider regional and national
socioeconomic development plans—should be
government-led, others may be led by other actors
involved in supporting the transition, such as civil
society organizations, academic institutions, and/or
the private sector.
While the proposed areas of intervention align
with principles common to good development,
this framework unpacks how they play out in
the context of coal transitions. As well as insights
gathered from consultations with key informants,
lessons from other sector transitions and community
and local development initiatives have informed the
development of the framework. As such, the areas of
intervention are not unique to supporting a socially
sustainable transition away from coal; they also have
the potential to advance development objectives
more broadly by enhancing economic prosperity,
building community resilience, promoting social
inclusion and empowerment, and fostering inclusive
governance practices.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 16
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
DIALOGUE AND PARTICIPATORY APPROACHES
This framework outlines five, non-mutually exclusive areas of intervention to be undertaken from
the earliest stages of transition planning through to the post-coal community development phase:
analytics, consensus and vision-building, institutional readiness, community investments, and
knowledge exchange. Dialogue and participatory approaches cut across these five areas.
Importantly, this framework represents a nonlinear process for facilitating a socially sustainable
just transition that is iterative and flexible, that involves a wide range of actors, and that should be
tailored to the specific context and political economy within which the coal transition is taking place.
Household services
(Direct) impact distribution analysis
Gender and social inclusion impact analysis
Public perception survey
Indicative Activities
Participatory risk and socioeconomic assessment
Mine closure social risk assessment
(indirect impacts)
Stocktake of civic space
Political economy analysis
Analytics Institutional
readiness
Knowledge
exchange
Consensus and
vision-building
Community
investments
Figure 2. Framework of upstream interventions for ensuring a socially sustainable just coal transition
3.1 Analytics
Early collection and analysis of socioeconomic and
social inclusion data are crucial for understanding
the context within which the transition will take
place. Existing national household socioeconomic
survey data can oer comparisons between coal
communities and national averages. But more granular
data from surveys undertaken within coal regions
and neighboring areas provide valuable baseline
information on aspects of people’s lives, including
income, employment, education, skills, health, living
conditions, and resilience to shocks. Integrating
social inclusion variables in these surveys indicates
the extent to which individuals and groups within coal
communities can fully participate in society. They
include data on access to services, social protection,
resources, and opportunities, as well as measures
of discrimination, inequality, social cohesion and
trust, particularly those focused on marginalized
or disadvantaged groups, such as women, ethnic
minorities, youth, persons with disabilities, and the
elderly. Tools such as the Coal Vulnerability Index
(box 9) provide a structured way to process data and
understand the social and economic risks associated
with the transition away from coal.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
17 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
The Coal Vulnerability Index (CVI) provides a structured way to understand the social and economic
risks associated with the transition away from coal. Developed to support a just transition, the CVI draws
on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) definition of vulnerability and integrates
three critical dimensions: exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity. This index was originally
conceptualized by Agrawal et al. (2024), who sought to provide a comprehensive tool to evaluate the
vulnerabilities of coal-dependent geographical units, such as districts, regencies, or other administrative
divisions during the energy transition.
• Exposure captures the physical presence of coal infrastructure, such as the number of coal mines
and thermal power plants within a geographical unit. This dimension helps in understanding which
areas are directly at risk due to the existing coal infrastructure.
• Sensitivity considers factors like coal-related employment and revenue, reflecting the socio-
economic dependency on coal. High sensitivity indicates a greater socio-economic impact when
coal activities decline, making it crucial to support communities heavily reliant on coal-related jobs.
• Adaptive Capacity represents a geographical unit’s ability to respond to change, measured
through indicators such as Gross Value Added, literacy rates, and the multidimensional poverty
index. Higher adaptive capacity suggests that a region is better equipped to manage the transition
away from coal without severe negative consequences.
Box 9. Coal Vulnerability Index: A tool for analytics
Conceptual framework by Agrawal et al. (2024)
illustrating the vulnerability of districts to coal
phase-out in India.
Coal Phase Out (Hazard)
Vulnerability of District
Coal
Infrastructure
(Exposure)
Coal Jobs
and Revenue,
Industries
fueled by Coal
(Sensitivity)
District’s Social
and Economic
Capacity
(Adaptive
Capacity)
By calculating CVI, Agrawal et al. provide a
nuanced understanding of vulnerability, allowing
for the identification of the most vulnerable
geographical units and the key factors driving
their vulnerability.
In South Africa, the CVI has been instrumental
in highlighting districts that are most at risk from
coal phase-out. In Indonesia, the index is now
being applied to identify areas that require support
during the energy transition, helping prioritize
communities for assistance and investments to
bolster resilience.
Using participatory approaches in the early
stages of transition to identify vulnerability and
assess the potential risks of coal phaseout enrich
findings from household surveys, build trust, and
empower stakeholders. Participatory methods
leverage community perspectives, knowledge,
and experiences, to ensure data collected through
surveys are relevant to their conditions and
concerns, leading to more accurate assessments
of vulnerability, risk, and resilience to livelihood
shocks. They are also useful for filling in data gaps
and highlighting nuances that surveys cannot always
capture, enhancing our understanding of local
context, vulnerable groups (who they are, where
they are located, and so on), underlying drivers of
vulnerability, social dynamics, and cultural factors.
Importantly, they help empower stakeholders,
strengthening social cohesion and building trust
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 18
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
among aected communities in the transition
process, preventing outside actors from predefining
their problems and measures to address them.
Systematic social impact assessments that integrate
intersectional principles anticipate the direct and
indirect impacts of the coal phaseout and their
distribution across and within social groups. Despite
the severe social impacts of coal phaseouts, there
is little contextual research and there are few early
assessments encompassing the full breadth and
complexity of these social impacts (Monosky and
Keeling 2020). A social impact assessment is not a
one-o exercise. Rather, it is a process informed by
analyzing data from surveys, key informant interviews,
and focus groups, which oers a better understanding
of stakeholder concerns about—and expectations
for—the transition. It may begin, for example, by
identifying the direct social impacts of coal mine
closure, based on defined geographical and temporal
boundaries, complementing or overlapping with other
analyzes that focus on economic or labor impacts.
It can then assess indirect or secondary impacts on
dierent population groups and over broader spatial
and temporal scales, considering intended and
unintended, positive and negative social impacts, and
how these are influenced by the interaction of various
social categories or identities, such as gender, age,
ethnicity, race, caste, indigeneity, socioeconomic
status, ability, and other forms of identity. Gender
and social inclusion impact assessments can delve
deeper into risks for disadvantaged groups, to develop
mitigation measures that address gender disparities
and systemic marginalizations in the transition
process (Hill, Madden and Collins 2017; Hillenbrand
et al. 2015). Systematically undertaking such impact
assessments can provide essential information for
monitoring and evaluating the transition as it unfolds,
contributing to resource eciency, accountability,
learning, and evidence-based decision-making.
Mapping stakeholders and key actors helps
ensure that transition planning and management
overlooks nobody and pays particular attention
to already disadvantaged groups (World Bank
2024c). While chapter 2 focuses on impacts on and
social co-benefits for people and communities, coal
transitions involve a wider range of stakeholders with
dierentiated interests and concerns. As well as formal
and informal workers and community representatives,
stakeholders may include coal enterprises and
associated small and medium-sized enterprises
(SMEs); state, regional and energy municipalities;
private sector and financial institutions with interest in
transition strategy; nongovernmental organizations;
and public participation groups that are active in coal
mining and clean energy initiatives. By strengthening
understanding of diverse perspectives, interests,
levels of influence, relations, and interdependencies
between dierent interest groups, stakeholder
mapping can lead to more equitable and sustainable
outcomes when analyzing the local political
economy, designing stakeholder engagement plans,
and developing tailored strategies that address the
needs and concerns of dierent groups.
A comprehensive stocktake of civic space lays further
groundwork for meaningful stakeholder engagement
in transitioning countries. The level of such space
is pivotal in determining the success of transition,
given the essential role of working closely with civil
society and grassroots organizations to understand
the needs, priorities, and interests of workers and local
communities, especially vulnerable and marginalized
groups (World Bank 2024d). Civil society organizations
are also instrumental in stakeholder engagement,
facilitating the inclusion of diverse voices, promoting
transparency, and fostering collaboration across
sectors of society. Understanding the impact of civic
space on transition eorts is therefore essential, and
involves considering legal and social constraints
and the broader sociopolitical context in which civil
society operates. This is especially significant in social
and geographical contexts where civil society groups
operate in narrow civic spaces.
Public perception surveys provide essential baseline
information about levels of public awareness,
attitudes, and expectations of the transition process.
These surveys seek to answer important questions,
including: Do people understand the reasons
for shifting away from coal? Whose interests are
prioritized in this shift? To what extent do they support
it, and what do they anticipate from the transition?
Do they expect benefits or burdens for themselves
or their household due to the transition? This type
of survey is one of the most eective tools when
developing an informed stakeholder engagement
strategy. By fostering greater understanding and
awareness among those living and working in
coal regions about the objectives, challenges, and
potential benefits of the transition away from coal,
they provide a foundation for meaningful dialogue
and collaboration (box 9).
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
19 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Having an early and deep understanding of the
political economy surrounding the coal phaseout
allows decision-makers to evaluate the breadth
of potential social impacts, design and sequence
mitigation measures, and enhance the legitimacy of
the transition for everyone involved (Hallegatte et al.
2024). Mapping the political economy at central, state,
and local levels involves building on the analytical
groundwork described above, to understand who
stands to gain or lose in the transition, and how power
dynamics factor in transition decisions (for example,
how “problems” and “solutions” are framed, and
whose narrative dominates). Successfully navigating
the diverse and complex political economy barriers
to implementing a socially sustainable just transition
requires a systematic approach to analysis. To address
this complexity, the 4i framework can help dissect
these barriers into four key components: institutions,
interests, ideas, and influence (box 10). By providing
valuable insights into potential obstacles—such as
vested interests in maintaining the status quo, or
resistance to change from key stakeholders—as well
as local individual and institutional capacities, and
enabling factors for managing a socially sustainable
coal transition, political economy analyzes can help
planners, decision-makers, and stakeholders design a
transition that is tailored to local contexts, priorities,
and needs.
Conducted in 2021, the Western Balkans Coal Regions in Transition Public Perceptions Survey is one
of the largest of its kind to date, covering 21 coal regions and five non-coal regions across five coal-
producing countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Kosovo.
The survey found that, although 73 percent of respondents believe that citizens should be involved in
the energy transition process, awareness of the just transition concept and its implementation remains
limited, with 80 percent of respondents indicating unfamiliarity with it. Almost half of respondents in
coal regions—and a quarter of respondents in non-coal regions—anticipate that the energy transition
will have negative consequences for themselves or their households.
The survey findings highlight the importance of a key upstream step in preparing for a just transition
away from coal: before engaging stakeholders, awareness-raising, public education, outreach, and
capacity-building eorts are vital to empower citizens and ensure their meaningful participation in the
just transition process.
• Institutions: The established formal and informal rules, norms, and organizations that shape
political, economic, and social behavior within society.
• Interests: The diverse distribution of impacts and diering priorities and preferences that influence
the behavior of all involved stakeholders.
• Ideas: The values, beliefs, narratives or worldviews that influence the preferences and decisions of
stakeholders.
• Influence: The authority, power, and leverage that stakeholders can access to promote their
interests and ideas, as well as their interactions with one another and with institutions.
Box 10. Assessing public perceptions on the transition away from coal in the Western Balkans
Box 11. The 4i framework for understanding political economy barriers
Source: Based on World Bank 2024c.
Source: Godinho, Hallegatte and Rentschler (forthcoming).
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 20
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
National/subnational dialogues
Tailored communication strategies
Dedicated consultations with previously
identified marginalized groups
Indicative Activities
Awareness-raising campaigns
Gender and social inclusion plan
Co-development of a roadmap for the transition
3.2 Consensus and vision-building
Building a shared vision of a post-coal future through
social dialogue is a key first step to successful
transition planning and management. Having a
vision provides clear direction for transition planners,
guiding decision-making and resource allocation
toward specific outcomes, thereby minimizing
ineciencies and missed opportunities. Without such
a vision, coal communities can remain vulnerable to
challenges, even if they support the phaseout (Yang
and Shanker 2023). Co-creating a vision and shared
principles for achieving it builds community ownership
for the transition, and integrating bottom-up project
identification and implementation alongside top-
down financing and coordination has emerged
as a highly eective strategy for coordinating and
implementing a shared vision of post-coal futures in
Europe (Wong, Röser and Maxwell 2022).
Early awareness-raising campaigns and public
forums about the need to phase out coal enhance
understanding about the transition, as well as the
local context. Helping coal communities envision a
post-coal future begins with raising awareness about
why a phaseout is needed and being transparent
about its potential impacts on their lives and how they
can be involved in transition planning and decision-
making. But awareness-raising campaigns alone
only oer one-way interaction with stakeholders.
Expanding debate and dialogue through public forums
can enhance citizen understanding of well-planned
and well-managed coal phaseouts—including their
potential benefits such as improved air quality and
natural environment—and approaches for minimizing
their adverse eects (World Bank 2024b). Importantly,
they also help planners better understand the local
context and community dynamics, as well as the
community’s fears and anxieties about the transition
and their needs, priorities, and vision for the future
(World Bank 2024b).
Tailoring communication and engagement
approaches and strategies to diverse groups and
needs helps ensure all voices are heard and feed into
transition visioning, planning, and decision-making.
Stakeholders may have varying levels of literacy,
language proficiency, or accessibility requirements,
as well as dierent cultural backgrounds. To address
these needs, it is essential to employ accessible
communication strategies that use a wide range
of methods and channels, including Indigenous
theatre, visual arts, multimedia resources, artificial
intelligence-based technologies, digital platforms,
and written materials that are clear and available in
multiple languages, while also ensuring that digital
content is accessible to people with disabilities.
Additionally, providing childcare support tailored to
local contexts, addressing mobility and access needs
for the elderly and people with disabilities, covering
costs for transport and internet access for young
people, and creating inclusive spaces that value
cultural diversity, traditions, values, and the wealth of
knowledge that exists within communities can help
remove barriers to eective participation (Lahiri-Dutt
et al. 2022). Capacity-strengthening initiatives can
build confidence and empower marginalized groups
with the skills and knowledge they need to engage
eectively in transition dialogue and decision-making
processes, especially in contexts where women,
Indigenous Peoples, young people, persons with
disabilities, and other disadvantaged groups are not
usually heard. For example, providing young people
with opportunities to build soft and foundational
skills can enable them to meaningfully participate in
transition dialogue (Lijfering et al. 2024 ).
Placing women and other excluded groups at the
forefront of dialogue and consultative processes,
along with implementing strategies to support their
participation in just coal transition decision-making
and leadership roles, ensures their interests and needs
are fully addressed. Women and other marginalized
groups are underrepresented in many decision-making
spaces. As a result, their voices, needs, and priorities
are often unheard, misunderstood, or overlooked
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
21 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
in policies and interventions that impact them (box
11; Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022). To avoid perpetuating
existing inequalities and injustices, it is important
to recognize gender dierences in the impacts of
the coal phaseout and the multidimensional and
interdependent intersectional dierences that shape
the impacts on marginalized and vulnerable groups
(Clancy and Mohlakoana 2020; Gambhir, Green and
Pearson 2018; Hill, Madden and Collins 2017). This
means avoiding tokenistic participation of women
and other marginalized groups, and incentivizing
and actively working with them to integrate their
invaluable knowledge, skills, local understanding, and
lived experience into building the community’s vision
for a post-coal future, and all subsequent phases of a
mine closure. This involves identifying and dismantling
barriers to their participation and leadership. For
Bottom-up co-development of a roadmap for
achieving a community’s post-coal vision promotes
ownership and sustainability of transition eorts
and investments. Co-designing a roadmap with
communities can involve a series of workshops and
consultations, using several channels and media to
maximize inclusion and participation, on defined
transition topics, including the breadth of social
impacts and co-benefits and how to respond and
leverage them. These should take place over a
bounded, but long-enough timeframe—for example,
two years—be guided by local circumstances
example, implementing policies that oer health and
social services to women in caregiving roles, along
with establishing support and peer groups to enhance
their confidence and skills, can facilitate them in
pursuing leadership opportunities (CIF 2024a).
As well as ensuring their perspectives are represented
in their communities’ post-coal vision, supporting the
participation of women, youth, and other marginalized
groups will ensure the design and delivery of financial
aids, compensation schemes, and other supportive
mechanisms are gender-responsive and inclusive.
For example, their participation could help ensure
counseling services to address the psychological
aspects of mine closure are available not only to the
predominantly male mineworkers, but also to their
families, too (Sesele, Marais and van Rooyen 2021).
and the broader political economy context, and
have clearly defined objectives and medium-term
targets. The roadmap may include, for example,
identifying short-term actions and medium- and
long-term strategies that contribute to the collective
re-imagination of the community’s future. New
Zealand’s Taranaki 2050 program, which aims to
help the region navigate the shift from o-shore oil
and gas toward a low-emissions future, oers a best
practice example of how to co-design a roadmap
with and for communities (Venture Taranaki 2019;
World Bank 2023a).
A critical review of ten mine closure plans across five territories in Canada’s northwest revealed a
consistent omission of Indigenous knowledge in their development. The extent of local community
involvement in these plans varied significantly, and in the absence of stringent regulatory guidelines, the
incorporation of community interests and responses to their concerns into these plans hinged solely
on the discretion of the mining companies to exceed the minimum standards set by the government.
The review also revealed a lack of consensus or established method for managing the socioeconomic
impacts within these plans, leading to a lack of definitive approaches to lessen adverse eects.
Box 12. Exclusion of Indigenous voices from consultative processes in mine closure planning
Source: Based on Monosky and Keeling 2020.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 22
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
Establishment of high-level body
to oversee and coordinate the
transition process
Indicative Activities
Assessment of national and
local institutional capacity for
preparing and managing
the transition
Capacity strengthening of local
and national institutions
3.3 Institutional readiness
Establishing a cross-sectoral, multi-disciplinary,
high-level institutional body or mechanism
to oversee the transition process and work
closely with all stakeholders, including aected
communities, will ensure more eective and
inclusive policy planning and decision-making.
Forming a multistakeholder consultative and advisory
body, and, if relevant, committees from each coal-
dependent region, can help build consensus around—
and mutual understanding of the challenges and
necessary steps toward—a socially sustainable just
transition (World Bank 2024d). This helps ground
the roadmap for a transition process in historical
awareness, political economy considerations, the
cultural and social context of aected areas, and
the needs, priorities, interests, and perspectives
of aected communities, especially historically
marginalized groups. Importantly, the body can
strengthen coordination and cooperation across
sectors, including for stakeholder engagement, help
build partnerships between diverse stakeholders and
dierent levels of government and ministries, and
create synergies between transition strategy and
plans and policies and strategies in other areas such
as employment and social protection, education and
learning, and women and equality, while sustaining
policy momentum and focus (World Bank 2024a). A
key first step for the body or mechanism is to define
clear roles and responsibilities for local, regional, and
national government, community leaders, civil society
organizations, the private sector, and other local and
regional stakeholders.
Aligning the needs and priorities of aected
communities with national coal phaseout and
development goals, and promoting eective local
action, are both vital for the social sustainability of
the transition. To deliver on national commitments,
strong subnational implementation systems are
needed to connect top-down policies with bottom-
up processes. For example, Indonesia’s decentralized
governance system means that strengthening and
delineating subnational government roles is integral
to ensure eective transition policy. Prioritizing locally
led approaches helps ensure coal transition-related
activities are more sustainable, contextually relevant,
suitable, and cost-eective (Coger et al. 2022;
Smith and Greene 2020). Promoting more inclusive
local governance and amplifying citizens’ voices
in just transition policy dialogues can help ensure
interventions address the dierentiated social impacts
of the transition (Gambhir, Green and Pearson 2018;
World Bank 2023b).
Nationally coordinated fiscal support is a key
factor in facilitating a successful coal phaseout,
and substantial national-level support and
coordination is required to implement bottom-
up, locally led strategies. Historical evidence from
past coal transitions, primarily from the European
Union, shows that national governments have had
to cover these significant costs after the economic
impact of the coal transition eroded local resources
and fiscal capacity. National coordination can ensure
the ecient and transparent allocation and use of
funds, coupled with interventions to ensure local
institutions and communities—including women,
Indigenous Peoples, and persons with disabilities—
have more direct access to finance, thereby
enhancing their capacity to manage and report on
funds (Hallegatte et al. 2024; Soanes et al. 2021).
In countries with limited state capabilities, this can
allow for accountable service delivery and lessen the
load on the state (Andrews, Pritchett, and Woolcock
2017; World Bank 2004). Support at the local level
can include, for example, increasing women’s access
to financial resources to meet their energy transition
needs and priorities and supporting income-
generating activities and businesses managed or
owned by women (CIF 2024a).
In this context, small grants are particularly
important, as they can be designed to bypass
complex application processes and rigid criteria,
allowing for a more direct and rapid response
to those in need. Small grants aimed at the most
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
23 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
vulnerable groups can constitute a vital safety net,
oering immediate financial assistance that serves
as a bridge in situations of economic distress (CIF
2024a), while also recognizing and fostering their
leadership and knowledge. Unlike larger, more
structured programs, small grants provide a level
of flexibility and accessibility that is often necessary
for social inclusion. They can also help address the
wider social challenges that often accompany mine
closures, as described in chapter 2. For example, they
can support initiatives that provide vocational training
for youth to enter employment in the low carbon
sector, oer counseling for those suering from
anxiety or loss of identity, raise awareness about the
dangers of substance abuse, or establish community
programs to combat gender-based violence.
It is also possible to leverage existing local
government funding transfer mechanisms to
implement community investment projects or
community-driven programs. In many cases, the
use of available support transfer mechanisms helps
facilitate the ecient and eective implementation
of transition plans. In Indonesia, for example, there
is potential to leverage the existing Village Funds
program to channel funding from national to
targeted district or municipality government levels.
Such mechanisms can foster greater ownership in
subnational governments and local communities,
increasing the sustainability of the transition.
Assessing and building the capacity of national and
subnational institutions facilitates the devolution
of transition decision-making authority to the
lowest possible level of governance. With strong
institutions, decision-making authority can be
decentralized to the lowest appropriate level
of governance. As well as empowering local
communities to take the lead in identifying their
own just coal transition needs and priorities, this
approach recognizes the importance of higher levels
of governance in providing financial and regulatory
support, capacity-strengthening, and guidance
when necessary (Sartor 2018; Steinbach et al. 2022).
But local governments must have the resources,
capacity, technical skills, and support they need to
implement transition policies and programs (Lahiri-
Dutt et al. 2022). Several studies indicate that local
governments bear the brunt of the revenue impacts
of mine closures and are responsible for executing
transition programs (Mohr et al. 2020; Sesele 2020).
Analyzing resources and capacities at lower tiers
of government and in local institutions, as well as
the barriers to implementation at all levels, can
provide a comprehensive evaluation of enabling
and constraining factors (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022).
This enables understanding of the financial and
regulatory support, capacity-strengthening eorts,
and guidance needed to implement transition and
enhance local government capacity in participatory
planning and investment mechanisms.
Strategically targeted and increased investments
implemented within strong governance and
accountability mechanisms are vital for achieving
a socially sustainable and just transition (World
Bank 2024a). The World Bank’s (2024d) Just
Transition Taxonomy, a first step toward developing
a comprehensive, globally applicable just coal
transition taxonomy, summarizes the financing needs
for a just coal transition and outlines the financial
responsibilities of dierent public and private actors.
Various instruments—including grants, bonds, debt,
concessions, and equity—are used to fund transition
activities, and can be applied individually or in
combination, with the optimal mix determined by
specific contexts and needs. But these often have
rigid funding criteria with complicated application
processes, hindering innovation and progress.
So a more adaptable and flexible strategy, which
accommodates the multifaceted nature of transition
activities, is necessary. To truly support a socially
sustainable and just transition, these instruments must
operate within strong governance, accountability,
and transparency mechanisms that respond to local
priorities and needs. This is particularly important as
just transition activities are more susceptible to failure
or disruption compared to conventional, tried-and-
tested development activities, where key stakeholders
typically have a solid understanding of the processes
involved (World Bank 2024a).
Governance structures must be transparent
and participative, and outcomes desirable and
acceptable for the aected communities (Hallegatte
et al. 2024). This will prevent inadequately designed
or executed policies that do not consider local needs
and contexts or exceed the capacity of regional or
local government agencies (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022).
Institutional trust plays a pivotal role, as without it, even
well-designed policies and compensation measures
can face resistance and pushback (Hallegatte et al.
2024). A legitimate institutional framework for a just
transition necessitates transparent, accountable, and
inclusive policy processes, along with interventions
that rebuild trust—for example, by developing locally-
responsive mechanisms to address concerns and
grievances (World Bank 2016; 2024b).
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 24
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
Strategies that integrate transition
planning into wider regional and national
socioeconomic development plans
Locally led, climate-resilient community and
regional investments
Stranded assets upgrading
Indicative Activities
Local plans for economic diversification
Post-mining environmental rehabilitation and land
repurposing and redevelopment
3.4 Community investments
Government-led social, human, and economic
development interventions that combine structural
reforms with targeted support measures can
eectively create synergies between transition
plans and strategies in other areas, leveraging
social co-benefits and broader development
outcomes (Hallegatte et al. 2024). Examples
include implementing structural policies designed to
enhance resilience to shocks by increasing access
to financial instruments and services; bolstering
health care systems, social protection, social safety
nets, and essential infrastructure; encouraging
economic diversification to create new employment
opportunities; and promoting labor market mobility
and agility (Hallegatte et al. 2024; IEA 2021). Policies
specifically designed to support impacted workers—
such as oering early retirement packages or
providing financial and reemployment assistance—
can be eectively combined with broader initiatives
at the community or regional level (Hallegatte et al.
2024). These include, for example, local economic
development programs, education and skills training
programs for the low carbon sector and other new
industries, social welfare services, and environmental
restoration eorts (Stanley et al. 2019; World Bank
2024a). Such multifaceted strategies help integrate
transition planning into wider regional and national
socioeconomic development plans, helping advance
development objectives more broadly by enhancing
economic prosperity, building community resilience,
promoting social inclusion and empowerment, and
fostering inclusive governance practices. Government
leadership in this area also signals a commitment to
supporting people and communities through the
transition, and ensures adequate financing to meet
transition needs.
Attracting investments in new sectors and activities,
diversifying the local economy, oering decent
employment alternatives that are sustainable and
accessible, and providing adequate social safeguards
to those unable to re-enter the labor market can
support the development of a new identity for coal
regions (Diluiso et al. 2021; World Bank 2024a). This
involves anticipating changes in job profiles, providing
adequate social protection for aected workers and
their families—including informal workers, people with
disabilities, and “trapped populations”—and promoting
skills development, re-education initiatives, and
associated enabling measures tailored to the needs
of disadvantaged and marginalized groups, such as
people with disabilities from mining work, especially
those that are ineligible for ocial severance packages
(CIF 2024b; Stanley et al. 2019). Oering labor
intermediary services to connect jobseekers with
employment opportunities is also vital (World Bank
2024a), particularly where there is deeply entrenched
skepticism about how the transition will support and
benefit communities. Such investments can build
trust and confidence in the transition process, foster
community buy-in, and ensure that the transition is
both sustainable and inclusive.
Alongside these multifaceted strategies, developing
an enabling care economy—the sector of economic
activities related to providing both paid and unpaid
care—is crucial for addressing the barriers that
women face entering the labor market. This involves
recognizing, reducing, and redistributing unpaid
care work, as well as rewarding and representing
paid care work (CARE 2022). For example, this
includes improving the availability and access to
childcare services, enhancing coordination between
responsible agencies and stakeholders, addressing
social norms to promote gender-equitable caregiving
roles, and implementing workplace policies and
employer-supported childcare (World Bank, 2024e).
Implementing these measures can not only support
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
25 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
women’s participation and retention in the workforce
but also contribute to long-term social well-being
(World Bank 2024e), fostering a more inclusive and
sustainable transition process.
Prioritizing environmental rehabilitation and
repurposing and redeveloping land, power plants,
and other coal mining assets can facilitate the
restoration of natural habitats, and the enhancement
of ecosystem services that local communities rely
on, while also ensuring the long-term safety and
stability of sites, attracting new opportunities,
and bringing broader social benefits to the local
community (Singh, Agarwal, and Prabhat 2024;
World Bank 2024a). Land and other mining assets
can be repurposed as wildlife habitats, forests, eco-
resorts, recreational parks, museums and cultural
sites, skills training centers, solid waste management
centers, solar parks, youth centers, and research and
innovation hubs (Ballesteros and Ramírez 2007; Deng
et al. 2020; Gandah and Atiyat 2016; Lituma et al. 2021).
By integrating sustainable practices and leveraging
natural, physical, and cultural assets to serve new,
beneficial roles, a more forward-looking vision for
the region can be created, where communities can
adapt to changing conditions and future generations
can thrive. Ensuring that the repurposing process is
locally led and socially inclusive can help ensure the
transition toward sustainable and responsible land
reclamation and resource management meets the
local community’s needs and priorities, addresses the
multifaceted challenges faced by disadvantaged and
marginalized groups in the coal phaseout, and avoids
perpetuating past injustices of land dispossession and
violence caused by the expansion of coal mines and
coal-fired power plants.
Ensuring that the transition does not exacerbate
existing social injustices faced by vulnerable
groups and enabling marginalized groups to take
advantage of the opportunities that emerge will
help rectify existing social injustices (Hill, Madden
and Collins 2017; World Bank 2024a). Achieving
this involves implementing measures to ensure
traditionally excluded groups are included in social
protection and safety net schemes, and developing
other economic and social empowerment programs
to target groups that are disproportionately aected
by the transition and often excluded from decision-
making and leadership roles (CIF 2024a; World Bank
2024a). Eective measures include establishing
comprehensive social welfare and equality policies
and strategies—such as gender-based violence
prevention and response programs—as well as
initiatives to meaningfully engage and support
disadvantaged groups and livelihood programs
tailored to the specific needs of these groups, while
also implementing measures to address barriers
to their full participation. Restoring or enhancing
community assets, infrastructure, and social services
is also crucial, given that their destruction or demise
following mine closures has disproportionate impacts
on women, Indigenous Peoples, and low-income
groups (Lahiri-Dutt et al. 2022). Implementing
measures that recognize and address historical
injustices such as abuse, violence, and dispossession,
which have facilitated the expansion of coal mines
and coal-fired power plants is also vital. This includes
compensating and supporting those who have lost
family members, livelihoods, and lands due to coal
mining activities (Kumar 2023). These eorts are
essential for fostering a more equitable and inclusive
transition process that uplifts vulnerable groups and
ensures their active participation and empowerment
in shaping their own futures.
Eective community investments are guided
by locally led, participatory, inclusive, and
empowering processes; without them, even well-
designed and well-intentioned initiatives can lack
credibility and prove maladaptive. This approach
involves empowering local communities to take
the lead in identifying investment priorities, while
also recognizing the importance of higher levels of
governance in providing support, resources, and
guidance when necessary (Steinbach et al. 2022).
When local stakeholders drive the investment process,
they are more likely to support and engage with
transition plans, increasing the likelihood of successful
implementation and long-term sustainability (Edwards
and Maritz 2019; Hoadley and Limpitlaw 2008; Wong
2012). Locally led investments can also support
innovation and new skills development, promoting
new, demand-driven avenues for job creation. By
investing in human capital and training, communities
can prepare their workforce for new industries,
ensuring that the transition is a step toward a more
diverse and skilled labor market (IEA 2021). A locally
led approach is key to developing transition plans
that not only comprehensively address local needs
and priorities but also have the potential to be
transformative by redressing, rather than entrenching,
existing drivers of vulnerability and exclusion.
This requires stringent participatory monitoring,
evaluation, accountability, and learning
mechanisms that integrate gender and social
inclusion to be put in place to ensure that the
identification, design, planning, and delivery of
community investments are transparent and
accountable to local stakeholders (Soanes et al.
2021). Involving local communities in monitoring and
evaluation can provide continuous feedback, allowing
stakeholders to assess progress and make necessary
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 26
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
Multicountry knowledge exchange platform
Indicative Activities
National knowledge exchange platform
adjustments to meet evolving needs (Coger et al
2021). Fostering a culture of accountability ensures
that resources are used eectively, and outcomes
align with community priorities, while integrating
There is a significant gap in the way we understand
and address challenges around socially sustainable
just transitions away from coal, which cross-
sectoral and multi-disciplinary multicountry and
national knowledge platforms can help bridge.
Understanding the full breadth and complexity of
the social impacts of coal phaseout is challenging,
given that these vary by context and may take time
to materialize. By convening diverse stakeholders
across sectors—including health and social care,
women and equality, education and learning,
sustainable finance, Indigenous Peoples and
minorities, land management and natural resources,
planning and community development, employment
and social protection, and energy security—and
sharing experiences and lessons learned, coal
phasedown platforms can facilitate the exchange of
local and global knowledge. This knowledge can be
adapted to inform policies, reforms, and initiatives in
dierent contexts and scales, enhancing institutional
capacity to prepare for and manage transitions
(World Bank 2023c). This approach can help foster
innovation and identify synergies between policies
and strategies to avoid conflicts and ensure that
measures in one sector support and reinforce those
in others. By supporting early engagement to foster
trust between dierent stakeholder groups at risk
of being adversely aected, they can also build
momentum for the transition and a shared vision of
a post-coal future.
Multicountry coal phaseout platforms are
increasingly eective in building confidence that
there is a better way to manage the transition. These
platforms bring together impacted stakeholders to
disseminate global knowledge and learning, share
experiences and lessons learned, deliver online
and classroom learning, and facilitate study tours
in twinned regions. As well as building trust, this
improves understanding of the many facets of
learning mechanisms allows for the dissemination
of best practices and lessons learned, enhancing the
overall eectiveness and sustainability of community
investment initiatives.
just transition support, what to expect and when.
Multicountry platforms help stakeholders see that the
coal phasedown process is smoother when there is
a sound understanding of the timing and distribution
of impacts, mapped against nationally determined
contributions and net zero emissions commitments,
and when decommissioning or closures are
approached as opportunities to repurpose assets
to create new sustainable, inclusive livelihood
opportunities (World Bank 2023c). The more eective
platforms are facilitated by a neutral convening power.
Country-level platforms, on the other hand,
facilitate the dissemination of bespoke knowledge
contextualized to state, province, and district-
level needs and play a pivotal role in disseminating
policies, reforms, and initiatives. These platforms
engage a diverse range of stakeholders in ongoing
conversations, ensuring that their perspectives and
insights are integrated into the planning process. As
well as delivering bespoke knowledge, they provide
technical assistance, support extensive analytical
work on the social impacts of the coal phaseout,
oer learning opportunities, and comprehensively
track outcomes—including financial flows related
to decision-making—to keep all stakeholders well
informed. They are an eective mechanism for
addressing the complex challenge of coordinating
measures to operationalize the transition across
multiple ministries and addressing a breadth of issues
(World Bank 2023c).
Eective delivery of knowledge and learning within
these platforms requires bespoke approaches
that are tailored to the unique characteristics and
challenges of each coal region, as well as the diverse
backgrounds and perspectives of the stakeholders
involved. These platforms bring together participants
with a wide range of formal education levels, work
experience, and degrees of familiarity with the
3.5 Knowledge exchange
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
27 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Arnstein’s (1969) ladder of participation (appendix F) provides a valuable framework for evaluating citizen empowerment
and involvement in decision-making, highlighting the importance of moving beyond tokenistic participation toward more
substantive forms of citizen engagement and empowerment.
intricacies of managing coal phaseouts (World
Bank 2023c). By employing bespoke approaches
that develop a nuanced understanding of unique
regional and stakeholder needs, they can enhance
the accessibility, relevance, and eectiveness of their
knowledge-sharing initiatives. And this, in turn, will
foster greater engagement, collaboration, and progress
toward achieving a just transition away from coal.
3.6 Dialogue and participatory
approaches as cross-cutting
Open, transparent, and continuous engagement
with the coal community lies at the heart of
developing a socially sustainable just transition. To
be eective, stakeholder engagement must start at
the earliest stages of transition visioning and planning
and continue throughout the post-coal community
development phase. It involves active information
sharing, consultation, and dialogue with pre-identified
stakeholders who will be directly or indirectly
aected by the transition. Given that a significant
proportion—54 percent—of the energy transition
minerals and metals resource base is located on or
near the lands of Indigenous and peasant peoples,
it is crucial to embed rights to consultation and
free, prior, and informed consent in the energy
transition process (Owen et al. 2023). Prioritizing
these rights ensures that these communities are not
only consulted but also have a meaningful role in
decision-making, thereby enhancing the transition’s
social sustainability. Importantly, this approach seeks
to empower local actors to participate and have a
stronger voice in decision-making at various levels
and advocate for awareness of local needs and
priorities. By prioritizing inclusivity and transparency, it
ensures that the perspectives of those most aected
by the transition are represented, valued and fed into
transition planning and design, while also keeping
them informed about the process and how to engage
(World Bank 2024b). This approach helps promote
consensus, accountability, and legitimacy when
operationalizing the coal transition. It also fosters co-
learning, innovation, and local community ownership
of transition initiatives (Edwards and Maritz 2019;
Hoadley and Limpitlaw 2008).
Developing and executing a stakeholder engagement
plan, and revising and updating it as the transition
planning and implementation progress, will help
ensure eective engagement. Stakeholder mapping
can ensure the plan outlines the individuals or groups
that could be directly or indirectly aected by the
transition and assess their level of interest and influence.
The plan should also develop approaches for how to
engage with dierent types of stakeholders, which
can range from informing and consulting to involving,
collaborating, and empowering them, detailing the
methods and frequency of communication, the
information shared and channels used, and how views
and feedback will be captured. It is also important
to outline specific engagement activities, such as
meetings, workshops, public forums, surveys, and
feedback mechanisms, and establish monitoring and
evaluation processes to measure their eectiveness.
Developing and implementing a system to report back
to stakeholders about how their input is feeding into
transition planning and decision-making will close
the feedback loop, while establishing a robust on-
site grievance redressal mechanism will facilitate easy
access for communities to provide feedback (World
Bank 2023c; 2016).
Eorts to facilitate dialogue on just transition may
need to overcome the hurdle of eroded trust and
skepticism stemming from negative past experiences,
both in the extractive industries and within a wider
societal context (Diluiso et al. 2021; Whyte 2020).
When stakeholders lack trust in institutions to manage
the transition fairly and equitably, they are less likely
to support it, which could lead to resistance against
phaseout eorts (Sartor 2018). Trust in institutions
cannot be assumed; rather, it needs to be patiently
cultivated through transparent and participatory
policy practices that result in outcomes that are both
desirable and acceptable for the public (Hallegatte et al.
2024; World Bank 2024b). Eective communication,
meaningful engagement with aected communities,
and a commitment to addressing historical
grievances are essential components in rebuilding
trust and fostering support for just transition initiatives.
Including aected communities and engaging
stakeholders in a legitimate, open, and fair manner
can empower stakeholders and/or democratize
relations between diverse stakeholders. Assessing
the eectiveness of trust-building interventions
and setting realistic expectations are important, as
consultation and dialogue can inadvertently lead to a
breakdown in trust if communities cannot see a direct
positive impact from this. And as some benefits of the
transition may not materialize until far into the future,
this is particularly important.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 28
3 | A FRAMEWORK FOR ENSURING A SOCIALLY SUSTAINABLE JUST TRANSITION
4 | Conclusion and
further work
This paper has argued that addressing the broader
social dimensions of coal transitions is crucial for
success, and oers benefits and opportunities
for the millions of people aected. It has outlined
existing literature about anticipated impacts of
the transition not just on workers, but on people
and communities more broadly, including loss of
employment, increased household costs, reduced
public investment, mobility and outmigration, changes
in mental health, eects on social and cultural identity,
and conflict. It has also considered the social co-
benefits of coal transitions, such as reduced risks to
livelihoods, improvements to health and well-being,
and social empowerment. It has cautioned that the
uneven distribution of transition benefits and burdens
risks exacerbating pre-existing inequalities and
systemic marginalization—including those based on
gender, indigeneity, socioeconomic status, disability,
ethnicity, and age—and reproduce the sector’s legacy
of social exclusion and injustice (Johnson et al. 2020).
In doing so, it has demonstrated that ensuring social
sustainability along with economic and environmental
sustainability is critical to the process of advancing a
just transition away from coal.
Based on this review, the paper proposes a framework
outlining a set of upstream interventions for government
and other actors to facilitate inclusive planning,
decision-making, and transition management. This
process-based framework underscores the need for
flexibility and iteration, with activities continuously
feeding into one another, and being undertaken at the
earliest stages of planning through to the post-transition
community development phase. In particular, it outlines
the importance of the following.
• Collecting and analyzing socioeconomic and
social inclusion data early on, which helps develop
a good understanding of the context within which
the transition will take place. Using participatory
approaches and mapping helps ensure everyone
is heard and nobody is overlooked in transition
planning and management.
• Supporting consensus and vision-building, which
will enhance trust in and community ownership of
the transition process. Having a shared vision for
the community’s post-coal future provides clear
direction for transition planners, guiding decision-
making and resource allocation toward specific
outcomes. Sustained and inclusive social dialogue
contributes to the co-creation of such a vision—
and a roadmap for achieving it—with aected
communities and stakeholders.
• Ensuring institutions at all levels are ready
and able to manage the transition and work
together with all stakeholders, which will ensure
more eective and inclusive policy planning
and decision-making. Governance structures
must be transparent and participative, and
outcomes desirable and acceptable for aected
communities. Decentralizing decision-making
authority to the lowest appropriate level of
governance while ensuring coordination and
collaboration between dierent government
levels, sectors, and stakeholders will help align
the needs and priorities of aected communities
with national transition and development goals. It
will also promote eective local action.
• Community investments that respond to local
priorities and needs and are also aligned with
regional and national development planning
will enhance trust and ownership over the
transition process. Environmental rehabilitation,
land repurposing, and stranded asset upgrading
can attract new opportunities and bring broader
social benefits to the local community, especially
when guided by locally led, participatory,
inclusive, and empowering processes.
• Multicountry and national-level coal phaseout
knowledge exchange platforms, which can help
bridge the gap between the way we understand
and address challenges around socially
sustainable just transitions away from coal. As
well as building confidence that there is a better
way to manage the transition, these platforms
can facilitate the dissemination of bespoke,
contextualized knowledge and play a pivotal role
in disseminating policies, reforms, and initiatives.
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
29 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
• Building meaningful and continuous dialogue
and engagement, which lies at the heart of
developing a socially sustainable transition, and
cuts across the five areas of intervention outlined
above. Building trust between stakeholders
and in institutions takes significant time and
resources, and needs to be patiently cultivated
through ongoing dialogue and transparent and
participatory policy practices.
The ambition of a socially sustainable just transition
away from coal must be matched with adequate
financing. As research and experience on how to
finance the just transition increases, costing the
activities required to address the social dimensions of
coal transitions, from the earliest stages of planning
through to the post-coal community development
phase, has yet to happen. But upstream financing
needs must be fully integrated into the just transition
plans that countries, regions and communities are
developing, not only to ensure adequate public sector
finance flows for supporting these activities, but also
to attract private sector investments.
The breadth and complexity of the social impacts
of the coal phaseout necessitate integrated and
multidisciplinary approaches (Solomon, Katz and
Lovel 2008). Setting up multidisciplinary groups or
communities of practice among policymakers and
practitioners can bring together dierent skillsets
for implementing the outlined activities. This would
reduce the risk of the framework being used as a box-
ticking exercise, rather than an iterative, flexible process
to be tailored to the specific context within which
the transition is occurring. This can also help foster
innovation and identify synergies between policies and
strategies to avoid conflicts and ensure that measures
in one sector support and reinforce those in others. A
multidisciplinary approach is also valuable for compiling
best practice examples across sectors and developing
or strengthening existing toolkits or guidance on how
to implement a just transition.
Finally, it is important to recognize that this
framework represents a set of ideal interventions or
entry-points, and to acknowledge the challenges
implementing this transition. Although crucial,
rebuilding trust with those aected by the transition
away from coal, addressing historical grievances, and
establishing transparent and participative governance
structures require political will, significant time
inputs, and significant resourcing. The global political
economy is also often a major force in defining the
context of the transition, influencing its prioritization
in national policy frameworks and the extent to which
social and environmental justice is placed at the
forefront. As such, local, national and international
economic interests, political priorities, and societal
values must all be considered, underscoring the
complexity and depth of the transition process. Only
a sustained eort and collaboration across multiple
stakeholders can ensure a fair and equitable outcome.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 30
4 | CONCLUSION AND FURTHER WORK
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REFERENCES
Appendixes
Europe: Several European countries are part of the Powering Past Coal Alliance (PPCA) and have
committed to phase out unabated coal on or before 2030 (Jewell et al. 2019). Because these countries
represent a small share of global coal generation capacity and have mostly ageing coal plants, they
tend to face fewer changes in phasing out coal. The eectiveness of PPCA in countries with younger
coal fleets has thus been questioned (Jewell et al. 2019; Blondeel et al. 2020). Germany recently
joined the PPCA and has committed to phase out unabated coal by 2038. As part of its commitment
to phase out coal, Germany is implementing a set of measures that include compensation for
power plant closures, labor market measures for coal workers, and substantial support of structural
change in coal-mining regions. Poland, another coal-heavy country in Europe, has not indicated a
coal phaseout target and faces substantial challenges (Whitley et al. 2017; Antosiewicz et al. 2020).
European eorts to phase out coal indicate that appropriate financial instruments are needed (Rentier
et al. 2019), and a just transition for workers are important to gain broad public support and help
those most aected by the phaseout (Johnstone and Hielscher 2017; Osička et al. 2020).
North America: Coal use has been declining in North America. In the United States, the primary driver
has been the availability of cheap shale gas and ageing coal fleets. Coal use in the United States has
dropped by over 50 percent since 2008 (EIA 2019). The recently announced Nationally Determined
Contribution by the Biden Administration sets a 100 percent carbon-free electricity goal by 2035
(The White House 2021), indicating a phaseout not only of unabated coal electricity generation,
but also of natural gas generation. As one of the two founding countries of the PPCA, Canada has
committed to phasing out unabated coal power by 2030 (Government of Canada 2018). Declining
coal use in both the United States and Canada has decreased greenhouse gas emissions, local air
pollutants, and cooling water use (Harris et al. 2015; Kondash et al. 2019). However, there have been
concerns about social and economic consequences, particularly at the local level. For instance, the
United States has lost about 50,000 coal mining jobs between 2011 and 2021 (US Bureau of Labor
Statistics 2021), with significant regional and economic inequities (Bodenhamer 2016; Abraham 2017;
Greenberg 2018). Comprehensive social programs, such as retirement compensation, training for
reemployment, and business support for economic diversification, have been suggested as means
to support a just transition (Homagain et al. 2015; Patrizio et al. 2018; Grubert 2020).
Asia: After a period of rapid growth, coal expansion has slowed in Asia, but it is still the primary driver
of the global increase in coal demand (IEA 2020e). China’s coal consumption reached a plateau
under policy eorts during the 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020), and new coal plants are being built
at a slower rate than previously. Both China and India have suspended and cancelled many new coal
power projects and retired a small set of old, dirty, inecient coal plants (CEA 2019; Global Energy
Monitor et al. 2021). These eorts are largely due to non-climate reasons, such air pollution and health
(Singh and Rao 2015; Gass et al. 2016; Peng et al. 2018; Malik et al. 2020), overcapacity (Blondeel and
Van de Graaf 2018), and rural electrification and renewable investments (Aklin et al. 2017; Thapar et
al. 2018). However, as new builds oset retirements, coal generation capacity has continued to grow
in both countries since 2015 (Global Energy Monitor et al. 2021). Other fast-growing Southeast Asian
countries, such as Indonesia, Viet Nam, and the Philippines have experienced strong growth in coal
use (IEA 2020b), but an increasing number of new coal power projects are being cancelled (Littlecott
et al. 2021). Coal projects in these countries are decreasingly likely to proceed because they rely on
Appendix A. Status of coal phaseout
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
41 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Source: Denton et al. (2022), p 626.
international financing, and China, Japan, the United States, and other G7 countries have pledged to
end overseas coal financing (Schiermeier 2021).
Africa: New coal power projects in Africa have been declining since 2016, with only South Africa and
Zimbabwe currently building new coal plants and several others with planned projects (Littlecott et al.
2021). However, these projects also largely depend on international financing and are thus less likely
to be implemented (see above). In South Africa, employment in the coal mining sector has dropped
by almost half since the 1980s and has been estimated to fall from 77,000 today to 22,000 to 42,000
by 2050 (Cock 2019; Strambo, Aung and Atteridge 2019). Policy and financial support are essential to
ensure a sustainable transition for these workers (Swilling et al. 2016).
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 42
APPENDIX A. STATUS OF COAL PHASEOUT
Appendix B. Research design and methods
The team used several databases and approaches to search for appropriate and relevant publications.
Databases included Web of Science, Scopus, ScienceDirect, and Google Scholar. An example of a search
string used in the review is: (just transition OR sustainability transitions OR energy transition OR coal transition
OR coal mining) AND (all of society OR justice OR equitable OR fair OR political economy) AND (impacts OR
social impacts OR marginalized groups OR vulnerable groups OR gender OR intersectionality) AND (resilience
OR inclusion OR cohesion OR empowerment) AND (stakeholder engagement OR community engagement
OR participation) AND (legitimacy OR institutional arrangements OR governance) AND (barriers OR limits
OR enablers OR inequality OR vulnerability). To avoid excluding key literature, the team also sought insights,
suggestions, and recommendations from key stakeholder interviewees. This was supported by a review of the
World Bank’s programming and policy documents.
Each focus group and interview adhered to a similar overarching structure, centering on key categories of
questions, including:
Critical factors that facilitate eective stakeholder engagement in supporting a just transition away
from coal.
Key institutional arrangements needed from the initial stages of transition preparation to the post-
transition community development phase to ensure a just transition away from coal.
Gaps in evidence requiring attention to better support a just transition away from coal.
1
2
3
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
43 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Appendix C. Seven principles to realize a just transition to a low-carbon economy
Just transition
principle
Actively encourage
decarbonization
Avoid the creation
of carbon lock-in
and more “losers” in
these sectors
Support aected
regions
Implementing and reinforcing this principle
Work actively toward decarbonizing economies as fast as possible. Invest in a clean
energy transition, and in greenhouse gas reductions, particularly in hard-to-abate
sectors (e.g., cement production, chemical production, steel manufacture, heavy
transport, waste) that have few realistic, low-carbon substitutions available.
Create space and support for just transition planning. Engage governments to reshape
the norms around decarbonization and transition, particularly where transition debates
are absent. Highlight practical steps that dierent stakeholders in regions facing
future transition can take in anticipating change. This can help to lower resistance to
decarbonization, and ensure time is used for preparation rather than avoidance.
Avoid new investments linked to high-carbon assets or activities. That is, do not create
further carbon entanglement, or set the stage for stranded assets.
Support programs should not enhance the dependency of workers – or of local,
regional, and national economies and political regimes – on fossil fuel-based economic
activities. For example, programs targeting SMEs that depend on carbon-intensive
industries should support diversification.
Avoid reviving or prolonging the decline of carbon-intensive industries.
Promote fiscal reforms, particularly fossil fuel subsidy reform. Policies that promote
or maintain carbon lock-in should end. This frees up more government revenue to
support transition planning, and to roll out policies, investments and financial support
measures for aected communities.
Actively support regions that today depend on high-carbon industry with finance
(including investment), technical assistance and policy engagement that promotes
diversification of the economy and re-skilling of workers.
Support the private sector, ensuring tailored support to promote new and expanded
SMEs. Tailor SME-targeted assistance toward opportunities that generate significant,
sustainable new employment opportunities.
Support diversification of SMEs dependent on carbon-intensive industries.
Help carbon-intensive companies to diversify core activities where plausible. The private
sector should bear those costs that can and should reasonably be anticipated as part
of its business. Such costs include those mandated by new environmental regulations,
and the eects of carbon pricing pressures (whether imposed domestically or through
international supply chains). However, costs associated with voluntary changes to
reduce carbon intensity might be appropriate for concessional financial support.
Locally contextualized solutions: Ensure that decisions about major, new industrial
investment consider local assets and capacities, along the lines of the European
Commission’s “smart specialization” agenda.
Use a bottom-up process that involves diverse stakeholders sharing knowledge with
one another (i.e., the “entrepreneurial discovery process”) (European Commission
2018; Hausmann and Rodrik 2002).
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 44
APPENDIX C. SEVEN PRINCIPLES TO REALIZE A JUST TRANSITION OT A LOW-CARBON ECONOMY
Just transition
principle
Support workers,
their families
and the wider
community aected
by closures and
downscaling
Ensure that
environmental
damage is
remediated, and
that environmental
costs are not
transferred to the
public sector
Address existing
economic and
social inequalities
Implementing and reinforcing this principle
Education and research: Work with education institutions and the private sector to
identify and address skills gaps that constrain private-sector growth and investment.
Infrastructure: Finance universal infrastructure (such as transport, communication and
education) that aids a wide range of beneficiaries. Focus on increasing connectivity
between carbon-intensive regions and surrounding regions – particularly linking urban
and rural areas. Seek opportunities to repurpose existing industrial infrastructure,
where this might be an asset or magnet for new and small businesses with similar
technical needs.
Urban regeneration: Support activities that promote urban regeneration of town
centers, rather than the creation of new business parks around the fringes of towns.
Supporting urban renewal and preventing decay can play an important role in
maintaining or encouraging positive sentiment among the private sector, which can
create a positive investment feedback loop.
Technical and policy support: Develop guidance and policy frameworks that facilitate
economic regeneration and diversification, spur job creation, and improve access to
public services, particularly for vulnerable groups.
Use fiscal and economic development policies to provide such support. Explore options
for raising capital for regional investment in green industries and green infrastructure
(e.g., issuing green bonds).
Reform fiscal policy to ensure the maintenance of public income and resources and
guarantee the provision of key services in aected areas.
Other efforts to strengthen institutional capacity in the public sector can also
help, including addressing environmental legacies, and strengthening the rule of
law and democracy.
Provide re-skilling to workers aected by low carbon transitions and ensure that these
programs are also available for workers’ families and the wider community. Also, create
opportunities for other forms of personal support, such as job-seeking, mental health
counseling, and financial planning.
Scale up social safety nets, particularly in regions where rapid or large-scale
decarbonization is on the horizon, and where existing social protections are weak.
Strengthen regulatory requirements and financial guarantees for mines and major
industries in relation to site closure and environmental remediation responsibilities.
Ensure individual mines have closure plans in place, and that financial resources for
cleanup are secured by government. Further, introduce requirements that mines
upgrade these plans to reflect new closure scenarios, such as externally driven closure
scenarios that occur before planned end-of-mine-life.
Target support measures (such as SME initiatives, infrastructure investments, and policy
reforms) to avoid higher cost burdens on the poor or other marginalized groups.
Measures should actively aim to reverse trends of inequality. This means identifying
and understanding pre-existing social inequalities (such as those based on gender, age,
ethnicity or ability), and understanding the distributional impacts of transition and of
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
45 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Just transition
principle
Ensure an inclusive
and transparent
planning process
Implementing and reinforcing this principle
dierent support measures. Transition support measures should target not only direct
workers from carbon intensive industries but also their families, contractors, and other
vulnerable groups.
Gender equality – and measures targeted at addressing gendered inequality – should
be integrated into any package of transition support, including when designing
support measures; evaluating employment and other economic opportunities;
assessing livelihood impacts or environmental costs; and prioritizing outcomes from
transition support.
Indicators used to assess the progress of just transitions should go beyond net job
creation, diversity of manufacturing, and regional economic growth. Other indicators
could relate to, for instance the kinds of jobs created, who has access to them, and
levels of broader community resilience and innovation.
Fossil fuel subsidy reform, strengthening of social safety nets, and programs such as
energy eciency measures that result in cost savings for low-income households can
contribute to tackling inequality and vulnerability.
Prioritize investment support for types of public infrastructure, and the design of
public infrastructure.
Create opportunities for wide local engagement with transition planning, so that many
dierent stakeholders and social groups are active participants in defining regional
visions and opportunities, and in identifying challenges and risks that need to be
managed. Locally driven and coordinated transitions have tended to fare better than
those coordinated by national governments.
Source: Atteridge and Strambo (2020), pp. 10-11.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 46
APPENDIX C. SEVEN PRINCIPLES TO REALIZE A JUST TRANSITION OT A LOW-CARBON ECONOMY
Appendix D. World Bank 3x3 framework for a just transition
Figure D1. The World Bank 3x3 framework
Source: Stanley et al. (2019).
Initiate
dialogue
Strengthen laws, policies and
regulations relevant to coal
industry transition
Build vision and strategies
for coal industry transition
through an inclusive
stakeholder engagement
Assess labor profiles, user-
needs and current social
protection programs
Develope a pre-layoff plan,
including income support,
active labor market policies and
institutional capacity building
Appraisal of social
sustainability outcomes
Identify and assess land
and assets to be closed
and decommissioned
Prepare for reclamation
and repurposing
Assess environmental
remediation costs
Community engagement in
repurposing process
Develop institutional structures
for implementing closure
and repurposing
Coordinate closure and
decommissioning activities
between government agencies
and firms
Proivide social assistance to
workers and communities
Active labor market policies
for workforce transition,
including re-skilling,
education and incentives
Develop and apply health, safety
and environment (HSE) and
technical standards for closure
and decommissioning
Apply careful monitoring
mechanism for environmental
legacy issues
Coordinate transition
implementation through
institutional arragements
Manage funding sources and
budgetary support
Provide longer term re-skilling
and education to help preparing
workers for future jobs
Locally-led participatory
planning and development
investments for regional
economic development
Environmental remediation of
land/assets
Re-permitting and repurposing
land/assets to sustain regional
transformation
Mobilize private investment
through public-private
partnership
Phase 1
Pre-colsure
planning
Institutional Governance People & Communities Repurposing Land & Assets
Phase 2
Coal mine
closure
Phase 3
Coal region
transition
18 months
3+ years
10+ years
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
47 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Appendix E. Overview of the social aspects of mine closure
Social aspect
Economy
Business
Employment
Security
Education
and training
Infrastructure
Amenity
Livelihoods
Land
Housing
Health
Environment
Demography
Participation
Inclusion
Social (general)
Indicative elements
• Local economic activity (diversity and dependencies)
• Household income
• Local living standards
• Local businesses development opportunities in mining
• Business opportunities in other sectors
• Local employment opportunities in mining
• Local employment other sectors
• Local employment stability/volatility
• Social order and safety (e.g., tensions, crime, violence)
• Local skills development in mining and other sectors
• Access to quality education and training
• Local transport (e.g., public buses, roads, airports)
• Critical infrastructure (food supply, power supply, water supply, telecommunications)
• Local aesthetic and recreational resources (e.g., heritage sites, parks and recreation areas,
communal areas)
• Local culture, arts and sports (including facilities)
• Local livelihoods (e.g., access to land, food, water and shelter that aects livelihoods)
• Local land ownership, access and use
• Recognition of traditional/customary ownership
• Local housing quality, availability and aordability
• Community health and wellbeing
• Access to quality health and social services
• Environmental aspects that aect social conditions (e.g., quality of air, water, land, ecosystem)
• Local population dynamics (e.g. growth/decline, migration, ageing, gender balance)
• Stakeholder participation in closure planning, and closure and post-closure processes
(including decision-making)
• Inclusive stakeholder engagement, including with vulnerable and otherwise marginalized
groups (e.g., Indigenous Peoples, women, ethnic minorities, persons with disabilities,
elderly, youth) in closure planning, and closure and post-closure processes (including
decision-making)
• General socio-economic considerations
• Social considerations in financial assurance mechanisms
Source: Vivoda et al. (2019), pp. 9-10.
Note: Sesele et al. (2021) observed that there is a lack of integration of gender issues across the above themes.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 48
APPENDIX E. OVERVIEW OF THE SOCIAL ASPECTS OF MINE CLOSURE
Appendix F. Degree of citizen participation and power in decision-making
Arnstein’s (1969) ladder of participation (figure F.1) is a conceptual framework used to analyze the degree of
citizen participation in decision-making. Each of its eight rungs represents a dierent level of participation,
ranging from nonparticipation to full citizen control.
Citizen control: The highest rung of the ladder represents full citizen control, where decision-making authority
resides entirely with citizens or their elected representatives. Citizens have the power to define issues, make
decisions, and implement policies without interference from external authorities.
Delegated power: Decision-making authority is formally delegated to citizens or their representatives. Citizens
have the power to make decisions within a defined scope, but ultimate authority rests with higher-level decision-
makers or institutions. This can include participatory budgeting processes or community-run programs where
citizens have direct control over resources and decision-making.
Partnership: A more collaborative approach to decision-making, where citizens and authorities work together
to identify issues, develop solutions, and make joint decisions. This level of participation involves genuine
dialogue and negotiation, with decisions reached through consensus or mutual agreement.
Placation: Decision-makers create the illusion of citizen participation by allowing citizens to articulate their
concerns or preferences, but only within predefined boundaries that do not challenge the existing power
structure. Decision-makers may make minor concessions to appease citizens without fundamentally altering
the decision.
Consultation: Decision-makers seek citizens’ opinions or feedback on specific issues or decisions—often through
surveys, focus groups, or public meetings—but the degree to which citizens’ input influences the final decision
varies. Although they may consider citizen feedback, the decision-makers retain control over decision-making.
Figure F.1. Arnstein’s ladder of participation
Source: Arnstein 1969, p217.
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
Citizen control
Degrees of citizen power
Degrees of tokenism
Nonparticipation
Delegated power
Partnership
Placation
Informing
Therapy
Manipulation
Consultation
SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF A JUST COAL TRANSITION
49 | Social Dimensions of Climate Change
Informing: Authorities or decision-makers provide information to citizens about decisions that have already
been made or are in the process of being made, through newsletters, websites, public announcements
or other communication channels. Citizens are not given the opportunity to provide input or influence
decision-making.
Therapy: Citizens are given the illusion of participation, but this is tokenistic, with their role limited to venting
frustrations or airing grievances. It includes forums such as public hearings, where citizens are allowed to
express their concerns, but their input may not be seriously considered.
Manipulation: This is the lowest rung, where citizens have no real power or control over decision-making.
Authorities or powerholders may use propaganda, misinformation, and other tactics to shape opinions without
genuine citizen participation.
Social Dimensions of Climate Change | 50
APPENDIX E. OVERVIEW OF THE SOCIAL ASPECTS OF MINE CLOSURE
