Covering online protest: what changes and what remains the same? Examples from the protest for justice for Roman Zadorov

Abstract

When reporting on protests, the mainstream media often adopts the "protest paradigm," a set of "rules of thumb" determining which events receive coverage and how they are framed. Events challenging the status quo are often portrayed negatively. Coverage is often episodic rather than thematic, relying heavily on official sources. Additionally, protest coverage is often reactive rather than proactive. However, research indicates that there has been a shift in the coverage of protests since the early 2000s, whereby protests are framed more positively, with a greater emphasis on the causes, methods, and goals of the protesters, while reliance on institutional sources for coverage decreases. This study offers a dual contribution. Firstly, it extends the application of the protest paradigm to social media-based protests, an area that has received limited attention in existing literature. Secondly, by combining content analysis with digital netnography, this research provides a comprehensive understanding of both the content and the contextual dynamics of the protest for justice for Roman Zadorov, considering its distinctive context, scale, and scope of participation. The findings reveal a mixed framing of the protest. Framing is predominantly thematic rather than episodic, and most interviewees are activists rather than establishment figures. Nevertheless, the establishment still holds the power to proactively shape agendas, with protesters lacking comparable resources, connections, and capabilities.

Full text

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=witp20
Journal of Information Technology & Politics
ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/witp20
Covering online protest: what changes and what
remains the same? Examples from the protest for
justice for Roman Zadorov
Azi Lev-On
To cite this article: Azi Lev-On (16 Sep 2024): Covering online protest: what changes and
what remains the same? Examples from the protest for justice for Roman Zadorov, Journal of
Information Technology & Politics, DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2024.2403505
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2024.2403505
Published online: 16 Sep 2024.
Submit your article to this journal
View related articles
View Crossmark data

Covering online protest: what changes and what remains the same? Examples
from the protest for justice for Roman Zadorov
Azi Lev-On
ABSTRACT
When reporting on protests, the mainstream media often adopts the “protest paradigm,” a set of
“rules of thumb” determining which events receive coverage and how they are framed. Events
challenging the status quo are often portrayed negatively. Coverage is often episodic rather than
thematic, relying heavily on ocial sources. Additionally, protest coverage is often reactive rather
than proactive. However, research indicates that there has been a shift in the coverage of protests
since the early 2000s, whereby protests are framed more positively, with a greater emphasis on the
causes, methods, and goals of the protesters, while reliance on institutional sources for coverage
decreases. This study oers a dual contribution. Firstly, it extends the application of the protest
paradigm to social media-based protests, an area that has received limited attention in existing
literature. Secondly, by combining content analysis with digital netnography, this research pro-
vides a comprehensive understanding of both the content and the contextual dynamics of the
protest for justice for Roman Zadorov, considering its distinctive context, scale, and scope of
participation. The ndings reveal a mixed framing of the protest. Framing is predominantly
thematic rather than episodic, and most interviewees are activists rather than establishment
gures. Nevertheless, the establishment still holds the power to proactively shape agendas, with
protesters lacking comparable resources, connections, and capabilities.
KEYWORDS
Activism; social media;
protest; protest paradigm
Introduction: understanding protest coverage
in the media
Protests have emerged as a cornerstone of contem-
porary society, serving as a powerful mechanism
for individuals and communities to express their
dissent, advocate for social change, and raise
awareness about various issues. Throughout his-
tory, societies have witnessed the transformative
impact of protests in challenging oppressive sys-
tems, demanding civil rights, advocating for equal-
ity, and voicing concerns over a range of political,
social, and economic matters.
In recent years, the advent of the Internet, parti-
cularly social media platforms, has revolutionized
the landscape of protest movements. These digital
tools have provided activists with unprecedented
avenues for organizing, mobilizing, and amplifying
their messages on a global scale. Social media plat-
forms offer an inclusive and accessible space for
individuals to connect, share information, and
engage in collective action (Lev-On, 2019).
Through online networks, protesters can dissemi-
nate real-time updates, multimedia content, and
personal narratives, effectively bypassing
traditional gatekeepers and reaching vast audi-
ences. The Internet and social media have not
only facilitated coordination among protesters but
have also expanded the repertoire of protest strate-
gies, such as online petitions, viral campaigns, digi-
tal activism, and virtual protests, enabling diverse
voices to be heard and empowering marginalized
communities to mobilize for change. This digital
landscape has reshaped the dynamics of protests,
providing activists with the tools to challenge
power structures, create solidarity networks, and
foster global movements with unprecedented
speed and reach (Lev-On & Hardin, 2007).
Protests have long been a subject of interest in
media studies, revealing the prevalence of a widely
recognized framework known as the “protest para-
digm.” This paradigm encompasses a set of guide-
lines that shape how protests are covered and
portrayed by the mainstream media (Chan & Lee,
1984; McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Within this frame-
work, protests are often depicted in a negative light,
emphasizing their potential for violence and por-
traying protesters as disruptive forces challenging
the established order (Baylor, 1996; Entman &
CONTACT Azi Lev-On azilevon@gmail.com Ariel University, Ariel 40700, Israel
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS
https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2024.2403505
© 2024 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

Rojecki, 1993; Smith et al., 2001). Furthermore, the
media’s coverage of protests tends to be episodic
rather than thematic, focusing on isolated events
rather than delving into the underlying causes and
goals (Reul et al., 2018).
One significant characteristic of protest coverage
is the media’s reliance on official sources, which are
easily accessible and frequently employed to frame
protests from an institutional perspective, This pre-
ference for official narratives often results in pro-
testers struggling to have their voices heard and
their messages accurately represented in the
media (Bennett, 1990; Sigal, 1973). Additionally,
protesters typically find themselves in a reactive
position, lacking the influence to shape the media
agenda compared to well-established institutions
(Dumitrica & Bakardjieva, 2018).
However, recent research suggests a departure
from the traditional protest paradigm, indicating
notable shifts in the media’s coverage of protests
since the early 2000s (Dumitrica & Bakardjieva,
2018). With the advent of advanced communica-
tion technologies and the rise of social media plat-
forms, protesters have gained increased agency in
shaping their narratives and bypassing traditional
channels of media representation (Dumitrica &
Bakardjieva, 2018). As a result, protest coverage
has witnessed a transformation marked by more
positive framing, deeper analysis of the protesters’
causes and methods, and decreased reliance on
institutional sources (DeLuca et al., 2012; Harlow
& Brown, 2023; Harlow et al., 2017, 2020; Li et al.,
2023).
In line with these evolving dynamics of protest
coverage, this study focuses on the protest for jus-
tice for Roman Zadorov, a notable and extensive
social media-driven protest. By adopting a mixed-
method research approach combining journalistic
content analysis and netnographic research, the
study aims to explore the various aspects of the
protest paradigm and shed light on the character-
istics of media coverage of protests in the second
and third decades of the 21st century. The unique
context, scale, and level of participation involved in
the protest for justice for Roman Zadorov contri-
bute to its significance and provide an opportunity
to deepen our understanding of protest coverage
within the shifting media landscape. Through these
efforts, this study seeks to contribute to the
advancement of knowledge in the field of media
studies and enhance our comprehension of the
complexities surrounding protest coverage in con-
temporary society.
This study offers a dual contribution to the field
of media studies. Firstly, it extends the use of the
protest paradigm to the context of social media-
based protests, an area that has not been exten-
sively explored. While many articles discuss the
protest paradigm in the context of physical pro-
tests, few address protests primarily occurring
online. By doing so, I demonstrate that the protest
paradigm can be effectively applied to analyze
online protests. Secondly, this research integrates
content analysis with digital netnography. While
content analysis allows us to examine the media
coverage of the protest, digital netnography pro-
vides deeper insights into the protest’s background,
the relationships between activists, their approach
to the media, and existing barriers, adding a crucial
layer of understanding to our analysis.
The protest paradigm
Extensive research has consistently shown that the
mainstream media has a tendency to adhere to the
“protest paradigm” when reporting on protests.
This paradigm is a set of commonly followed
guidelines or “rules of thumb” that determine
which events will be covered by the media and
how they will be portrayed (Chan & Lee, 1984;
McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Studies in this field pri-
marily focus on four main categories that charac-
terize the media framing of protests.
First, protesters are frequently depicted as dan-
gerous, violent, and labeled as outlaws, often
undermining the seriousness of their claims.
Negative framing is commonly employed, placing
the blame and responsibility on the protesters
rather than addressing the issues they are protest-
ing against (Baylor, 1996; Entman & Rojecki, 1993;
Smith et al., 2001; see also Ophir et al., 2023).
Through the use of descriptions highlighting viola-
tions of laws or social norms, and occasionally
relying on opinion polls, the media tends to portray
protesters as insignificant minorities, thus down-
playing the scale of the protest. Studies also reveal
a tendency to delegitimize protests, portraying
them as irrational, undemocratic, or lacking valid
2A. LEV-ON

foundations (Boyle et al., 2004, 2012; Chan & Lee,
1984; Dardis, 2006; Weaver & Scacco, 2013).
Second, in most cases protest framing is episodic
rather than thematic, with the media’s preference
for highlighting individuals and specific events.
This focus often centers around protest leaders,
acts of disorder, and disruptions to daily life caused
by the protest, while sacrificing in-depth discus-
sions of the underlying causes, methods, and
goals of the protest (Reul et al., 2018). News articles
covering protests frequently adopt
a confrontational framing, depicting a dichotomy
of “they” (the protesters) versus “we” (the autho-
rities or general public), reinforcing an adversarial
narrative (Reul et al., 2018).
Third, relying on official sources of information
is another characteristic of protest coverage. The
operational constraints of the media often priori-
tize time and cost efficiency in news production. As
a result, journalists tend to favor official sources,
which are more readily available and accessible
(Baylor, 1996; Corrigall-Brown & Wilkes, 2012;
Gans, 1979). These official sources predominantly
present events from an institutional perspective,
aligning with established authorities and their
viewpoints (Bennett, 1990; Sigal, 1973).
Fourth, protest coverage tends to be reactive
rather than proactive, with protesters having lim-
ited ability to set the media agenda. Their coverage
is contingent upon the journalists’ discretion, pla-
cing them at the mercy of media gatekeepers. In
contrast, establishment bodies possess the advan-
tage of spokespersons, public relations experts, and
the capacity to stage events, enabling them to assert
influence in the struggle over the media agenda vis-
a-vis the protesters (Dumitrica & Bakardjieva,
2018). This power imbalance underscores the chal-
lenges faced by protesters in gaining media atten-
tion and shaping public discourse compared to
established institutions.
The protest paradigm: recent literature
However, research indicates a shift in the coverage
of protests since the early 2000s. During this time,
protesters have gained enhanced communication
abilities, allowing them to effectively expose their
protests to the outside world. They now have the
means to organize events, conduct live broadcasts,
raise funds, and employ various tools for spreading
their messages independently. As a result, their
reliance on institutional sources to reach a wider
audience has diminished. In parallel, journalists
also find themselves less reliant on institutional
sources for protest-related information. They can
now rely on the information generated by the pro-
testers themselves, reducing their need to directly
contact institutional sources (Dumitrica &
Bakardjieva, 2018). This changing landscape high-
lights the evolving dynamics of protest coverage as
protesters gain more agency in shaping their nar-
ratives and bypassing traditional channels of media
representation.
Indeed, a significant body of literature exploring
protest coverage across various regions indicates
a shift in recent years. This shift is characterized
by a more positive framing of protests, encompass-
ing a deeper examination of their underlying
causes, methods, and goals. Moreover, this change
is accompanied by a reduced reliance on institu-
tional sources of information (DeLuca et al., 2012;
Harlow & Brown, 2023; Harlow et al., 2017, 2020;
Li et al., 2023). These trends are also observable
within the context of Israel, as evidenced by the
coverage of the 2011 social protest movement (Lev-
On, 2019, 2020; Shultziner & Shoshan, 2018).
It is true that most of the literature that utilizes
the “protest paradigm” focuses on descriptions in
the press, whether online or offline, of protests that
mostly occur in the physical space. However, there
are also texts that utilize the “protest paradigm” to
analyze protests happening primarily on social
platforms such as Twitter and TikTok (see Jiang
et al., 2022; Lalancette et al., 2021; Literat et al.,
2023).
This study contributes to the existing literature
on media coverage of protests by focusing on the
protest for justice for Roman Zadorov, a prolonged
protest that primarily takes place on social media
platforms. This protest stands out due to its exten-
sive scope, distinctive context, and the identity of
its participants, which adds to its significance. The
study’s uniqueness lies in its comprehensive exam-
ination of various aspects of the “protest paradigm”
and its utilization of mixed research methods, com-
bining journalistic content analysis with in-depth
netnographic research, to analyze a protest that
occurred primarily through online social media.
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 3

By employing these methods, the study aims to
enhance our understanding of the characteristics
of media coverage of protests in the second and
third decades of the 21st century, thereby contri-
buting to the advancement of knowledge in this
field.
Research environment
On December 6, 2006, the 13-year-old Tair Rada
was found lifeless at the school where she studied in
Katzrin, Israel. The police carried out many inves-
tigative actions, which made the investigation one
of the most complex and expensive in its history
(Ifergan, 2014).
Roman Zadorov, a flooring installer who worked
at the school, was arrested six days after the mur-
der, and a week later confessed to it. Two days after
the reconstruction he again confessed and then
immediately took it back, and has since denied
any connection to the murder. Zadorov was con-
victed of murder in 2010 and sentenced to life in
prison. The verdict referred to a “high-quality,
dense and real fabric of evidence” that points to
Zadorov, including his confessions to the infor-
mant and to police investigators, reconstruction
of the murder, and a shoe imprint on the victim’s
pants that, according to the police expert, most
likely originated in Zadorov’s shoe.
Arguably, Roman Zadorov’s confessions
revealed various confidential details related to the
murder case. These details included information
about the specific toilet booth where the murder
took place, the position of the victim’s body during
the crime, specific details about the incisions on the
body, the confirmation that the victim was not
sexually assaulted, and the revelation that the cell
could not be locked from the outside and that the
killer had to jump out of the murder scene.
Furthermore, the court pointed out that several
pieces of circumstantial evidence strongly linked
Zadorov to the murder. In 2015, Zadorov appealed
to the Supreme Court, but his appeal was rejected
by a two-to-one majority of the judges.
But the firmness of the court’s ruling contradicts
the public’s ruling, with opinion polls repeatedly
showing that an overwhelming majority of the
public thinks Zadorov is innocent. In 2021,
a supreme court judge decided to grant Zadorov
a retrial, and in 2023 he was acquitted (Lev-On,
2023).
Right from the immediate aftermath of the mur-
der, the case garnered significant public attention
due in part to the shocking circumstances sur-
rounding it. The victim, a young girl, was brutally
murdered during broad daylight in her own
school – a place where parents send their children
with the expectation that they will engage in learn-
ing and enjoy time with friends. This incident
remains the sole occurrence in Israel’s history of
a murder taking place on school grounds, with
hundreds of students, teachers, and staff present
within the compound at the time. The exceptional
nature of this crime within the school setting
heightened public interest and concern surround-
ing the case.
Another significant factor that raised doubts
about Roman Zadorov’s culpability in the murder
was the skepticism expressed by Tair Rada’s
mother. Shortly after Zadorov provided his
account of the murder, she publicly expressed
doubt regarding his role as the killer. Over the
years, additional doubts emerged due to issues
surrounding Zadorov’s confession and the recon-
struction of events that formed the basis of his
conviction. These doubts were further fueled by
alternative narratives regarding the identity of the
perpetrator(s), the method used in the murder, and
the underlying motives. Notably, in 2012, six years
after the murder, a testimony by Adir Habani
revealed that his then-girlfriend, Ola Kravchenko,
had confessed to him on the night of the murder,
claiming she was the actual killer. Habani alleged
that Kravchenko even showed him the murder
weapons and her bloodstained clothing, adding
another layer of complexity to the case.
Even after 17 years since the murder took place,
it is evident that public and media interest in the
case has not diminished. One significant contribut-
ing factor to this sustained interest is the extensive
activism on social media aimed at advocating for
Roman Zadorov’s innocence. Starting from 2009
and gaining momentum in 2013, numerous
Facebook groups dedicated to the case were estab-
lished. Following the Supreme Court’s rejection of
Zadorov’s appeal at the end of 2015, the member-
ship in these groups surged, with the largest group,
“The whole truth about the murder of the late Tair
4A. LEV-ON

Rada,” becoming one of the largest in Israel (Ben-
Israel, 2016). Additionally, the investigation mate-
rials became accessible on the “Truth Today” web-
site, starting in 2016, providing further resources
for those interested in the case. Furthermore, sev-
eral YouTube channels emerged, featuring video
content related to the case, including investigative
videos, conversations with police informants, and
reconstructions. These online platforms have
played a significant role in keeping the case in the
public consciousness and facilitating the dissemi-
nation of related materials.
Apart from its scope, the social media protest for
justice for Zadorov is unique in other aspects (Lev-
On, 2022, 2023):
(1) The context: The protest takes place in the
context of a murder trial and a call for justice
for false convicts. In contrast, findings and
products of police investigations and legal
proceedings are typically far from the public
eye.
(2) The identity of participants in the discourse:
Typically, the partners in the public dis-
course regarding law and justice are “insi-
ders:” police officers, lawyers, judges,
reporters and legal commentators. In the
Zadorov case, however, the involvement of
“outsiders” is evident – including protesters
who are familiar with small and large issues,
with resolutions that experts in the field will
not be able to point to.
(3) The protest is also unique in its significant
effects, for example on public images (for
example, of the place where the murder
took place and of friends of Tair who were
accused online, without foundation, of
involvement in the murder), and opinions
(for example, about the functioning of the
relevant state institutions and about
Zadorov’s guilt/innocence) (Grossman &
Lev-On, 2023; Lev-On, 2023).
The ongoing protest surrounding the case has been
instrumental in keeping the affair in the media and
public spotlight for an extended duration. What
sets this protest apart is the active involvement of
protesters who meticulously scrutinize the avail-
able investigation materials. Through their diligent
efforts, they have made numerous discoveries that
have had a significant impact, including compel-
ling findings that ultimately led to the decision to
hold a retrial for Zadorov. These discoveries, made
by dedicated protesters, have played a pivotal role
in shaping the narrative surrounding the case and
have garnered attention and support from the pub-
lic and media alike (Lev-On, 2023).
For all these reasons, the protest for justice for
Zadorov is a fascinating case for examining the
characteristics and effects of social media-based
protest.
Method
Content analysis
To answer the research question, I collected all the
articles that covered the protest for three years –
between February 2014 and February 2017,
a period during which there was a significant
increase in social media protest calling for justice
for Zadorov.
The initial sample consisted of 670 articles
received from Yifat, a company that collects and
monitors all the news outlets in Israel. The search
logic (“Zadorov” or “Tair Rada”) and (“Facebook”
or “social media”) was used to identify relevant
articles. The media outlets included all major
print and digital newspapers in Hebrew, such as
Yedioth Ahronoth, Israel Today, Haaretz, Ynet,
and Walla!, as well as smaller online newspapers
like Sicha Mekomit and Haoketz.
After receiving the initial database of 670 arti-
cles, we undertook a thorough filtering process.
This involved removing duplicates and articles
that, despite containing the search terms, did not
address the protest for justice for Zadorov.
Through this rigorous filtering process, we identi-
fied 64 articles that were directly relevant to our
study. These 64 articles, sourced from various
major media outlets in Israel, formed the final
sample for our content analysis.
Each variable was clearly defined and operatio-
nalized to ensure consistent and accurate coding.
For instance, framing was categorized as positive,
negative, neutral, or mixed based on specific cri-
teria outlined in our coding manual. Other vari-
ables, such as the presence of thematic versus
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 5

episodic coverage, reliance on official sources, and
the inclusion of protest methods and goals, were
similarly operationalized.
To ensure the reliability of our coding process,
we conducted an intercoder reliability test. Five
independent coders were trained using a subset of
articles from our sample. We calculated Cohen’s
kappa for each variable to measure agreement
among coders. The intercoder reliability scores
were as follows:
●Framing (positive, negative, neutral, mixed):
κ = 0.82
●Coverage type (thematic vs. episodic): κ = 0.78
●Reliance on official sources: κ = 0.85
●Inclusion of protest methods and goals:
κ = 0.80
These scores indicate a high level of agreement
among the coders, demonstrating the robustness
of our coding process.
Coders underwent a rigorous training program,
which included detailed instructions on coding
procedures, discussions on coding dilemmas, and
practice coding sessions with feedback. The train-
ing ensured that all coders were familiar with the
operational definitions and coding rules.
The coding process involved multiple rounds of
coding, with regular meetings to discuss discrepan-
cies and refine the coding manual as needed.
Discrepancies were resolved through discussion
and consensus, ensuring that the final dataset was
accurate and reliable.
Netnographic Study
The content analysis is supported by
a netnographic study. Netnography is
a qualitative interpretive research approach –
a digital version of ethnographic research, which
deals with the study of the behavioral and com-
municative patterns of individuals and groups on
the Internet (Kozinets, 2010; Rageh et al., 2013).
Netnography involves collecting data from var-
ious online sources such as social media groups,
chats, petition sites, sites for collaborative crea-
tion of documents and maps, and more. Scholars
can identify online communities, join and
observe them, and interview participants in the
protests. The triangulation between observation,
interviews with protesters and content analysis
enables to produce a comprehensive picture of
the protest for justice for Zadorov.
The netnographic study spanned four years, from
December 2015 (when Zadorov’s appeal to the
Supreme Court was rejected and the protest intensi-
fied) until December 2019. Data was collected from
various online sources, including: Social media groups
dedicated to the Zadorov case on platforms like
Facebook; Chats and discussions in online forums;
Petition sites and collaborative document creation
platforms; and YouTube channels featuring videos
related to the case, including investigative videos and
interviews with key figures.
I joined and observed multiple online commu-
nities, engaging in passive observation to capture the
authentic interactions and discourse among partici-
pants. This involved systematically recording observa-
tions, noting recurring themes, and identifying key
participants who played significant roles in the
discourse.
In addition to observation, semi-structured inter-
views were conducted with active participants in the
protest. These interviews provided deeper insights
into the motivations, perceptions, and strategies of
the protesters. Interview questions were designed to
explore participants’ views on the case, their involve-
ment in the protest, and their interactions with other
community members.The collected data was ana-
lyzed using thematic analysis, identifying key themes
and patterns in the online discourse. Triangulation
was employed by cross-referencing findings from
participant observations, interviews, and content ana-
lysis to ensure the validity and reliability of the results.
Findings
The findings are largely based on a content analysis
of the 64 articles in the final sample. The average
number of paragraphs in the articles is 15. The
average number of paragraphs that referred to the
protest for justice for Zadorov was three. Forty-
three (67.2%) of the articles referred to the protest
in a paragraph or two. In 21 (32.8%) of the articles
the reference to the protest included three or more
paragraphs.
6A. LEV-ON

The coverage of the protest can be effectively
analyzed by applying the predictions outlined in
the protest paradigm, which encompasses the four
categories mentioned earlier.
The framing of the protest (positive/negative)
While in 22 of the articles (34%) the framing of the
protest was negative, in 23 of them (36%) it was
neutral. In 12 articles (18.75%) the framing of the
protest was positive, and the remaining seven arti-
cles (11%) included mixed framing (both positive
and negative) of the protest.
Negative framing, based on information and
knowledge
In 22 of the articles the protest was framed only
negatively, while in seven articles the framing was
both negative and positive. Many of the negative
framings were in the context of information and
knowledge. For example, Naama Lansky’s article in
Israel Today contains a quote from the then-State
Attorney, Adv. Shai Nitzan, according to which:
I looked on Facebook and saw what nonsense is being
published. One of the popular allegations is that a girl’s
hair was found in Tair Rada’s hands, so it is likely that the
killer was one of her friends . . . a complete lie ran on
Facebook and people take it with the utmost seriousness.
1
The quote criticizes the content of the information
distributed online. Furthermore, according to an
article by Joshua Brainer in Walla! social media
groups contain knowledge that is “half-truth,”
and there are also “distorted images”
2
:
It’s hard to escape heated arguments, distorted
photos and half-truths circulated on Facebook, all
calling for Zadorov’s acquittal of the murder of Tair
Rada.
Additional articles argue that the information dis-
seminated online is sometimes based on rumors.
Yifat Ehrlich’s article in Yedioth Ahronoth focuses
on rumors and sayings of fortune tellers, and includes
a post from the Facebook group “all the truth . . . ”
My first post here . . . I just have to let go of this. Two
days ago, Tair appeared in my dream, albeit in
a different form and not in her face, and told me that
her good friend [. . .] whispered in her ear the same day
they were sitting in the pergola . . .
3
Another type of critique refers to the ability of
social media group members to understand, pro-
cess, and draw conclusions from the materials they
encounter. Some of the articles argue that most
members of these groups claim to be experts even
though they have no legal knowledge, and did not
even bother to read the legal verdicts
4
:
Today all are journalists. All are investigators. All are
experts. Everyone knows the whole Bible. An anon-
ymous scribble on Facebook is preferred over 300
pages of a Supreme Court ruling - which, of course,
they did not bother to read.
Negative framing: conspiratorial narratives
Another form of criticism directed toward the pro-
test for justice for Zadorov revolves around the
narratives constructed by certain group members
based on the information available to them. Within
this context, the term “conspiracy” is frequently
mentioned. In an article by Yitzhak Ben-Ner pub-
lished in Maariv, it was argued that some protesters
go beyond seeking to establish Zadorov’s inno-
cence and delve into the exploration of alternative
perpetrators, occasionally venturing into conspira-
torial realms.
The masses on the net suspect the murdered
girl’s friends, members of the cult of the devil and
a mentally challenged girl, demand justice and
make noise. The State Attorney, who is attacked
on all sides, is right that ever-changing conspiracy
theories appearing on social media are a threat to
democracy.
5
Negative framing: the protest is structured as a sect or
an army
Another criticism of the protest for justice for
Zadorov deals with its organizational aspect, and
treats protesters as belonging to a “cult” and some-
times to an “army.” A “cult” is characterized here as
a group of people who unite under a person who
becomes a guru in their eyes. This metaphor is
presented in some of the articles in the context of
“herd-like properties” of the protesters, which
replace rational thinking. In this spirit, Joshua
Brainer wrote:
A real cult has been formed around the affair . . . even if
all the Supreme Court justices convict (Zadorov), they
will always believe that the killers roam free.
6
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 7

Another metaphor is that of the “army of truth.” The
common denominator between the two metaphors is
that of a hierarchical body, which demands obedience
on the part of the “subjects” (cult members or war-
riors). It is not just an army, but an “army of truth.”
This is how Yair Altman, Danny Brenner and Eran
Swissa describe these protest activities in Israel Today:
An unprecedented smear campaign that drew tens of
thousands of fans in the “Zadorov Army” on Facebook,
who are convinced that this is an innocent person who
fell victim to a plot.
7
Negative framing: the protest encourages contempt
towards the establishment and violence
The two other negative contexts in which the pro-
test for justice for Zadorov is framed relate to the
results of the protest, on personal and social levels.
The authors claim that exposure to materials in
social media groups encourages violence, especially
toward two groups that are “in the line of fire:” Tair
Rada’s friends and the police officers who handled
the case. For example, Anat Meidan’s article
focuses on slander against Nofar Ben-David,
Tair’s friend. Ben-David actually expresses sympa-
thy with the goals of protest and with the “desire to
do justice” and the “courage and persistence” of the
protesters, but argues that slander and harassment
are not “the way to reach the truth:”
Sometimes I look at their Facebook page and I say, well
done for their courage and persistence, but they lie
when they call me a killer . . . and no one stops it.
That’s not the way to reach the truth.
8
Some of the articles emphasize that the social
media protest activities inspire a public atmosphere
according to which “everything is allowed,” which
is expressed in the “flattening” of hierarchies and
a sense of contempt for the police, the prosecutor’s
office and the courts. Elkana Shor distinguishes the
slowness and depth that characterize the establish-
ment bodies from the need for scoops and speed,
which are accompanied by superficiality and lack
of deepening, which he claims characterize the
protest on social media:
The wheels of justice are slowly trailing behind. Heavily
making their way between evidence and proof. These
are luxuries nowadays. Fact, Roman Zadorov is inno-
cent. The Internet has decided.
9
Positive framing: in-depth study of the materials
Along with the negative framing, many representa-
tions of the protest for justice for Zadorov are actu-
ally positive and appear in a number of contexts.
The first context concerns the description of the
protesters as dedicated, and includes praise for
their in-depth study of the investigation materials.
For example, Neta Hoter in Mako emphasizes pro-
testers’ deep dedication and familiarity with the legal
materials, even though they are not “easy to digest.”
This is a mesh of . . . legal evidence, verdicts and
appeals from many years. In language that is not
really common or accessible and at levels of perso-
nal involvement that have long exceeded reason-
able limits. And yet people read, delved,
understood. Because they felt they had no choice,
that everything was in their hands, and that if they
did not do it, no one else would do it for them.
10
Positive framing: fighters for justice
A few articles refer to the protesters as fighters for
justice. For example, the first article in the corpus,
“The people who believe that Roman Zadorov is
innocent” published by Yair Krauss in NRG back
in 2014, includes a quote by activist Dudu Salama
who argues that:
I believe and am convinced that my civic duty is to stand
up and shout against the injustice done [to Zadorov],
because when something infuriates you, it is . . . your
civic and human duty is to stand up and shout.
11
Positive framing: encouraging critical discourse
Another positive context in which the protest is
mentioned concerns the encouragement of critical
discourse. For example, in an opinion column by
Gali Ginat in Walla! she writes about Adv. Shai
Nitzan, the State Attorney:
Nitzan may have forgotten . . . that freedom of expres-
sion is one of the important values that underlie the
democratic regime. . . He also criticizes polls conducted
by the media [that demonstrate that a large majority of
the public supports Zadorov’s innocence]. . . He wants
to avoid the debate itself – better for him to be without
criticism and without free thinking that challenges the
existing discourse.
12
Ginat advocates social media platforms as places
for discussion, dialogue and sharing of opinions
that sometimes challenge the establishment.
8A. LEV-ON

In-depth articles are more positive
Another intriguing phenomenon observed is the
disparity in positive protest coverage between arti-
cles that extensively cover the protest in three or
more paragraphs and those that only provide
a brief mention in a paragraph or two. The research
findings indicate that the percentage of articles
with positive coverage is significantly higher
among the former (23.8%) compared to the latter
(16.3%). The Chi-square value of 0.52 suggests
a near-significant relationship, potentially reaching
significance at a significance level of .05. It is plau-
sible that journalists who briefly mention the pro-
test may be influenced by the prevailing opinions
they encounter, leading to more negative coverage.
However, when conducting in-depth research for
comprehensive articles, the coverage may shift
toward a more positive tone. Nevertheless, this
speculation requires further empirical substantia-
tion to confirm its validity.
Thematic rather than episodic coverage
As stated above, episodic coverage of protests focuses
on the people and events that are at the forefront of
the struggle. Thematic coverage, on the other hand,
can address the reasons for the protest, and the meth-
ods it uses. I have found that a significant part of the
coverage of the protest is thematic, and many of the
articles include reference to the reasons for the protest
and the methods it implements. In this regard:
●Reasons: 29 of the articles mention the reasons
for the protest. In 12 articles the reference is to
the desire to promote Zadorov’s innocence. In
11 articles, the reason for the protest is
described as a desire to do justice (without
reference to a particular case).
●Methods: In 34 articles the methods used by
the protesters were mentioned. Most of the
articles (20) describe methods that focus on
social media such as reading and writing infor-
mation, sharing theories, photos and testimo-
nies, adding users and removing people who
think differently, and online violence against
public servants and against Tair’s friends. Nine
of the articles mention online acts of protest
outside Facebook, such as fundraising. In 13 of
the articles, a wide range of protest activities
outside the Internet is also mentioned: t-shirt
printing, addressing the president, demonstra-
tions and more.
Relying on ocial sources of information?
In 29 of the articles analyzed, individuals who were
connected to the affair were interviewed, primarily
consisting of administrators and leading protesters
from groups advocating for justice for Zadorov.
Among these articles, quotes from group admins
were featured in 12 instances, while the Zadorov
family and members of the Rada family were quoted
in eight articles each. Conversely, only three articles
cited sources from the State Attorney’s Office.
Contrary to expectations based on the protest para-
digm, there is a notable and statistically significant
over-representation of activists and other interviewees
who support Zadorov’s cause, as opposed to officials.
This suggests that the statements made by protest
leaders carry weight and are regarded as legitimate.
The arguments presented in these articles reflect the
words of the activists themselves, rather than being
filtered through the perspective of opposing view-
points. Throughout this period, a total of eight key
activists were interviewed by the press. As a result,
journalists provide readers with insights into a diverse
range of individuals who oversee various social media
groups, thus illustrating that “the protest has many
faces.”
Trailing rather than proactive coverage
The final aspect to consider is the protesters’ influ-
ence on shaping the media agenda. It appears that,
similar to the past, their ability to do so remains
limited. This limitation is evident in two ways.
Firstly, the articles focused primarily on external
events related to the protest for justice for Zadorov,
such as the Supreme Court ruling. Notably, there
was not a single article that specifically addressed
the discoveries made by activists as mentioned
earlier.
Furthermore, the protesters’ lack of influence in
setting the agenda becomes even more apparent
when compared to the establishment’s ability to do
so. This is exemplified by three specific events. The
first event took place in January 2016 when the State
Attorney’s Office published a document online,
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 9

addressing various arguments that were being dis-
cussed on social media. In response, activists
promptly created a comprehensive document that
addressed each point raised in the original document.
Despite the State Attorney’s Office document receiv-
ing coverage in multiple articles, not a single article
covered the activists’ response document.
Another incident highlighting the disparity in
agenda-setting involves the uploading of several
videos related to the investigations, including
informant interviews and murder reconstructions,
to the State Attorney’s website in July 2016. This
activity received considerable coverage in multiple
media outlets, with accurate quotations from the
Justice Department spokesman.
13
The third inci-
dent occurred in December 2015, shortly after
Zadorov’s appeal to the Supreme Court was
rejected. During this time, the police summoned
several protesters for questioning, suspecting them
of incitement against the police officers involved in
Zadorov’s investigation. This particular incident
received coverage in various media outlets, with
direct quotations from the police spokeswoman’s
statement.
14
Consequently, it can be observed that the estab-
lishment possesses proactive capabilities to raise
issues on the agenda, aided by their available
resources, connections, and capacities.
Conversely, protesters do not possess the same
level of influence due to their limited resources
and capabilities. Therefore, when establishment
entities like the police or the State Attorney’s
Office wish to highlight issues pertaining to the
Zadorov case, they have the ability to do so, even
if the coverage in such articles tends to be negative.
Discussion and conclusions
Extensive research consistently reveals that the
mainstream media has a tendency to adopt the
“protest paradigm” when reporting on protests
that challenge the existing status quo. This para-
digm typically involves framing such events in
a negative light. Most often, the framing is episo-
dic and not thematic; i.e., it focuses on people
and events at the expense of in-depth discussion
of the causes of the protest, its methods and
goals. In addition, the media coverage relies on
official sources that tend to relate to events from
an institutional perspective. Finally, protest repre-
sentation is usually trailing rather than proactive;
i.e., protesters have less ability to produce a media
agenda vis-à-vis establishment bodies.
However, research also shows that since the early
2000s the manner of covering protests has changed:
protest framing has become more positive, their cov-
erage contains a more in-depth discussion of its
causes, methods, and goals, and is less based on insti-
tutional sources of information.
The study adds to the literature protest coverage
by the media, focusing on the long-lasting protest
for justice for Roman Zadorov, which stands out in
terms of its scope, context and the identity of
participants. The study is also unique in the many
aspects of the “protest paradigm” it examines, and
in its many research methods- journalistic content
analysis, alongside in-depth netnographic research.
This study offers a significant theoretical contribu-
tion by extending the application of the protest para-
digm to the context of social media-based protests.
The existing literature predominantly focuses on pro-
tests in physical spaces, with limited attention given to
online protests. Our research fills this gap by demon-
strating that the protest paradigm is a versatile tool
that can also be applied to analyze the dynamics of
protests occurring on social networks.
To analyze the manner in which the protest for
justice for Zadorov is presented by the mainstream
media, I analyzed the 64 articles that covered the
protest for three years – a period during which there
was a significant increase in the social media protest
calling for justice for Zadorov.
Furthermore, this study employs a dual methodo-
logical approach, combining content analysis with
digital netnography. While content analysis enables
the examination of media coverage, digital netnogra-
phy provides a rich understanding of the protest’s
background, the relationships between activists, their
approach to the media, and the barriers they face. This
dual approach offers a comprehensive view of the
protest for justice for Roman Zadorov, highlighting
both the public representation and the behind-the-
scenes dynamics of the protest. By integrating these
methodologies, the study contributes to a more
nuanced understanding of media coverage and pro-
test dynamics in the digital age.
10 A. LEV-ON

The analysis demonstrates that, first, the framing
of the protest is mixed. On the negative side,
according to many articles the protest is sometimes
based on inaccurate content, whose sources are
controversial. Arguably, the ability to analyze the
information by the protesters is limited. Some arti-
cles describe the groups of activists on social media
as a cult or an army, claiming that they encourage
the flattening of institutional hierarchies and the
cheapening of the law-and-order establishment.
On the positive side, many articles emphasize the
dedication and motivation of the protesters, their
familiarity with the raw investigative materials and
their ability to reach conclusions based on them. It
is also interesting to note that the percentage of
articles that represent protest in a positive manner
is higher in longer articles (that represent protest in
three or more paragraphs) than in shorter pieces
(that represent protest in one or two paragraphs).
Second, and contrary to the prediction of the
protest paradigm, the framing of the protest is
mostly thematic rather than episodic. Many of the
articles include references to the reasons for the
protest and the methods it implements.
Third, and again contrary to the predictions of
the protest paradigm, the vast majority of the inter-
viewees in the articles are administrators and lead-
ing activists, not establishment figures.
Fourth and last, the findings also demonstrate that
the establishment has the ability to raise issues on the
agenda proactively. In contrast, protesters do not have
the same resources, connections, and capabilities.
Therefore, when establishment bodies such as the
police and the State Attorney’s Office are interested in
raising an issue related to the Zadorov case then they
can do so. When protesters are interested in raising
issues, in most cases, they will not be able to do so.
The analysis shows that, similar to the find-
ings of other studies, the predictions of the
“protest paradigm” are partially valid. The
representations of the social media protest for
justice for Roman Zadorov contain negative
framings that relate to the information and
knowledge on which the protest is based, to
the narratives that the protesters create, to
their (lack of) ability to analyze the material
relevant to the protest, to the seemingly-
problematic results of the protest, and even to
the so-called cult-like structure of the protest.
The ability of establishment bodies to produce
a media agenda, as opposed to the almost com-
plete absence of such capabilities among protes-
ters, is also consistent with the categories
underlying the protest paradigm.
Still, other categories underlying the “protest
paradigm” are less valid than before. The analysis
shows that alongside the negative framing of the
protest in many texts, it also receives positive fram-
ing in various contexts. The protesters are portrayed
as proficient in the investigative materials and
imbued with motivation to do justice and bring
out the truth. The protest is sometimes portrayed
as encouraging critical discourse. The more in-depth
articles about the protest tend to present it in a more
positive light than articles that cover the phenom-
enon briefly. Most of the interviewees in the articles
support the innocence of Roman Zadorov and
therefore the goals of the protest. Many article
address the goals and methods of the protest, and
are not satisfied with mere episodic framing.
To conclude, the data present the coverage of
the protest for justice for Zadorov in a more
nuanced, and even more positive, light than typi-
cal protest coverage according to the “protest
paradigm.” Further research can compare the
media coverage of net-based protests with the
media coverage of protests with a significant
“ground” component, examine the perceptions of
journalists in the institutional media regarding the
coverage of net-based protests, and analyze the
perceptions of protesters of the institutional
media and how they approach journalists in
order to advance their goals.
Notes
1. Lansky, N. (2016, Jan. 1). Prosecutor No. 1. Israel Hayom.
https://www.israelhayom.co.il/article/343957
2. Brainer, J. (2016, Jan. 1). While Olmert is undecided:
The shadow campaign to pardon Katsav is gaining
momentum. Walla! https://news.walla.co.il/item/
2921060.
3. Ehrlich, Y. (2015, Dec. 26). A boundless novel. Yediot
Ahronot. https://www.yediot.co.il/articles/0,7340,
L-4744455,00.html
4. Stresler, N. (2016, Jan. 8). Conspiracy State. Haaretz.
https://www.haaretz.co.il/opinions/.premium-1.2817243
5. Ben Ner, Y. (2016, Apr. 13). The Land of Almonds: The
path of the Minister of Justice endangers Israeli
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 11

democracy. Maariv. http://www.maariv.co.il/journal
ists/Article-536670
6. Brainer, J. (2016, Jan. 1). While Olmert is undecided:
The shadow campaign to pardon Katsav is gaining
momentum. Walla! News. https://news.walla.co.il/
item/2921060
7. Altman, Y., Brenner, D., and Swissa, E. (2016, July 6).
Maybe now the “Zadorov army” will be convinced.
Israel Hayom. https://www.israelhayom.co.il/opinion/
394921
8. Meidan, A. (2015, Dec. 24). “When they invent
a conspiracy and call me a killer, I have to live. I do
not deserve to be called that.” Yediot Ahronot. https://
www.yediot.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4744065,00.html
9. Shor, E. (2016, 30 Sep.). Town square. Makor Rishon.
http://peopleoftheyear.makorrishon.co.il/articles/ כיכר-
העיר
10. Hoter, N. (2016, March 31). Vote of no confidence: The
connection between the cancellation of the gas plan, the
soldier who shot the terrorist, and ‘Shadow of Truth’.
Mako. https://www.mako.co.il/culture-weekend
/Article-bad30fd758bc351006.htm
11. Krauss, Y. (2014, March 9). The people who believe that
Roman Zadorov is innocent. Nrg. https://www.makor
rishon.co.il/nrg/online/1/ART2/564/701.html
12. Ginat, G. (2016, Apr. 4). Opinion: The State Attorney
mistakenly thinks he is a television critic. Walla!. http://
news.walla.co.il/item/2949645
13. For example: Ravad, A., Tzimuki, T., and Yahav,
T. (2016, July 27). The videos that led to Zadorov’s
conviction in the murder of Tair Rada. Ynet. https://
www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4834035,00.html
14. Eli, Y. (2015, Dec. 28). The police: “The officers who
investigated the murder of Tair Rada are going through
a smear campaign and threats.” Walla!. https://news.
walla.co.il/item/2919650
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes on contributor
Prof. Azi Lev-On is a faculty member in the School of
Communication at Ariel University. His research focuses on
the social and political uses and impacts of the Internet and
social media, particularly regarding their affordances for and
usage by citizens in terms of speech and action, as well as the
corresponding institutional responses.
Acknowledgement
The author thanks Inbal Laks-Freund and Shira Krisher for
their assistance in preparing the manuscript for publication.
References
Baylor, T. (1996). Media framing of movement protest: The
case of the American Indian protest. The Social Science
Journal, 33(3), 241–255. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0362-
3319(96)90021-X
Ben-Israel, D. (2016, Feb 15). “The tube” celebrates 900K and
Ynet is in a hysterical pressure: Ranking of facebook pages for
January 2016. Mizbala. http://mizbala.com/digital/social-
media/109150
Bennett, W. L. (1990). Toward a theory of press-state relations
in the United States. Journal of Communication, 40(2),
103–125. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1990.
tb02265.x
Boyle, M. P., McCluskey, M. R., Devanathan, N., Stein, S. E., &
McLeod, D. (2004). The influence of level of deviance and
protest type on coverage of social protest in Wisconsin
from 1960 to 1999. Mass Communication & Society, 7(1),
43–60. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327825mcs0701_4
Boyle, M. P., McLeod, D. M., & Armstrong, C. L. (2012).
Adherence to the protest paradigm: The influence of pro-
test goals and tactics on News coverage in U.S. and inter-
national newspapers. The International Journal of Press/
Politics, 17(2), 127–144. https://doi.org/10.1177/
1940161211433837
Chan, J. M., & Lee, C. C. (1984). The journalistic paradigm on
civil protests: A case study of Hong Kong. In A. Arno &
W. Dissanayake (Eds.), The news media in national and
international conflict (pp. 183–202). Westview Press.
Corrigall-Brown, C., & Wilkes, R. (2012). Picturing protest:
The visual framing of collective action by first nations. The
American Behavioral Scientist, 56(2), 223–243. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0002764211419357
Dardis, F. E. (2006). Marginalization devices in U.S. press
coverage of Iraq war protest: A content analysis. Mass
Communication & Society, 9(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/
10.1207/s15327825mcs0902_1
DeLuca, K., Lawson, S., & Sun, Y. (2012). Occupy Wall Street
on the public screens of social media: The many framings of
the birth of a protest movement. Communication Culture &
Critique, 5(4), 483–509. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-
9137.2012.01141.x
Dumitrica, D., & Bakardjieva, M. (2018). The personalization
of engagement: The symbolic construction of social media
and grassroots mobilization in Canadian newspapers.
Media Culture & Society, 40(6), 817–837. https://doi.org/
10.1177/0163443717734406
Entman, R., & Rojecki, A. (1993). Freezing out the public:
Elite and media framing of the U.S. antinuclear movement.
Political Communication, 10(2), 155–173. https://doi.org/
10.1080/10584609.1993.9962973
Gans, H. J. (1979). Deciding what’s news: A study of CBS
evening news, NBC nightly news, newsweek, and time.
Northwestern University Press.
Grossman, N., & Lev-On, A. (2023). Social media jurors:
Conceptualizing and analyzing online public engagement
12 A. LEV-ON

in reference to legal cases. Crime, Law, & Social Change, 79
(3), 223–240. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-022-10047-w
Harlow, S., & Brown, D. K. (2023). A new protest paradigm:
Toward a critical approach to protest news analyses. The
International Journal of Press/politics, 28(2), 333–343..
https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231153377
Harlow, S., Brown, D. K., Salaverría, R., &
García-Perdomo, V. (2020). Is the whole world watching?
Building a typology of protest coverage on social media
from around the world. Journalism Studies, 21(11),
1590–1608. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2020.
1776144
Harlow, S., Salaverría, R., Kilgo, D. K., & García-Perdomo, V.
(2017). Protest paradigm in multimedia: Social media shar-
ing of coverage about the crime of Ayotzinapa, Mexico.
Journal of Communication, 67(3), 328–349. https://doi.org/
10.1111/jcom.12296
Ifergan, S. (2014, February 27). The most expensive investiga-
tions in the history of the Israel police. Mako, www.mako.co.
il/pzm-.magazine/israeli-police/Article-
58368ad4bb37441006.htm .
Jiang, Y., Jin, X., & Deng, Q. (2022). Short video uprising:
How #blacklivesmatter content on TikTok challenges the
protest paradigm. arXiv preprint arXiv:2206.09946.
Kozinets, R. V. (2010). Netnography: Doing ethnographic
research online. Sage.
Lalancette, M., Raynauld, V., & Tourigny-Koné, S. (2021). An
under-the-hood look at social media-fueled protest:
Defining interactions between news media organizations,
activists, and citizens on twitter. Communication and
Culture Review, 2(1 & 2), 4–21.
Lev-On, A. (2019). Facebook framed: Portraying the role of
social media in activism. Journal of Language and Politics,
18(1), 40–60. https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17058.lev
Lev-On, A. (2020). The igniter and the megaphone:
Perceptions of Facebook’s role in activism. Convergence:
The International Journal of Research into New Media
Technologies, 26(3), 577–592. https://doi.org/10.1177/
1354856518792869
Lev-On, A. (2022). Polarization of deliberative and participa-
tory activists in social media. Media and Communication,
10(4), 56–65. https://doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i4.5637
Lev-On, A. (2023). The murder of Tair Rada and the trial of
Roman Zadorov: Establishment, justice, citizens and social
media. Yedioth Books. (Hebrew).
Lev-On, A., & Hardin, R. (2007). Internet-based collabora-
tions and their political significance. Journal of Information
Technology & Politics, 4(2), 5–27. https://doi.org/10.1080/
19331680802076074
Li, Y., Cassard, M., & Holmes, B. (2023). Does violent protest
receive negative coverage? Media framing of Hong Kong
anti-extradition bill movement and French yellow vest
movement. International Journal of Sociology, 53(3),
205–227. https://doi.org/10.1080/00207659.2023.2202992
Literat, I., Boxman-Shabtai, L., & Kligler-Vilenchik, N. (2023).
Protesting the protest paradigm: TikTok as a space for
media criticism. The International Journal of Press/
Politics, 28(2), 362–383. https://doi.org/10.1177/
19401612221117481
McLeod, D., & Hertog, J. (1999). Social control, social change
and the mass media’s role in the regulation of protest
groups. In D. Demers & K. Viswanath (Eds.), Mass media,
social control and social change (pp. 305–330). Iowa State
University Press.
Ophir, Y., Forde, D. K., Neurohr, M., Walter, D., &
Massignan, V. (2023). News media framing of social pro-
tests around racial tensions during the Donald Trump
presidency. Journalism, 24(3), 475–493. https://doi.org/10.
1177/14648849211036622
Rageh, A., Melewar, T. C., & Woodside, A. (2013). Using
netnography research method to reveal the underlying
dimensions of the customer/tourist experience.
Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal, 16
(2), 126–149.. https://doi.org/10.1108/13522751311317558
Reul, R., Paulussen, S., Raeijmaekers, D., van der Steen, L., &
Maeseele, P. (2018). Professional journalistic routines and
the protest paradigm: The big potato swap in traditional
and alternative media. Journalism, 19(7), 899–916. https://
doi.org/10.1177/1464884916636170
Shultziner, D., & Shoshan, A. (2018). A journalists’ protest?
Personal identification and journalistic activism in the
Israel social justice protest movement. The International
Journal of Press/Politics, 23(1), 44–69. https://doi.org/10.
1177/1940161217736889
Sigal, L. V. (1973). Reporters and officials: The organization
and politics of newsmaking. D. C. Heath.
Smith, J., McCarthy, J., McPhail, C., & Augustyn, B. (2001).
From protest to agenda building: Description bias in media
coverage of protest events in Washington, DC. Social
Forces, 79(4), 1397–1423. https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.2001.
0053
Weaver, D. A., & Scacco, J. M. (2013). Revisiting the protest
paradigm: The tea party as filtered through prime-time
cable news. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 18
(1), 61–84. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161212462872
JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 13