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Abstract

Which biosensing technologies are geographers using in their research, and what exactly do they measure? What are the theoretical origins of geographic interests in biosensing? This article provides an overview of the variety of biosensors applied in biosensing research, tracks the theoretical debates and roots of geographic engagement with biosensing, and discusses the potentials, limitations and ethical implications of applying biosensors. We critically reflect on the varied terminologies that have been used to describe a rapidly evolving array of biosensing technologies and methodologies and suggest a common understanding for key terms such as “biosensing” (technologies or methodologies), “biosensors,” “wearable biosensors” and “biosignals.” We offer an overview of the broader theoretical debates that have inspired geographers turn to biosensing, including behavioral geography, more-than-representational theory, critical neurogeography, the mobilities and biosociality paradigms, and visual geographies. These have called for methodologies that can capture affects neglected in representational research, follow people, things and technologies as they are mobile in space and time, investigate the links between brain, cognition and biopolitics or attend to visualities in everyday life. Although geographers have so far engaged with a limited number of the ever-growing variety of available (bio-)sensors, the development and application of biosensing methodologies is vibrant, highly diverse and very promising for diverse geographical research questions and fields. Going forward, we particularly encourage experimentation with eye-trackers, which come closest to measuring instantaneous responses to environmental stimuli and offer interesting opportunities for the analysis of social and material environments through the visual data they create. Finally, we conclude with a call for a stronger emphasis on data ethics, procedural ethics and ethics of care in biosensing, which have so far received too little attention in these often interdisciplinary and complex biosensing research endeavors.
Geography Compass
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REVIEW ARTICLE
OPEN ACCESS
Biosensing and Biosensors—Terminologies, Technologies,
Theories and Ethics
Jan Misera
| Johannes Melchert | Tabea Bork‐Hüffer
Department of Geography, University of Innsbruck, Innsbruck, Austria
Correspondence: Jan Misera (jan.misera@uibk.ac.at)
Received: 30 November 2023 | Revised: 5 July 2024 | Accepted: 8 October 2024
Funding: This research was funded in whole by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) 10.55776/PAT4606023. For open access purposes, the author has applied a
CC BY public licence to any author accepted manuscript version arising from this submission.
Keywords: biosensing | biosociality | critical neurogeographies | ethics of care | eye‐tracking | mobilities paradigm | more‐than‐representational theories |
wearable biosensors
ABSTRACT
Which biosensing technologies are geographers using in their research, and what exactly do they measure? What are the
theoretical origins of geographic interests in biosensing? This article provides an overview of the variety of biosensors applied
in biosensing research, tracks the theoretical debates and roots of geographic engagement with biosensing, and discusses the
potentials, limitations and ethical implications of applying biosensors. We critically reect on the varied terminologies that
have been used to describe a rapidly evolving array of biosensing technologies and methodologies and suggest a common
understanding for key terms such as “biosensing” (technologies or methodologies), “biosensors,” “wearable biosensors” and
“biosignals.” We offer an overview of the broader theoretical debates that have inspired geographers turn to biosensing,
including behavioral geography, more‐than‐representational theory, critical neurogeography, the mobilities and biosociality
paradigms, and visual geographies. These have called for methodologies that can capture affects neglected in representational
research, follow people, things and technologies as they are mobile in space and time, investigate the links between brain,
cognition and biopolitics or attend to visualities in everyday life. Although geographers have so far engaged with a limited
number of the ever‐growing variety of available (bio‐)sensors, the development and application of biosensing methodologies is
vibrant, highly diverse and very promising for diverse geographical research questions and elds. Going forward, we partic-
ularly encourage experimentation with eye‐trackers, which come closest to measuring instantaneous responses to environ-
mental stimuli and offer interesting opportunities for the analysis of social and material environments through the visual data
they create. Finally, we conclude with a call for a stronger emphasis on data ethics, procedural ethics and ethics of care in
biosensing, which have so far received too little attention in these often interdisciplinary and complex biosensing research
endeavors.
1
|
Introduction
Despite the growing interest in non‐invasive biosensors in
environmental psychology, neuroscience, and related elds, the
scholarly community working with biosensing methodologies
in geography and spatial sciences remains small. Varied
terminologies have been used to describe a rapidly evolving
array of biosensing technologies and methodologies.
Of most interest to geographers and related scholars are wear-
able biosensors integrated into devices such as smartwatches,
wristbands, clothing, earbuds or eye‐trackers (dos Santos
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly
cited.
© 2024 The Author(s). Geography Compass published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Geography Compass, 2024; 18:e70007 1 of 13
https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.70007
et al. 2021; Mück et al. 2019; Ray et al. 2019). They enable the
recording, measurement, and monitoring of affective responses
in different environments and foster the understanding of hu-
man (environmental) perception, social interactions, and affects
(Pykett 2018). Over the past decade, wearable biosensors have
become more affordable, less invasive and more suitable for
everyday use. Nonetheless, efforts to measure affective‐
emotional responses through (ever evolving) sensors have a
long history, originating from disciplines such as medicine,
clinical research, psychology, engineering, biology, chemistry,
physics, computer sciences and consumer sciences (Lowe 2007;
Naresh and Lee 2021). Accordingly, elds of application of
biosensors are broad, ranging from environmental monitoring,
healthcare monitoring, disease identication, food quality
management to consumer attention (Paiva et al. 2023).
As Spinney (2015, 239) postulates, biosensing could enable the
gathering of “data in a quantitative form that attempts to avoid
the subjectivism of [previous behavioral geographical] ap-
proaches which seek to interpret bodily experience through
verbal and visual recollections.” It allows the analysis of en-
tanglements of bodies, practices, technologies, and materialities
in situ and in real time (Hesse‐Biber and Johnson 2013; Kauf-
mann et al. 2021). Recent technological advancements of bio-
sensors and the mobile devices in which they are integrated,
along with new theoretical engagements, suggest that it may
only be a matter of time until more and more geographers
become interested in experimenting with different biosensors in
various in situ settings and elds of study.
Geographic interest in biosensing has been inspired by several
broader theoretical debates. When envisioning future interdis-
ciplinary engagements between geographic reasoning and bio-
sensing, it is important to acknowledge that previous theoretical
and methodological endeavors with neuroscience and behav-
ioral science have faced widespread criticism and intra‐
disciplinary “marginalization” (Bunnell, Ng, and Yeo 2023, 2)
since the 1980s. It is therefore to no surprise that many geog-
raphers have long distanced themselves from a deeper engage-
ment with perspectives from the neurosciences and behavioral
sciences, despite shared interests and areas of inquiry (Bunnell,
Ng, and Yeo 2023). However, this has not prevented all scholars
from venturing into what Pykett (2018, 154–155) refers to as
“mind/brain/world interactions.” From feminist and post-
structuralist perspectives on the perception of spatial environ-
ments to non‐/or more‐than‐representational theory, affect
theory and more recent attempts to critically approach a new
form of neurogeography, various engagements—despite
perceived marginalization—have found and developed new
pathways without reiterating some of the blind spots of behav-
ioral geography.
This article pursues two main aims and thereby addresses two
audiences. First, we offer suggestions for a—so far missing—
standardized biosensing terminology, that differentiates spe-
cic technologies and biosensors and debate their varied po-
tentials and limitations. Second, we provide a concise overview
of the different theoretical strands and studies in the eld to
offer a comprehensive overview of the historicities of theoretical
debates that have inspired geographers to experiment with
biosensing methodologies. Thus, this article speaks both to the
biosensing community, to whom we present a discussion on the
delimitation of the led, and to readers new biosensing who
seek an introduction of the terminologies, technologies, and
theories.
To achieve these goals, we begin with an overview of the variety
of technologies and (bio‐)sensors applied in biosensing research,
debating their respective potentials and limitations and suggest
a common terminology that may support interested scholars
navigate this complex eld (Section 2). We then trace the
theoretical debates and roots of geographic engagement with
biosensing, while providing examples of applications in the eld
(Section 3). This is followed by a discussion of the potentials but
also limitations of specic biosensors (Section 4). To conclude
and by providing an outlook we call for the careful and
ethically‐reected implementation of these emerging technolo-
gies (Section 5).
2
|
Terminologies and Technologies: Identifying a
Common Approach Toward Delimiting (Wearable)
Biosensing
We note a great diversity of terminologies being used in various
disciplines and elds of application of biosensing, referring to
technologies, biosensors as well as biosensing as methodology.
The beginnings of biosensing, and thus its terminology do not
originate in geography but have been adopted by geographers in
similarly diverse ways. Consequently, there is a need to critically
reect on this terminology and to foster a common under-
standing. Therefore, this section aims to discuss the following
key terms: “biosensing” (technologies or methodologies), “bio-
sensors,” “wearable biosensors” and “biosignals.” What may at
rst glance appear to the reader as a list of terms that each have
a unique understanding is, on closer inspection, a collection of
umbrella terms with varying denitions and parallel uses across
disciplines such as biology, chemistry, physics, engineering or
medicine as well as geography (Kulkarni, Ayachit, and Ami-
nabhavi 2022; Lowe 2007) within diverse elds of applications
(e.g., affective responses to diverse environments, disease
detection, toxin detection, food safety, drug delivery, pathogen
delivery, environmental monitoring or healthcare monitoring
(Kulkarni, Ayachit, and Aminabhavi 2022; Q. Lin et al. 2021)).
It is necessary to briey introduce some of the basic function-
alities common to most biosensing technologies, which can be
used as a foundation for their delimitation. We propose the
following approach to differentiate biosensing technologies ac-
cording to:
the “biosensors”/“sensors” used; and
the components of the (bio‐)sensor itself.
Biosensors have been developed to detect specic biological,
physical and chemical reactions, which they convert into
measurable signals (Bollella and Katz 2020; Khan and
Song 2020). Most biosensors are nowadays characterized by
their selectivity, reproducibility, stability or greater indepen-
dence of environmental factors (e.g., pH, temperature), sensi-
tivity, and reusability (Bhalla et al. 2016; Lowe 2007). Common
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biosensing technologies include electrochemical biosensors
(ECG, EEG, EMG, EDA/GSR, pH‐sensors, glucose‐sensor), op-
tical biosensors (eye‐tracking, pulse oximeters, photo-
plethysmography [PPG], near‐infrared thermometer) as well as
mechanical biosensors (accelerometer, gyroscope, magnetom-
eter). Typically, biosensors consist of most of the following
components:
“Analyte”—the substance of interest or target analyte that
needs to be detected (e.g., glucose, alcohol, lactose).
“Bioreceptors”—specic molecules that recognize the an-
alyte by generating a signal (e.g., light, heat, pH). Common
bioreceptors are enzymes, antibodies, cells or DNA. The
process is called biorecognition.
“Transducer”—converts the detected signal or bio-
recognition event into another measurable signal (e.g.,
electrical, electrochemical, optical, thermal). It is therefore
a “process of energy conversion (…) known as signal-
isation” (Bhalla et al. 2016, 1).
“Electronics”—process and amplify the different signals
(from analog to digital data) to display them on a screen.
“Display”—projects the digital signal on a screen/display in
a user‐friendly manner through numeric, graphic, tabular
or imagery data output.
(Bhalla et al. 2016; Kim et al. 2019; Naresh and Lee 2021;
Perumal and Hashim 2014).
Being applied by scholars from various disciplines, biosensors are
nowadays developed for highly specic elds of application. Many
of these specialized biosensors might therefore not be of relevance
for research contexts of interest to (human) geographers and
related scholars. Biosensors developed for in vitro or single‐use
measurements, for example, are not necessarily designed to be
wearable or tied to continuous monitoring which would be a
requirement for out of the lab purposes. Of particular interest are
non‐invasive wearable biosensors, which are integrated into small
electronic devices and can be worn or attached to the body (Liu
et al. 2018; Sharma et al. 2021). To date, wearable biosensors have
been applied in life sciences, healthcare (monitoring, prevention,
treatment), sport analytics, psychology and geography (Gianna-
kakis et al. 2022; Kim et al. 2019; Pantelopoulos and Bourba-
kis 2010; Skaramagkas et al. 2021; Smith, Li, and Tse 2023; Ye
et al. 2020). Since the introduction of smartphones in 2007 (Kim
et al. 2019; Pantelopoulos and Bourbakis 2010), accompanied by
improvements of microelectronics, in micro‐ and nano‐sensor
manufacturing and miniaturization processes (Liu et al. 2018;
Naresh and Lee 2021), wearable biosensors are increasingly suited
for real‐time, out‐of‐lab measurements and monitoring. They can
be differentiated according to:
the stationary or mobile device into which (wearable) bio-
sensors are integrated; and
the eld of application.
Wearable biosensors are increasingly compact, capable of real‐
time measurement, minimally invasive and require little to no
calibration. Some wearable biosensors can measure biochemical
signals, commonly biouids such as salvia, sweat, tears and
provide insights on diverse conditions such as wellness and
health status, aiding medical practitioners in managing chronic
diseases (Ates et al. 2022; Kim et al. 2019; G. Li and Wen 2020;
Liu et al. 2018). In geographical research, wearable biosensors
are common, with all three types—electrochemical biosensors,
optical biosensors, mechanical biosensors—being applied.
Through the integration of several biosensors—such as elec-
trodermal activity (EDA) sensors and photoplethysmography
(PPG) sensors—the devices can measure multiple body re-
sponses at the same time. Photoplethysmography (PPG), an
optical based near infrared technique, detects volumetric
changes in blood circulation and is commonly integrated into
devices such as smartwatches (Allen 2007; Giannakakis
et al. 2022).
Body responses (physiological or somatic) which are commonly
measured are skin conductance, respiration and breath rate,
heart activity, blood pressure, electrodermal activity, electrical
activity in the brain, electrical activity in the muscles and body
posture/movements and eye movements. Those that can be
measured or detected by (wearable) biosensors are generally
being referred to as biosignals. They are described “as a
description of a physiological phenomenon” (Kaniusas 2012, 1).
Biosignals related to emotional arousal, attention and cognitive
processes (cf., Osborne and Jones 2017; Pykett 2022) regulated
by the autonomic nervous system (Eckstein et al. 2017; Kyr-
iakou et al. 2019) are increasingly measurable through wearable
biosensors integrated in small‐scale devices such as smart-
watches or wristbands.
Less considered, but also attributable to the category of wearable
biosensors, are optical (infrared) sensors integrated in (mobile)
eye‐tracking devices (Sun et al. 2022). Like the previously
mentioned biosignals, eye movements and pupil dilations are
regulated via the sympathetic nervous system (SNS) and para-
sympathetic nervous system (PNS) as part of the autonomic
nervous system (ANS). Their measures are being referred to as
physiological and physical biosignals (Giannakakis et al. 2022).
Hence, and in line with other scholars, we suggest categorizing
them as biosensors too (Skaramagkas et al. 2021; Wu et al. 2022;
Zheng et al. 2023). Novel mobile eye‐trackers, are capable of
measuring eye movements in dynamic outdoor settings, could
be of particular interest to geographers, as they provide “valu-
able information for one's higher cognitive function and state of
affect” (Skaramagkas et al. 2021, 1).
As wearable biosensors are continually developed to improve
out‐of‐the‐lab applications, and as research integrates them into
their methodological designs, it might be fruitful for scholars to
establish a common terminology, especially given the variety of
terms used in parallel. In summary, (wearable) (bio‐)sensors are
integrated into a variety of devices, such as smartphones,
smartwatches, eye‐tracking glasses and stationary systems. We
therefore suggest the following terminology:
“Biosensing (technologies)” for the broader technology.
“Biosensing methodologies” and “mobile biosensing
methodologies” for mobile methodological applications in
the eld.
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“Biosensors” when referring to the sensors integrated into
devices
“Wearable biosensing” or “wearable biosensors” for devices
designed for mobile/non‐stationary use while also consid-
ering their potential for stationary applications.
“Biosignals” as physical, (bio)‐chemical changes providing
essential information on human body processes.
3
|
Theories: Retracing the Theoretical and
Epistemological Roots to Geographic Interest in
Biosensing Methodologies
While the surge of the discipline's interest in biosensing might
still be framed as a relatively recent development, its rich and
diverse theoretical and epistemological roots are anything but
new. This section, therefore, highlights the underlying meta‐
theoretical perspectives that have inuenced and initiated
calls for new epistemologies and experimentation with bio-
sensing methodologies in the rst place. By tracing and (inter)‐
connecting theorizations of and discussions on affects, mobil-
ities, the visual and the brain, with biosensing practices we want
to emphasize some of their epistemological commonalities and
provide foundations for an emerging, yet still fragmented, eld.
3.1
|
Measuring Affects: From Behavioral
Geography to More‐Than‐Representational Theory
When searching for the very roots of geographic interest in what
nowadays can be measured with biosensing it might be of use to
begin with what became known as behavioral geography, a
subdiscipline which thrived from the 1960s–1980s (cf.,
Argent 2017; Downs 1970; Gold 1980; Golledge and Stim-
son 1987). Through the analysis of patterns and variabilities and
the creation of complex models and schemes, behavioral geog-
raphers sought to understand how certain spaces and environ-
ments inuenced human perception of them and vice versa.
Although evolving itself out of criticism on abstract and deter-
ministic quantitative spatial sciences of the 1950s and 1960s,
concerns were soon raised toward behavioralism, too. The
concerns centered around behavioral geography's tendency to-
ward behaviorism as well as mechanistic model‐thinking and its
dichotomic understanding of human behavior and neglect of
agency (Argent 2017). Prevalent amongst many criticisms was
the notion that their explanations of real‐world occurrences
were too often based upon problematic generalizations of small‐
scale laboratory experiments (Cox 1981; Pile 1993; Pykett 2018).
However, despite being substantially challenged and mostly
replaced by both practice theory and poststructuralist thinking
and their focus on human practice, agency, discourse and po-
wer, and therewith representations, an interest lingered in those
subconscious, momentary aspects that might not be communi-
cated through words and emerge during the coming together of
bodies and materialities in complex situational spaces and en-
vironments. Ever since N. Thrift's (1996) provocative critique of
“traditional researchers” overemphasis on representations and
the “mesmerized attention given to texts and images” (Water-
ton 2018, 91) a growing body of scholars has begun to reassess
some of the discipline's previous engagements with neurosci-
entic explanations of human behavior and affect under the
theoretical perspective of non‐representational theory (NRT).
NRT encompasses a host of differing perspectives, theories, and
methodologies with roots not only in human geography but also
across the humanities, social sciences, arts and philosophy
(Vannini 2015). In relating to theoretical strands such as post-
structuralism, new materialism or postphenomenology, NRT
can be described as a call to reimagine social and humanities
sciences' approach to research and theory‐crafting as a more
open‐minded, imaginative methodological practice—one that
more strongly relates to the dynamic, diverse and non‐human
character of the world, respects experimentation and is atten-
tive to incompleteness and speculation (N. J. Thrift 2008; Wil-
liams 2020). NRT pays equal tribute to materialities,
corporealities and socialities. By placing more emphasis on what
H. Lorimer (2005, 83) referred to as “self‐evidently more‐than‐
human, more‐than textual, multisensual worlds,” NRT un-
derlines the importance of affects as pre‐cognitive, momentary
subconscious elements in human perception that humans do
not manage to verbalize or otherwise express (N. J. Thrift 2008).
Affects “become present only through performance; through the
interaction of bodies, spaces, representations and objects”
(Spinney 2015, 235). According to these understandings, affects
may not be (sufciently) captured by conventional representa-
tional methodologies that build upon people's ability to
verbalize or otherwise express their feelings. A key concern that
emerged as consequence of NRT and its criticism on conven-
tional representational methods, was the question of how to
adequately capture affects and subconscious cognitive pro-
cesses, something which previous attempts of behavioral geog-
raphy had failed to do.
Soon after its proposition—which came much as a radical and
antipodal perspective to traditional practices of research—
there was critique on NRT's deterministic framing of the
rational human being as an affect‐driven actor (Barnett 2008).
There were also calls to situate and contextualize NRT's
ndings in relation to people's own voices and subjective
meaning making (Hitchings 2012), to acknowledge lasting and
more conscious emotions and their representations (Bork‐
Hüffer and Yeoh 2017; Merriman 2014) as well as to consider
the social, historical, political and academic contexts and
discourses within which these ndings emerge (Glasze and
Mattisek 2021; Pykett 2018). As a results, NRT began to move
beyond what Barnett (2008, 189) refers to as “representation-
alist view on representational practices” and widened its
perspective through the lens of more‐than‐representational
theories (MRT) and methodologies (Anderson 2019). Shortly
thereafter, more and more scholars began not only to advocate
for but increasingly to apply innovative research methodolo-
gies and designs that encompass both non‐representational
and representational methods and thinking (Kaufmann
et al. 2021; Laurier and Philo 2006; J. Lorimer 2010). By doing
so and by bringing the experiment out of the very laboratory
conditions, they so often criticized, some scholars eventually
ventured into explorative engagements with diverse biosensors
(Osborne and Jones 2017).
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3.2
|
Following Mobilities: Mobilities Paradigm
Beyond the challenge of capturing affects, the question of how
to research them as they unfold and where they unfold was a
related problem. The interest in researching the coming
together of bodies, materialities and technologies in situ as well
as of everyday (im)mobilities, ows and networks of people and
things can also be associated with a mobilities turn and new
mobilities paradigm in the social sciences and human geogra-
phy (Cresswell 2010,2011; Dirksmeier and Helbrecht 2008;
Merriman 2014). Despite a much longer tradition of geograph-
ical research into diverse mobilities, particularly in transport
geographies, this “turn” was propagated from the mid‐2000s
(Cresswell 2010,2011; Cresswell and Merriman 2010; Merri-
man 2014). It emerged from “trenchant critiques of the bounded
and static categories of nation, ethnicity, community, place, and
state within much social science” (Sheller and Urry 2006, 211)
which were perpetuated by the ways in which conventional
social science methods were researching the social world. As
part of this turn, it was claimed that mobility—of people, ob-
jects, media, images, knowledge, information, symbols, places,
technologies and data—should be recognized and researched as
a social norm rather than as exception (Büscher, Urry, and
Witchger 2011; Sheller and Urry 2006; Urry 2007). The core
methodological concern centers on the question of “how to
study mobile phenomena […] without losing sight of what is
fascinating about them—mobility” (Kaufmann and Bork‐
Hüffer 2021, 316, translated).
Inspired by the anthropological research of Arjun Appadurai,
this strand of research was initially more focused on studying
the mobilities of material objects in the sense of follow‐the‐thing
geographies (Cook 2004; Jackson 2000; Pfaff 2010a,2010b).
Soon after, it began to emphasize engaging with “participants
‘on the move’ in a variety of ways” (Evans and Jones 2011, 849).
Overall, methods applied in mobilities research can be broadly
dened as “an array of methods that in different ways capture,
track, simulate, mimic, parallel and ‘go along with’ the kinds of
moving systems and experiences that seem to characterize the
contemporary world” (Büscher, Urry, and Witchger 2011, 7).
These methods explore mobilities, regardless of whether they
are mobile themselves (Kaufmann and Bork‐Hüffer 2021;
Moles 2019). In a narrower sense, however, mobile methods can
be dened as those that are mobile themselves, following ob-
jects, people or data and thus bringing the data collection
method to the research context (Büscher and Urry 2009; Hein,
Evans, and Jones 2008; Spinney 2009,2015) with the aim of
heightening ecological validity (Birenboim, Helbich, and
Kwan 2021). Within human geography particularly qualitative
mobile methods, such as walking interviews (Evans and
Jones 2011; Jones et al. 2008) have become prevalent.
Less often, quantitative methodologies have been employed,
utilizing a range of technologies such as GPS, log data extraction
programs, tracking apps and, importantly, biosensors installed
on mobile devices like smartphones, smartwatches, wristbands
or eye‐trackers (Birenboim, Helbich, and Kwan 2021; Birenboim
and Shoval 2016; Giannotti and Pedreschi 2008). Birenboim
et al. (2019) used wearable biosensors to measure heart rate,
heart rate variability, and skin conductance during an outdoor
walk to compare participants' physiological responses when
they passed through various types of green, blue and gray urban
environments. As part of the so‐called DigitAS (The Digital,
Affects and Space) project, a mixed methods study that included
eye‐tracking in a mobile quasi‐experimental eld study was
conducted to analyze the effects of location‐based media content
on participants' perceptions of public parks (Kaufmann
et al. 2021; Kaufmann and Bork‐Hüffer 2021; Kollert et al. 2021).
Inspired by MRT and the mobilities paradigm, the study aimed
to combine an analysis of the mobile in situ entanglement of
people, technologies and materialities with a comparison of the
more‐than‐representational tracking of affective eye movements
and people's representations of their emotional experiences of
the parks (through retrospective think‐alouds).
There is therefore certainly a compelling argument that the
mobility paradigm has provided scholars experimenting with
wearables and biosensing a theoretical and epistemological
foundation that might have fostered the openness toward a
method(ology) that not only allows for the observation of mo-
bilities but is also mobile in itself (Pykett 2018).
3.3
|
Attending to Visualities: From Visual
Geographies to Geography as a Ocularcentric
Discipline
Building on the previously outlined understanding of eye‐
tracking as both a biosensing technology and methodology,
one can trace the roots of interest to conceptualizations of ge-
ography as a visual and ocularcentric discipline (Driver 2003;
Rose 2003). A discipline which, as argued by Rose (2003, 212)
“has relied and continues to rely on certain kinds of visualities
and visual images to construct its knowledges.” While early
discussions on the importance of visualizations in geography
(Crang 2003; Rose 2003) and its visual turn (Thornes 2004)
focused more on the analysis of images and photography, and
related questions of aesthetics, performance and power re-
lations, later work—inuenced by more‐than‐representational
thinking—highlighted the discipline's afnity of “doing and
engaging with imagery” (Tolia‐Kelly 2012, 135) and “the mul-
tisensual uidity and rhythms of everyday life” captured by
videography (Garrett 2011, 522). Scholars have outlined the
potential of videography as a method and medium that enables
both participants and researchers to capture and visualize ex-
periences, encounters and mobilities in entangled spaces (Gar-
rett 2011; Heath, Hindmarsh, and Luff 2010; Pink 2021).
Equipping participants with a (e.g., handheld, head‐mounted)
camera gives them agency to record wherever they choose to
direct the sensor. When speaking of geography as a visual
discipline then, it is unsurprising that scholars have started to
engage with mobile eye‐trackers, as these not only capture
snapshots of places, encounters and experiences, but also visu-
alize where the gaze has been directed. In doing so, they allow
researchers to not only “look alongside” (Garrett 2011, 534) but
to see through the eyes of the participant. The gaze‐enriched
recordings offer insights into participant's embodied experi-
ences of their spatial environment, as well as their human and
non‐human interactions, without requiring the researcher to be
present in the moment. The potential of measuring eye move-
ments in mobile, dynamic “out of the lab” environments and
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spaces has already been demonstrated by numerous studies in
environmental psychology, GIS science and increasingly in ge-
ography (see also Table 1). In addition to the aforementioned
DigitAS project, Amati et al. (2018) examined the inuence of
natural features in urban environments on viewing behaviors
while strolling to a public park. Kiefer et al. (2017) discussed
some of the prevailing challenges of integrating eye‐tracking in
GIS and spatial science in general. Teo and Pua (2022) utilized
eye‐tracking to research participation processes in inclusive
classrooms. Presenting a spatial imagining of compulsivity,
Beljaars (2019), conducted interviews, participant observations
as well as mobile eye‐tracking with people diagnosed with
Tourette syndrome.
3.4
|
Capturing the Neural and Bio‐Social Links:
From Biopolitics to Critical Neurogeographies and
the Biosocial Model
Another theoretical debate is linked to the increased interest in
biosensing methodologies: the growing inuence of neurosci-
entic thinking on both, urban policy making and the individual
—fostered by the commercialization of neurotheologies such as
wearable biosensors –, has led to calls for critical reection upon
the consequences of these inuences. This body of research
focused on critical perspectives on “[n]europolitanism” (Fitz-
gerald, Rose, and Singh 2016), “neuro‐urbanisms” (Pykett 2013)
or the “biosocial” (Winz and Söderström 2021). Pykett (2018,
164), drawing on more‐than‐representational thinking—
including the related emergence of affect theories, with post-
structuralist thinking, and related theorizations of the governing
of bodies through biopolitics—suggested critical neuro-
geographies as a eld “informed by, but not indebted to,
neuroscience and cognitive science.” Like more‐than‐
representational perspectives, critical neurogeographers argue
that there “is the need for analytical approaches which can
switch between paradigms, and productively engage with
(rather than attempt to resolve) the deep‐rooted historical con-
ict between positivist and interpretivist forms of analysis”
(Pykett et al. 2020, 4–5). They have started to methodologically
experiment with “neurotechnologies and wearable biosensors
outside of laboratory contexts” (Pykett 2018, 165). Unlike com-
mon (critical) human geographical approaches, critical neuro-
geographies do not emanate from the individual or body as the
starting point of analysis but rather from the brain and human
cognition. The brain and cognition are thus analyzed and
TABLE 1 |Wearable biosensors and their application elds in geography and related elds of interest.
Technology
Body
location Sensor
Measures/
Biosignals
Geographical and related
studies
Mobile eye‐tracker Head Near infrared light (NIR) Eye movement Beljaars (2019), Kaufmann and
Bork‐Hüffer (2021), Kiefer
et al. (2017), Kollert et al. (2021),
Melchert and Misera (2022), and
Teo and Pua (2022)
Video camera Optical
Inertial measurement unit (IMU)
including accelerometer,
gyroscope, magnetometer
Body movement
Microphone Speech/Voice/
Acoustics
Wearable smart device Finger‐
(tip)
Electrodermal activity (EDA)/
Galvanic skin response (GSR)
Skin conductance Berger and Dörrzapf (2018),
Caviedes and Figliozzi (2018),
Chrisinger and King (2018),
Gravenhorst et al. (2012),
Nold (2009), Osborne and
Jones (2017), and H. Zhang
et al. (2022)
Ear‐
(lobe)
Wrist
Wrist,
Chest
Photoplethysmography (PPG) Heart rate (HR) Kim and Fesenmaier (2013), S. Li
et al. (2015), Paül I Agustí,
Rutllant, and Lasala Fortea (2019),
Resch et al. (2014), Winz
et al. (2022), and Zeile et al. (2016)
Blood pressure (PB)
Puls rate (PR)
Pulse rate
variability (PRV)
Blood oxygen
saturation level
(BVP) (SpO2)
Thermometer Skin temperature
(Mobile)
Electroencephalogram
(EEG)
Head Scalp‐placed electrodes Electrical neuron
activity (brain)
Aspinall et al. (2015), W. Lin
et al. (2020), Mavros, Austwick,
and Smith (2016), McMahan,
Parberry, and Parsons (2015),
F. Zhang et al. (2018), and J. Zhang
et al. (2023)
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conceptualized within their embeddedness in the social milieu
and discourses.
This line of thinking is also prevalent in discussions on bio-
sociality or visceral geographies, which have been brought for-
ward by scholars such as Hayes‐Conroy (Hayes‐Conroy 2010,
2017), Osborne and Jones (2017), Prior, Manley, and
Sabel (2019) or Winz and Söderström (2021). Central to their
argument is the call “to develop more equally‐balanced bio/so-
cial approaches” (Winz and Söderström 2021, 170) and mixed‐
method methodologies that acknowledge the complexities and
entanglements of biological processes and social pathways—
something which can be achieved by integrating more‐than‐
representational biosensing or embodied “visceral methods”
(Hayes‐Conroy 2017) in representational research designs
(Osborne and Jones 2017).
3.5
|
Experimenting With Biosensors
It should be noted that many geographic and spatial ventures
into biosensing have been driven less by theoretical debates,
such as those introduced above, and more by an interest in
methodological experimentation and innovation. These en-
deavors have utilized a broad range of biosensors. While there
have been efforts to summarize existing geography‐related
studies engaging with biosensing (Osborne et al. 2023;
Osborne and Jones 2017; Paiva et al. 2023) these studies have
not been categorized based on the specic technology and
sensors used. This is evident in Table, which includes many of
the studies mentioned in previous sections.
In general, the increase of scholarly interest in experimenting
with biosensors can be attributed to advancements in technology,
as well as the increasing accessibility and affordability of wear-
able biosensors in the past decade. With the exception of early
pioneers such as Nold's (2009) innovative approach of integrating
GSR and GPS measures on maps, Gravenhorst et al.'s (2012) work
on monitoring electrodermal activity in daily life, or Ward
Thompson et al.'s (2012) stress‐related examination of salivary
cortisol patterns in green spaces, most studies have emerged
since the mid‐2010s. This surge has been driven by a growing
interest in researching affective and emotional responses within
different environments as well as a desire to explore innovative
mobile and more‐than‐representational methods (Pykett 2018;
Spinney 2015). Most of this early work has focused on urban
emotion, mental health as well as stress. It has experimented
with wrist‐ or ankle‐worn wearables that allow the simultaneous
measurement of various somatic responses such as galvanic skin
response (GSR) and heart rate (HR)—likely due to their relative
affordability (Kim and Fesenmaier 2013; S. Li et al. 2015; Resch
et al. 2014; Zeile et al. 2016). Some scholars have examined
cognitive responses in virtual environments using head‐mounted
EEGs (McMahan, Parberry, and Parsons 2015; B. Zhang 2018),
while others have utilized them in outdoor environments
(Aspinall et al. 2015; W. Lin et al. 2020; Mavros, Austwick, and
Smith 2016). EDA/GSR sensors have been applied in study
conditions, where participants were guided to follow a certain
route or trajectory (Berger and Dörrzapf 2018; Caviedes and
Figliozzi 2018; Chrisinger and King 2018).
4
|
Applications: Potentials and Limits
While biosensing offers promising avenues for geographers, it
also presents challenges that scholars need to carefully reect
upon, especially as both its application and development are
currently “outpacing the science required to rigorously interpret
the data generated” (Pykett et al. 2020, 1). These challenges
involve practical issues stemming from the complexity of each
sensor and restrictions on their use, and the specic data they
produce. It is therefore hardly possible to provide a compre-
hensive overview of all potential challenges. Nonetheless, we
provide a brief overview of some of the most critical potentials
and challenges associated with specic wearable biosensors.
Although frequently used by geographers, EDA and GSR sen-
sors, along with thermometers, present three crucial constrains.
Firstly, the biosignals measured by these devices do not provide
any recording and evidence of the specic environmental
stimuli that caused a reaction. Secondly, any biochemical
response to a stimulus always occurs with a certain delay
(Kyriakou et al. 2019). Thirdly, these sensors are highly sus-
ceptible to noisy signals, as our skin produces moisture even
after the slightest movements and activities (Blasco and Peris‐
Lopez 2018). It must thus be carefully considered whether these
devices can provide valid results, especially when used outside a
lab environment. In contrast to biosignals measured by EDA
sensors, eye movements occur almost instantaneously in
response to a stimulus (Skaramagkas et al. 2021). They are
measured by optical sensors in mobile eye‐trackers, which have
integrated video cameras that allow researchers to track par-
ticipant's gazes and determine whether the participants have
noticed certain stimuli (Pérez‐Edgar, MacNeill, and Fu 2020).
Although current generation devices have resolved many of the
previous limitations, such as a low Hz rates, and are increas-
ingly suited for outdoor environments, they still tend to rely on
proprietary algorithms developed by software companies (Val-
takari et al. 2021). In comparison to the lightweight design of
mobile eye‐trackers which are hardly distinguishable from
regular glasses, the design of mobile EEGs raises questions
whether they can truly provide ecological validity when used in
outdoor environments (Birenboim et al. 2019).
In general, care must be taken when attributing spikes or pat-
terns of somatic responses to stimuli in “messy, naturalistic
environments” (Harvey 2024, 1), particularly since there re-
mains a limited understanding of the relationship between
biosignals and emotions (Poplin 2020). This has also been
highlighted by Brigstocke et al. (2023, 590) who argue that the
quantitative information gathered by biosensors and inuenced
by uncontrollable variables during mobile use, does not provide
information “about the quality of the affect, or how it is expe-
rienced at a subjective level.” While further technological im-
provements in wearable biosensors may address other current
constraints such as battery life, contamination or the inferior
quality of many biochemical sensors and procedures, the chal-
lenge of “making sense” of the vast datasets generated by these
devices remains.
It is therefore advisable to combine biosensor measurements
with qualitative methodologies as part of mixed methods ap-
proaches (Osborne and Jones 2017). For geographers, the key
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contribution here—one that would signicantly complement
existing studies in other disciplines—is to contextualize bio-
sensing data. A more‐than‐representational analysis of bodies,
their (somatic) responses, and affects needs to be situated within
analyses of emotions, power relations, asymmetries and related
inequalities and (im‐)mobilities. Qualitative methods such as
(retrospective) think‐alouds, go alongs, participant narratives
and pre‐ or follow‐up interviews allow the comparison of
measured affects with participants' own accounts and verbalized
emotions (Birenboim et al. 2019; Hall and Bates 2019; Kauf-
mann and Bork‐Hüffer 2021). Additional analysis of socio‐
political discourses, stakeholder and expert interviews or focus
groups can provide insights into the socio‐political space in
which the research is situated. Observations and video content
analysis (e.g., the case of eye‐tracking) can help uncover mate-
rial dimensions. In this way, mixed methods approaches can
address some of the critique directed toward early studies and
their respective behavioral models.
5
|
Toward an Ethics of Care in Biosensing
Our overview revealed that geographers have so far focused on a
narrow range of biosensing technologies and few biosensors.
Most have measured EDA, GSR or PPG signals using wearable
smart devices. Although there has been a number of studies
using EEGs and mobile eye‐trackers in spatial research, few
have had geographers among their authors. As other scholars
and we have argued, the use of wearable biosensors within
mixed methods approaches presents an opportunity to explore
the coming together of bodies, material and technological re-
lations, their contextualities and performativities and the asso-
ciated affects, emotions and (im‐)mobilities while they unfold
(Büscher and Urry 2009; Spinney 2015; Kaufmann and Bork‐
Hüffer 2021). This should be of signicant interest to scholars
working with relational, more‐than‐representational, (new)
materialist, posthumanist, mobilities, biosocial and visual ge-
ography perspectives, across a broad spectrum of research
themes and questions.
Given the complexity of biosensing, many geographers have
collaborated with scholars from other disciplines mutually
benetting from each other's expertise. However, just as diverse
as these interdisciplinary engagements but also the studies,
elds of application and publications in other disciplines (see
Section 2) are, so are the terminologies and understandings.
Gaining an overview of the variety of biosensors and their
varying potentials and challenges is time‐consuming and
demanding. Methodologies and applications are informed by a
variety of theoretical paradigms.
Importantly, this diversity brings challenges not only in terms of
differing terminologies and methodologies, but also with respect
to ethical standards (Balsamo and Mitcham 2010; Geballa‐
Koukoula et al. 2023). Thus, in addition to geographers'
important efforts toward the spatial contextualization of bio-
sensing research (see Section 4), we call for attention to the
mobilization, development, implementation and debate of
research ethics in biosensing. While institutional ethics pro-
cedures and data management practices have been continuously
rened over the last 2 decades, we postulate that current su-
pranational (e.g., EC 2021; ALLEA All European Acade-
mies 2023) and institutional guidelines, with their focus on
social science research and data management, are too super-
cial to provide adequate guidance for the use of biosensors in
mobile, out‐of‐laboratory settings, and for managing the data
these sensors produce. Hence, we argue that applying bio-
sensors in the eld requires not only strict adherence to insti-
tutional ethics procedures (among others proper informed
consent), but also the incorporation of data ethics, procedural
ethics, and an ethics of care.
Many biosensing technologies integrate several biosensors within
a single device, collecting diverse streams of data simultaneously,
much of which is often left unanalyzed. With regard to data ethics
and management this is, of course, an issue. If it is not possible to
deactivate some of the unwanted measures before the start of the
recording, researchers should ensure that any irrelevant data is
deleted immediately afterward. Researchers should also be aware
that the data collected by EEG sensors is personally‐identiable.
Even if data from other sensors may not be personally identiable
on its own, the collection of carious biosignals may enable the
tracing and identication of individuals, especially when pre-
sented together (Yang et al. 2022). A careful approach to data
management becomes particularly urgent when experimenting
with mobile eye‐trackers as they enable both video and audio
recording. Participants' voices and, occasionally parts of their
bodies (such as feet, legs and hands) are recorded, along with
bystanders captured by the video camera or audio recorder. Here,
a highly sensitive approach to visual and audio data is necessary.
Furthermore, it is important to consider that most data collected
through biosensors relates to states of health, well‐being and
disease (Andreoletti et al. 2024). As geographers lack medical
expertise and are not able to detect health‐problems, they should
provide participants with contacts for professional medical care in
the informed consent. Hence, both data security and privacy
concerns must be carefully addressed when handling biosensing
data. Data management should comply with FAIR data proced-
ures (cf. Wilkinson 2016) and (non‐) accessibility should be
carefully considered and clearly outlined in the informed consent.
Data ethics also encompasses the use of appropriate and secure
analysis software. However, such software is often still under
development and becoming increasingly complex. In order to
deal with large and diverse data sets, more and more companies
have started to integrate machine learning, deep neural net-
works, natural language processing and predictive analytics into
their software solutions (Andreoletti et al. 2024). Avoiding
gender, racial, age and other biases in advanced data analytics is
a serious challenge that is not yet sufciently addressed in this
eld to our knowledge. Preventing misuse of data is crucial, as
biosensing itself can contribute to the very biopolitics it seeks to
critique (see Section 3.4). Holding population level datasets
concerning affective states could enable the categorization,
management and governing of particular populations and
matters of concern.
In view of the serious lack of institutional ethics procedures,
“doing ethics” or “procedural ethics” (Guillemin and Gil-
lam 2004) become ever more important, particularly when
using biosensors as part of complex mixed methods approaches
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in the eld. Procedural ethics can be supported, for example,
through social reection, validation, support, discussion and
decisions within the research team and/or through the inclu-
sion of an ethics advisor or an (ethics) advisory board (Kauf-
mann et al. 2021). Given the complexity of eld settings,
researchers may need to adopt what Spiel et al. (2020) refer to
as “micro‐ethics” spontaneous and exible adaptations that
align research with the specicities of the social, material and
technological environment, including stakeholders, power re-
lations, as well as material conditions (such as weather and
barriers in the eld).
When implementing an “ethics of care” (Burton and Dunn 2013;
Maio 2018) in biosensing research, scholars need to attend to
participants' experiences and needs throughout the research
process. This includes building trust, recognizing emotional
knowledge, and acknowledging power relations involved in the
researcher‐participant and technology‐participant relationships.
Not all participants, of course, may accept biosensors as appro-
priate research tools. This challenge surfaced, for example, in a
study by Nebeker et al. (2017). There, the wrist‐worn technology
was perceived by migrant women from different origins in
Southern California as either untrustworthy, a legal risk, or at
times even incompatible with social norms and religious prac-
tices. Therefore, scholars should carefully consider whether bio-
sensing might cause harm or lead to the exclusion of certain
population groups. Even when appropriate, the implementation
of biosensing demands continuous reection and awareness of
emotional, social, and material boundaries in the eld. Neglecting
these factors could place participants in uncomfortable, stressfull,
and potentially even harmful situations. Additionally, qualitative
methods such as interviews or (retrospective) think‐alouds
should be used to allow participants the possibility to voice
their own experience, feelings and interpretations. Given the
relative novelty of these methodologies, participants should be
invited to evaluate the methodology and research process to
inform future improvements.
Overall, we observe that the development and application of
biosensing is vibrant, highly diverse and very promising for a
great range of geographical research questions and elds. As the
development of biosensing methodologies is still in its early
stages, they continue to evolve and expand through new or
improved technologies. As our discussion of the potentials and
limits of biosensors has shown, we particularly encourage
research using eye‐trackers, which come closest to measuring
instantaneous responses to environmental stimuli and offer
valuable opportunities for the analysis of social, material and
technological environments through the visual data they
generate. Fully realizing this potential will require meticulous
preparation, planning, and the consideration of processual and
careful research and data ethics.
Acknowledgments
The authors have nothing to report.
Conicts of Interest
The authors declare no conicts of interest.
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