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Social Movements, Social Change, and International Cooperation: Strategic Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean

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Abstract

In the wake of the advancements made in civil and human rights in the twentieth century, social movements have come to be regarded as a driving force behind social change. Nevertheless, evidence demonstrates that social transformations driven by certain citizen mobilisations do not always prove beneficial to the most marginalised groups. In January 2023, acts of vandalism were perpetrated against the buildings of public institutions in Brasilia. Similarly, anti-democratic mobilisations have been observed in Colombia against the peace agreement with the FARC and in Chile against the proposed more inclusive constitution. Globally, anti-democracy and other movements that are in opposition to human rights are gaining ground, and their effects are having a detrimental impact on the environment in which organisations that are advocating for excluded sectors are operating. However, Latin American perspectives of social and behaviour change (SBC) emphasise engagement with social movements to contribute to social justice, creating alliances to amplify the voices of those most affected without interfering with the organic nature of citizen-led movements. This prompts the following inquiries: Can we categorize as social movements those with popular roots but espousing hegemonic interests? How can the Latin American tradition of social movement action and reflection inform strategies for social change? How can SBC strategies counteract anti-human rights movements and empower social movements prone to inclusion? This essay addresses these questions.
Citation: Ayres, Cássia, Jair
Vega-Casanova, and Jesús Arroyave
Cabrera. 2024. Social Movements,
Social Change, and International
Cooperation: Strategic Insights from
Latin America and the Caribbean.
Social Sciences 13: 639. https://
doi.org/10.3390/socsci13120639
Academic Editor: Valentina Baú
Received: 11 June 2024
Revised: 14 November 2024
Accepted: 18 November 2024
Published: 27 November 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
Essay
Social Movements, Social Change, and International
Cooperation: Strategic Insights from Latin America
and the Caribbean
Cássia Ayres 1, Jair Vega-Casanova 2, * and Jesús Arroyave Cabrera 2
1UNICEF Latin America and the Caribbean, Panama P.O. Box 0843-03045, Panama; cayres@unicef.org
2Department of Social Communication, Universidad del Norte, Barranquilla P.C. 080003, Colombia;
jarroyav@uninorte.edu.co
*Correspondence: jvega@uninorte.edu.co
Abstract: In the wake of the advancements made in civil and human rights in the twentieth century,
social movements have come to be regarded as a driving force behind social change. Nevertheless, ev-
idence demonstrates that social transformations driven by certain citizen mobilisations do not always
prove beneficial to the most marginalised groups. In January 2023, acts of vandalism were perpetrated
against the buildings of public institutions in Brasilia. Similarly, anti-democratic mobilisations have
been observed in Colombia against the peace agreement with the FARC and in Chile against the
proposed more inclusive constitution. Globally, anti-democracy and other movements that are in
opposition to human rights are gaining ground, and their effects are having a detrimental impact
on the environment in which organisations that are advocating for excluded sectors are operating.
However, Latin American perspectives of social and behaviour change (SBC) emphasise engagement
with social movements to contribute to social justice, creating alliances to amplify the voices of those
most affected without interfering with the organic nature of citizen-led movements. This prompts the
following inquiries: Can we categorize as social movements those with popular roots but espousing
hegemonic interests? How can the Latin American tradition of social movement action and reflection
inform strategies for social change? How can SBC strategies counteract anti-human rights movements
and empower social movements prone to inclusion? This essay addresses these questions.
Keywords: social movements; social and behaviour change (SBC); anti-rights movements;
international cooperation; communication for social change; Latin America and the Caribbean
1. Introduction
One of the key emerging issues in the design and implementation of social and
behavioural change programmes and strategies is the role of social movements in the pro-
cesses of societal change. In recent years, there has been a notable shift in focus towards the
significance of communication and collective action within the context of social movements
particularly within the framework of a new research agenda in communication for devel-
opment and social change (Obregón and Tufte 2017). Indeed, the relationship with social
movements and the possibility of involving them in programmatic efforts has become an
increasing priority for various NGOs and international cooperation organisations (Bendaña
2006;SUN Movement Secretariat 2014;Bloom et al. 2016;UNICEF 2023).
In examining the dynamics of societal change and the role of diverse actors in the
design of strategies and programmes aimed at social and behavioural changes, the role
of social movements is becoming increasingly significant. As Stompka (1993) observes,
society is in a state constant flux. The intentional processes aimed at social change that
are promoted by external agents do not operate on static realities but rather on constantly
evolving ones. In each society, territory, or community and across a range of social change
agendas, there are social actors, including social movements, that are actively driving
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13120639 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/socsci
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 2 of 13
change (Vega 2013). For example, Touraine (1977) positions social movements as the central
protagonists of societal transformation, viewing them as key agents in the process through
which society continuously recreates itself.
Given their capacity for agency, the majority of studies on social movements and social
change have focused on the various strategies they employ, including their mobilisation
capacity (Andersen and Taylor 2007) and their forms of communication, which encompass
the role of communication technologies, their messages, and their narratives (Ganz 2010;
Polletta 2016;Cadavid et al. 2017).
Furthermore, studies on social movements and social change have typically assumed
that social movements are a primary driver of social change in favour of human rights and
social justice (Castells 2012;Milan 2013;Peruzzo 2014;Barranquero Carretero and Meda
González 2015;Barbas and Postill 2017).
Nevertheless, several scholars have proposed reconsidering the epistemological bias
that associates social movements with progressivism. This reconsideration suggests that
conservative and pro-capitalist movements also implement strategies to impact political
decisions and impose their worldviews on society. Pleyers (2019) notes a shift in the
political orientation of social movements since 2016, prompted by global events such as
the election of Donald Trump, Brexit, the authoritarian turn in Turkey, the coup against
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff, and the “No” victory in Colombia’s peace referendum.
The advent of anti-rights movements within these movements presents a considerable
challenge to social change programmes that are focused on issues such as children’s and
young people’s rights and women’s rights. A number of studies have identified the
strategies and consequences of conservative movements’ social actions, which have had
a significant counter-impact on the areas where NGOs and cooperation agencies operate.
Examples of this phenomenon include anti-vaccine movements (Fernández-Niño and
Baquero 2019;Orlandi et al. 2022); anti-rights campaigns such as “Do not Mess with
My Children” (Rivera 2017;Balieiro 2018); and the “No” movement in Colombia’s peace
plebiscite (Arroyave and Romero-Moreno 2023).
It is evident that social movements are intricate and multifaceted, frequently diverging
from the changes proposed by programmes designed to guarantee human rights and rein-
force democratic processes. Indeed, in contexts such as Latin America and the Caribbean,
there are often significant divergences between local community conceptions of rights
and liberal democratic understanding of rights (Pérez Quintero and Vega Casanova 2024).
While some social movements have influenced public policy (Herrera Huérfano et al. 2024)
and reforms in favour of minorities (Jácome 2010;Montero Barriga 2018), others have
promoted attacks on democracy or laws against women’s rights (Rodríguez Rondón 2017;
Corredor 2019) or the right of young people to comprehensive sexuality education.
It is of the utmost importance to consider the diversity and autonomy of social move-
ments when including them in the design of social action programmes and strategies.
Despite a recurring interest in homogenising the realities of countries, regions, and con-
tinents below the Equator line, it is evident that we are confronted with a multitude of
realities, characterised by diverse and autonomous dynamics and processes of change.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, social movements have been observed to promote
or reject reforms and, in some cases, even to bring their representatives into legislative
decision-making spaces or the presidency. However, this characteristic is not uniform
across all countries and regions of the “Souths”, meaning, in the plural, the misnamed
“Global South”.
This gives rise to significant challenges in integrating work with social movements into
programmes and strategies for social and behavioural change. It is essential to commence
engagement with these types of movements from a comprehensive understanding of their
underlying logic. This enables the formulation of strategies to establish alliances and
reinforce those movements that espouse similar values and are committed to advancing
collective welfare and social justice. In other instances, the objective is to advance counter-
narratives that challenge the threats to democracy and human rights.
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 3 of 13
In this essay we address the following points: It is pertinent to question whether move-
ments with deep roots and community strength, which claim hegemonic and elitist interests,
can be considered social movements. Additionally, the question of how the Latin American
tradition of action and reflection on social movements contribute to communication strategies
aimed at social change. These questions consider engagement with social movements as a
means of contributing to social justice and reflection on mechanisms for building strategic
alliances to amplify the voices and ideas of those most affected, without directly interfering
with the organic nature and flows of citizen-led social movements and community structures.
Ultimately, how can international cooperation enhance the efficacy of social movements for
human rights while challenging those that oppose them? An earlier version of this paper was
presented at a Conference (Ayres and Vega-Casanova 2023).
2. The Role of Social Movements in Social Change
Social movements have been approached from a variety of theoretical and conceptual
perspectives across disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, political science, social
psychology, and history (Almeida and Cordero Ulate 2017;Inclán 2018;Somma 2020).
Inclán(2018) cites a number of notable interdisciplinary anthologies on the subject of social
movements in Latin America. These include works by authors such as Eckstein (1989),
Warren and Jackson (2002), Langer and Muñoz (2002), Mestries et al. (2009), González
González Arana and Schneider (2016), and the edited text on indigenous movements by
Gutiérrez and Escárzaga (2006). This broad conceptualisation and this interdisciplinary ap-
proach highlight the complexity and dynamism of the topic, which has been fundamentally
explored through case study methodology. Consequently, there has been limited scope for
comparative studies in Latin America (Inclán 2018).
Regarding his conceptualisation, Tilly (1978) describes social movements as a sustained
series of interactions between those in power positions and those claiming to represent
a collective without formal representation. These movements publicly advocate for alter-
ations in the distribution or exercise of power, supporting these demands through public
demonstrations, thereby serving as a crucial conduit for popular engagement in public
policy. From the perspective of resource mobilisation theory, McCarthy and Zald (1977)
consider social movements to be organised efforts by individuals or groups seeking social
or political change through mobilising available resources, such as money, labour, and
the media.
Melucci (1989) places emphasis on the concept of collective identity and the role
of culture in the configuration of social movements. He posits that these movements
are not solely concerned with political or economic objectives; rather, they are deeply
rooted in society’s cultural and symbolic dimensions. In defining social movements,
authors such as Escobar and Álvarez (1992) posit that they are organised collective actors
engaged in sustained political or cultural contestation through institutional and extra-
institutional actions. In their analyses of social movements in Latin America, Somma
(2020) and Inclán(2018) identify many objectives and the intricate complexities of their
organisational structures.
Almeida (2019) characterises social movements as excluded collectives that interact
with economic and political elites to achieve social change. He asserts that, to be classified
as social movements, they must present collective challenges supported by excluded social
groups seeking to protect themselves from social, political, economic, and environmental
harms. Participants tend to have limited financial and political power.
In their analysis of social movements in Latin America, Somma (2020) identifies a
range of organisations from small local groups to broad territorially extensive movements
with recognisable leaders and structures. Examples of the later include the Landless Rural
Workers Movement in Brazil or the Zapatistas in Mexico. Inclán(2018) additionally posits
that the objectives of these movements are multifarious, encompassing the acquisition of
political relevance, the establishment of organisational structures, the recruiting of activists,
the mobilisation of support, the generation of funds, the influence of public opinion, and the
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 4 of 13
combatting of adversarial campaigns. The two authors concur that, despite the difficulty of
reaching a consensus on the outcomes of social movements, this field presents significant
opportunities for future research.
In the context of participatory development communication, social movements play a
pivotal role in influencing the course of development processes by enabling marginalised
voices to engage directly with the structures of power. Obregón and Tufte (2017) posited
that communication theory highlights the significance of collective action and the media’s
strategies as pivotal instruments for engendering social transformation. Social movements
frequently emerge in response to perceived inequalities and injustices, providing a plat-
form for communities to articulate their grievances and mobilise for transformation. These
movements employ communication as a tool for both organisation and mobilisation, as
well as for challenging dominant narratives and raising awareness of critical social issues.
The function of communication within these is not merely the dissemination of informa-
tion, but it is also a means of empowerment, enabling individuals to participate in the
construction of new narratives that reflect their lived experiences. This is consistent with
the overarching goals of participatory development communication, which underscores
the active involvement of communities in the development process and underscores the
pivotal role of grassroots mobilisation in fostering long-term social change.
There are numerous examples of this type of initiative in feminist movements, as
evidenced by the case of Puntos de Encuentro in Nicaragua (Rodríguez 2004). Similarly,
rural agricultural workers have also been the focus of such initiatives, as illustrated by the
case of the Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra (MST) in Brazil (Peruzzo
2024). Such initiatives have also been observed in indigenous movements, as evidenced by
the case of El Tejido de Comunicación of the Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Norte
del Cauca in Colombia (ACIN) (Cadavid et al. 2017). Nevertheless, some scholars argue
that despite the extensive research on social movements in Latin America from the social
science perspective, there is a dearth of studies examining the communication processes
employed by these movements, particularly beyond the instrumentalist lens (Espinel-Rubio
et al. 2020).
3. About Social Movements in Latin America
Several researchers have identified a range of social movements in Latin America,
based on their respective fields of conflict, the principal actors involved, and the collective
demands made. In his 1986 (Calderón Gutiérrez 1986) and 2010 (Calderón Gutérrez 2010)
works, Calderón identifies social movements related to peasantry, quality of life, labour,
gender, youth, and urban services. A common thread throughout the region is opposition
to neoliberal policies and the effects of globalisation. Almeida and Cordero Ulate (2017)
classify this resistance into three principal groups: workers, students, and the informal
sector; New Social Movements (NMSs), including feminists and environmentalists; and
rural and indigenous groups.
Workers are most active in protests due to the threat of economic crisis and privati-
sation. Students, particularly in Chile, have spearheaded notable movements against the
privatisation of education. NSMs encompass feminists, environmentalists, the LGBT com-
munity, and consumer advocates, who address conflicts over lifestyles and identity. They
are distinguished for their campaigns against environmental threats and the privatisation
of health services. Rural and indigenous groups have challenged IMF policies and transna-
tional corporations that threaten their lands and health, as evidenced by the Kuna and
Ngobe communities in Panama and banana workers in Central America.
The nature of social movements in Latin America has undergone a significant trans-
formation in response to shifts in the political and economic landscape. Zibechi (2006)
posits that the 1990s marked a pivotal change with these movements assuming a prominent
role in resisting neoliberal policies, privatisations, and structural adjustment programmes.
This resistance resulted in not only mass mobilisations and popular uprisings but also a
reshaping of the political landscape, facilitating the rise of progressive governments in
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 5 of 13
countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, and Venezuela. However, Zibechi (2006) observes that
these very successes have resulted in a shift in the dynamics between social movements
and state power.
In addition to the diverse movements identified by Calderón Gutérrez (2010), Almeida
and Cordero Ulate (2017), and Zibechi (2006), scholars such as Inclán(2018) and Bringel and
Falero (2016) emphasise the importance of examining how social movements interact with
the state, particularly in the context of progressive governments in Latin America. Inclán
observes that while traditional social movements such as those representing workers and
students continue to play a significant role, newer actors, including indigenous, feminist,
and LGBT groups, have introduced new dynamics to the political landscape by contesting
issues such as corruption, political violence, and social inequality. Bringel and Falero (2016)
further observe that these movements frequently encounter intricate relationships with
progressive governments. They may collaborate to advance reforms but also diverge in their
policy approaches, particularly about resource extraction and development projects. This
illustrates the dynamic evolution of Latin American social movements, which navigate the
challenges of supporting and resisting state power while persistently striving to influence
public policy and safeguard their interests.
In their analysis of recent decades, Somma (2020) identifies two significant shifts in
the region. The first is the weakening of working class and peasant movements, which
previously advocated for housing, land, and social security during the import substitution
period (1930–1960). The second is the emergence of fragmented movements in the 1970s,
driven by the crisis of the populist state and the expansion of authoritarian governments.
These new movements espouse particular causes and adopt decentralised and pluralistic
organisational forms, reflecting non-class identities and interests. While there is consensus
on these changes, Somma emphasises the need for empirical studies that delve deeper into
each of these periods.
Moreover, Munck and Sankey (2020) underscore the continued evolution of the politi-
cal landscape for Latin American social movements in the 21st century, particularly in the
context of challenges posed by internal contradictions and external conservative forces to
progressive governments. It is observed that while movements such as the Brazilian MST
and feminist organisations in El Salvador made progress in avoiding co-optation, many
movements experienced a weakening of popular mobilisation as activists were absorbed
into state structures. This dynamic gave rise to strategic dilemmas for social movements,
particularly in terms of balancing the necessity for systemic change with the risk of becom-
ing excessively integrated into existing power structures. The ongoing evolution of social
movements in Latin America is characterised by maintaining autonomy while engaging
with the state.
It is crucial to underscore the significance of decolonial perspectives on social move-
ments, particularly those that incorporate intersectionality. This is exemplified in the work
of Gudynas (2021), as well as in feminist perspectives, including contributions by Rita
Segato (2007), María Lugones (2011), and Claudia Korol (2016). These perspectives chal-
lenge the diversity of women’s movements including those at the grassroots and popular
organisational levels. In many instances, these movements do not explicitly identify as
feminist but nevertheless advocate for transformative change against violence and mul-
tiple forms of oppression. Similarly, the youth movements of the last two decades in a
globalised context (Ramírez Varela 2020) have diverse interests, ranging from social justice
to climate justice (de Armenteras Cabot 2021). They employ different political, aesthetic,
and communicative perspectives, including cyberactivism (Mare 2020).
4. Conservative Social Movements
The importance of studying conservative social movements has become increasingly
apparent in the contemporary political milieu, witnessing the ascendance of novel actors
espousing conservative ideologies (López Pacheco 2021). This phenomenon, observable
both globally and regionally, not only implies significant changes in political dynamics
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 6 of 13
but also highlights the urgent need to understand their current power, strategies, and
influence. The increasing significance of these movements necessitates a comprehensive
examination to ascertain their impact and the novel configurations they propose within the
contemporary political landscape.
It has been observed that the nature of the desired changes among citizens mobilised
around various social issues does not always align with the interests of the most vulnerable,
marginalised, and excluded populations. In numerous instances, the demands have been
directed against democracy itself. A case in point is the recent incident in Brazil, on 8
January 2023, when buildings representing the power of democratic institutions in Brasilia
were invaded and vandalised. This phenomenon is not confined to Latin America; other
examples include the mobilisations against the peace agreement between the government
and the FARC in Colombia and the protests against the inclusion of rights in the new
Chilean constitution. Globally, there has been a notable increase in the number of anti-
democratic, anti-vaccine, anti-gender equality, and anti-sexual and reproductive health
policy demonstrations, as well as other anti-human rights protests. This has resulted
in an increasingly hostile environment for organisations that advocate for the rights of
marginalised communities.
As Pleyers (2019) notes, the inclusion of the conservative movement is justified by the
knowledge gap that stems from the epistemological bias which invariably associates social
movements with progressivism. This restricted perspective fails to acknowledge the social
action of conservative movements, which also play a substantial role in social change. It is
therefore imperative to examine how these movements, like their progressive counterparts,
contribute ideas and values to the public sphere.
In the Latin American context, two processes can be identified as antecedents to the
emergence of conservative movements. Firstly, in most countries, political constitutions
were enacted with a foundation in human rights, accompanied by a shift towards more
secular states. In some instances, this occurred during the final quarter of the 20th century
as a consequence of the so-called second-generation reforms (Vega 2011), while in other
cases, it took place at the beginning of the 21st century. Secondly, there was the ascendance
of leftist governments, which enacted policies more favourable to human rights. This
resulted in a shift whereby moral values, previously the foundation of the legal structure
of the states, became the anti-rights agendas of actors who mobilised either to abolish
these policies or to prevent their implementation. In the case of the “pro-life/pro-family”
movements, Morán Faúndes (2024) contributes to the ongoing debate surrounding the
terminology used to describe these groups: conservative, fundamentalist, or anti-gender.
The term “conservative social movement” describes collective action oriented towards
maintaining the status quo and resisting radical change. These movements focus on
preserving historical experience and defending enduring beliefs, values, and ideas. They
seek to protect intermediate powers from the concentration of personal power, thereby
maintaining continuity with the past and favouring stability and tradition over disruptive
innovation (Castro 2023).
McEwan and Narayanaswamy (2023) demonstrate how anti-gender movements have
acquired political, social, and economic legitimacy. Those who are anti-gender and pro-
family are developing sophisticated discourses that serve to justify their position’s stance
against gender equality, LGBTIQ+ rights, sexual and reproductive health and rights, and
comprehensive sexuality education. These movements have pushed policies that challenge
the scope of gender studies in countries such as Brazil, Poland, and Hungary. They portray
gender and sexuality as morally reprehensible excesses of the “liberal West”. A recent
case in Florida considers a bill prohibiting offering courses in gender studies at public
universities (Bernstein 2023). In Latin America, movements such as “Con mis hijos no te
metas” (“Don’t you mess with my children”) are opposed to Comprehensive Education
for Sexuality, women’s rights, and the LGTBIQ+ population. Additionally, anti-science
movements, such as those opposing vaccination, have also made their presence felt in the
media and social networks.
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 7 of 13
A review of the above literature provides significant elements that can be used to
answer whether social movements that have deep roots and community strength but claim
hegemonic and elitist interests can be considered as such. It is evident that the meaning of
the demands made by such movements is not the sole determining factor in whether they
can be defined as social movements. It is the agency and practices that are deeply rooted in
popular mobilisation that are of more significant consequence.
5. Challenges for Working with Social Movements from the Perspective of
International Cooperation
This last section addresses the question of how international cooperation could poten-
tially enhance the impact of social movements that advocate for human rights, while also
confronting those who oppose human rights advances.
In the context of international cooperation, there is an intense critical discussion about
the approaches to social change, which are strongly focused on controlled individual
change. Additionally, there are concerns about the constraints of autonomy within the
framework of participation, particularly in participatory processes spearheaded by these
organisations that encourage citizens to engage in predefined actions (Tufte 2017;Dutta
2015). In contrast, social movements emerge and develop organically from the experiences
and principles of the people involved, and it is therefore important to ensure they are not
co-opted by cooperation organisations.
One argument in favour of this line of thought is based on the premise that the
root causes of social movements are frequently grievances associated with inequalities,
injustice, and power imbalances. Consequently, social mobilisation and civil activism seek
to challenge the systems and social norms that have resulted in these inequalities as a
fundamental starting point. In conclusion, these participatory practices that facilitate social
change are more legitimate when they originate from citizens and are shaped by their own
perspectives, rather than being imposed by institutions (Ayres 2021).
Similarly, international cooperation organisations might innovate in their interventions
by working directly with social movement leaders, thereby enhancing the effectiveness of
their practices.
This approach considers the provision of support for child- and youth-focused collec-
tive action and social movements encompassing rights to civil participation, assembly, the
expression of their world views, quality and accessible education, protection, health and
nutrition, and climate justice.
One potential strategy for facilitating evidence-based decision-making regarding the
implementation of actions is the implementation of an observatory of social movements.
This approach could facilitate articulation between research and citizens’ everyday life
through participation through social movements, above all, youth-led collective initiatives.
In more detail, an observatory of social movements could seek to comprehend the
impact of collective actions on the child rights’ agenda focusing on their dynamics, strate-
gies, and tactics. Ultimately, this initiative could generate evidence of young people’s social
claims and deliberations, which is useful for creating conditions for empowering youth-led
movements and influencing policymaking aimed at child rights advocacy.
In light of the considerations above, it would be prudent to contemplate the establish-
ment of a collaborative framework that encompasses systemic actions while also under-
taking a reflective process to ascertain the boundaries of such a framework. This would
ensure that the concerns of organicity and legitimacy pertaining to citizens’ participatory
practices are duly addressed.
In alignment with these tenets, a model founded upon two key elements could es-
tablish this initiative’s essence: firstly, to foster an environment conducive to sustainable
social change and, secondly, to encourage the advancement of thought that challenges the
prevailing unequal power structures.
In the initial contribution, supporting the enabling environment denotes creating
or reinforcing conditions for amplifying the voices of those most affected or rendering
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 8 of 13
hitherto invisible voices audible. This entails initially mapping the social movements
in specific contexts within the Latin American and Caribbean region and subsequently
analysing their demands for both pro-rights and anti-right movements, thereby generating
evidence for advocacy purposes. Furthermore, the initiative could aim to strengthen
strategic alliances with other organisations working on children’s and young people’s
rights, facilitate dialogues between members of civil society and local organisations, gaining
in-depth understanding of the issues on the rights agenda, and advocating at higher levels
of power for greater space, plurality of voices, and counter-narratives to support these
movements. The second contribution is concerned with creating and amplifying the
debate on the conditions affecting the realisation of children’s and young people’s rights.
This includes the decolonisation of the development paradigm, the empowerment of
community-led processes, the valuation of culture and local knowledge, and addressing
the imbalance of power relations by influencing and advocating for children- and youth-
based policies.
By considering the potential risks associated with this institutional approach, it is
essential to ensure clarity and define boundaries to prevent the interests of social actors
from being unduly influenced by the agendas of cooperation organisations or for agencies
to foster their own movements inadvertently.
Firstly, it is essential to differentiate between actions that do not inherently entail
relations with social movements. Conversely, these are social mobilisation actions which,
although they may be beneficial and generate significant contributions, are ultimately
institutionalised actions with less organic articulation. To illustrate this, when the leadership
and agency of the youth population or youth organisations are promoted and strengthened,
this is conducted at an individual level and assumes that they are the beneficiary subjects,
and such actions may serve as a basis for strengthening social movements in the medium
and long term. However, individual leadership and agency are not always articulated in
democratic perspectives.
Secondly, moving away from a perspective of control is essential, both in the actions
above and in the relationship with organisations and social movements. It is necessary to
adopt a perspective of recognising the autonomy and empowerment of social organisations
and movements. In many instances, institutions adopt a paternalistic or co-opting stance,
as evidenced by the language used to describe actions and relationships. This language
often places the institution at the forefront, using the first-person singular or plural to
convey a sense of ownership and control. Examples include statements such as “I create, or
we create organizations or movements”, “our young people”, “our organizations”, “the
population that works with us”, etc. In all of these cases, the process is dismissed as being
the opposite of what it should be, and the agency and enunciation are not attributed to the
actors of change. Affirming a “we” can contribute to the strengthening of organisational
processes, but it is important to understand and assume the autonomy of the movements
over the processes and organisations.
Additionally, there is a potential conflict of interest between international organisations,
which are typically funded by public sources, and the work that they are able to carry out
with social movements, which often find themselves in confrontation with government
or state authorities. In many instances, ensuring the rights of children necessitates the
formulation or transformation of governmental actions to attain those rights.
Nevertheless, international organisations, especially those within the United Nations
system, are dedicated to upholding the principles of neutrality and impartiality in the
fulfilment of their mandates. This entails refraining from involvement in political disputes,
providing services and support in accordance with identified needs, and avoiding any
action that may cause harm.
The challenge for the implementation of an observatory would be to prioritise coun-
tries facing the most significant child rights violations and to collaborate with social move-
ments on the basis of a narrative centred on the mandate of children’s rights, in order to
ensure that it is not understood on the basis of partisan political considerations.
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 9 of 13
The establishment of an observatory of social movements in Latin America would
satisfy this need by fostering a community of thought, learning, and socialisation of the best
practices within the region. In addition, an observatory could serve as a conduit between
organisations and social movements, facilitating a collaborative process to ascertain their
needs in terms of support and guidance. In essence, a proposal of this nature entails a
process that delves deeply into both the epistemological questions of origin and history as
well as the more pragmatic concerns pertaining to daily practices.
The concept of an observatory of social movements in Latin America and the Caribbean,
as put forth by Stompka (1993), is designed to comprehend the dynamics of involving
realities across a range of issues on the region’s agenda for change. This understanding
would facilitate the determination of strategies for strategic articulation, particularly in
regard to the role of various actors.
As previously stated, the potential benefits of understanding the dynamics of social
movements include the ability to identify those social movements with which synergies
could be created, as they share some common objectives. This can be achieved through
actions such as enhancing members’ communication and agency capacities and facilitating
the creation of spaces where their voices can be heard. Furthermore, this can be based
on identifying movements that are in opposition to rights and the actions they promote,
such as anti-democratic, anti-science, and anti-rights movements. This can be conducted to
enhance their arguments and narratives, aiming to communicate alternative elements based
on science, validated and recognised indigenous knowledge, and international agreements
such as human rights to society and decision-makers.
6. Conclusions
In consideration of the three questions addressed in this essay, the following conclu-
sions can be drawn:
Is it possible to consider whether social movements, which have deep roots and robust
community strength but which claim hegemonic and elitist interests, can be classified
as such? In light of the above, it can be posited that the significance of the demands
in question is not the sole determining factor in classifying processes with agency and
practices firmly rooted in popular mobilisation, which constitute social movements. While
there has been a long tradition of studying social movements that promote democratisation
and social inclusion and defend human rights, the last decade has seen the emergence
of social movements representing hegemonic sectors that defend conservative traditions
and often oppose rights and democracy. These movements have had a significant impact,
in some cases with setbacks, on the issues proposed by the rights promotion agendas of
international cooperation, thus posing a substantial challenge.
What can the Latin American tradition of action and reflection on social movements
contribute to strategies aimed at social change? In answer to the second question, it can
be argued that the current tradition of women’s, gender, youth, and indigenous peoples’
movements, among others, as well as studies about them from a Latin American perspective,
provides a broad spectrum of opportunities for confluence and articulation within the
framework of the work of NGOs and international cooperation agencies. However, the
recent emergence of anti-rights movements also presents a significant challenge.
How can international cooperation generate added value for social movements for
human rights while also challenging those that oppose them? In terms of the contribution
of international cooperation to an articulated work with social movements, a number of
potential actions can be identified, including the following:
a. It is essential to provide support for the enabling environment by creating or
reinforcing conditions that amplify the voices of those most affected or render invisible
voices visible.
b. It is recommended that direct support be provided to the leaders of these rights
movements, with a particular focus on enhancing their technical capacities in relation to
communication tactics, leadership, and the formation of alliances with key sectors. In this
Soc. Sci. 2024,13, 639 10 of 13
regard, it is crucial to integrate capacity-building approaches into communication strategies
from a decolonial perspective (Vega-Casanova et al. 2023).
c. The creation and amplification of debate on the conditions affecting the realisation
of children’s and young people’s rights must include the decolonisation of the development
paradigm, the empowerment of community-led processes, the valuation of culture and
local knowledge, and addressing the imbalance of power relations.
d. The promotion of narratives based on scientific evidence, validated and recognised
ancestral indigenous knowledge, and international agreements such as those pertaining
to human rights is essential to enable citizens and decision-makers to develop a robust
argument against the narratives of anti-science and anti-rights movements.
This is proposed as a gateway to establishing a social movement observatory that incor-
porates collaboration with academic institutions and civil society organisations. The objective
of this observatory would be to facilitate the acquisition of knowledge regarding the dynamics
of social movements and the potential avenues for support and accompaniment.
In addition to a preliminary examination of the outcomes and insights gleaned from
the experiences of analogous observatories in the region, the following questions, which
could be addressed by this observatory, remain to be discussed further:
How do conservative social movements’ narratives and communication strategies in-
fluence public perception and policymaking in Latin America, and how do these narratives
affect democracy and human rights in the region?
How social and behavioural change (SBC) strategies might be employed to counter the
influence of social movements that oppose human rights and how these strategies could
strengthen movements that advocate for social justice and inclusion in Latin America?
This space would facilitate the possibility of addressing several challenges to inter-
national cooperation identified in the essay, including the necessity of acknowledging
the autonomy and empowerment of organisations and social movements with regard to
their agendas and action strategies. This necessitates the implementation of relationship
approaches founded on cooperation and consensus-building, as opposed to paternalistic or
co-optation perspectives.
Furthermore, spaces such as this could facilitate the convergence of debates on social
movements, which are often perceived as isolated from one another. This may occur within
the movements themselves, in academic publications and conferences on the subject, or in
the agendas of international cooperation initiatives that include these actors.
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, C.A., J.V.-C. and J.A.C.; writing—original draft prepara-
tion, J.V.-C.; writing—review and editing, C.A., J.V.-C. and J.A.C. All authors have read and agreed to
the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Acknowledgments: We thank Markel Mendez of the SBC LAC team and SBC officers from differ-
ent Latin American countries, as well as Camilo Pérez, Ana María Erazo and Jennie Peña of the
Universidad del Norte for their contributions to the collective reflection on the theme of this article.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest. The statements, opinions and data
contained in this paper are solely those of the individual author(s) and not of UNICEF and Universi-
dad del Norte, organisations with which they are linked, as indicated in their institutional affiliation.
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