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Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-024-00544-y
Drifting Away fromtheRoots: Genderfluidity asDiola’s Mangrove
Fishing Strategies inThree Island‑Villages ofNorthern Guinea‑Bissau
Pieter‑JanKeleman1 · RuiMoutinhoSá2 · MarinaPadrãoTemudo1
Accepted: 20 September 2024 / Published online: 25 October 2024
© The Author(s) 2024
Abstract
Biodiversity loss, habitat degradation, globalization, and societal transformations are challenging rural, and especially coastal
communities in Guinea-Bissau where mangrove-dependent livelihoods are exposed to increased vulnerability. The Diola,
traditional farmer-fishermen of the northern island-villages, have witnessed swift societal changes following the country’s
economic liberalization, climate change, and youth migration from rural areas. Despite historically being a secondary sub-
sistence activity with more predefined gender roles rooted in tradition, mangrove fishing has become a major source of cash
income. Yet, women’s mangrove fishing contributions are still overlooked, resulting in general assumptions of static female
fishing identities with limited control over their income. We present three case studies of Diola women’s involvement in
mangrove fishing through a mixed method approach that combines qualitative techniques and household surveys conducted
between 2017 and 2023. Specifically, we explore: (1) diverging societal coping strategies and livelihood developments in
three Diola villages; (2) the primary drivers behind village-specific societal transformations; (3) social dynamics and female
roles in mangrove fishing-related activities and village decision-making; and (4) the political ecology of interventions. Our
findings underscore the complexity of gender-fluid small-scale fishing strategies as female roles beyond fish trade defy
cultural generalizations. Contemporary Diola women make autonomous personal and work choices that meet their current
needs and add to their household budget to face new welfare demands. Inclusive resource governance needs more gender-
specific data for meaningfully implemented interventions adapted to local circumstances, enabling an active participation
of all genders in conservation practices and development.
Keywords Mangrove fishing· Coping strategies· Gender· Environmental history· Diola· Guinea-Bissau, West Africa
Introduction
Climate change is posing serious threats for Small Island
Developing States (SIDS), damaging coastal ecosystems
and human populations’ livelihoods due to sea level rises
and increased coastal erosion driven by unpredictable and
increasingly extreme weather events (Kelman & West,
2009). Necessary adaptation processes continue to encounter
major implementation hurdles including limited national
resources, economic weaknesses, geographical constraints,
or political instability among others (Betzold, 2015; Kelman,
2014; Robinson, 2020). In extremely vulnerable tropical
countries such as Guinea-Bissau1, the role of mangroves
as transformative agents for climate change mitigation is
central (Bertram etal., 2021; Vasconcelos etal., 2015; Ward
etal., 2016). Beyond their blue carbon storage capacity,
mangroves are crucial to local livelihoods through their
diversified uses, goods, and services, or intrinsic values that
* Pieter-Jan Keleman
pieterjankeleman@gmail.com; pjkeleman@isa.ulisboa.pt
Rui Moutinho Sá
ruimoutinhosa@gmail.com
Marina Padrão Temudo
marinatemudo@gmail.com
1 Forest Research Centre, Associate Laboratory TERRA,
School ofAgriculture, University ofLisbon, Lisbon,
Portugal
2 Centre forPublic Administration & Public Policies, School
ofSocial andPolitical Sciences, University ofLisbon,
Lisbon, Portugal
1 Although Guinea-Bissau cannot be considered an island, it adheres
to the group of UN SIDS (UN SIDS, available at: https:// www. un. org/
ohrlls/ conte nt/ list- sids) because of its insular coastal area made up of
around 88 islands and islets.
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936 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
reflect a historically complex relationship between people
and their environment (Boateng, 2018; Glaser etal., 2010;
Hagger etal., 2022). The interactions between specific socio-
ecological conditions, natural resources, and an unstable
political landscape have shaped coastal vulnerability
(Lopes etal., 2022b), particularly in rural contexts (Nyadzi
etal., 2020; Temudo etal., 2022). As reported by Bradford
andKatikiro (2019) in Tanzania, decision-making dynamics
within mangrove fishing contexts significantly shape
resource management strategies and specific gender roles.
However, such societal roles are not fixed and adapt to
changing socio-economic conditions and cultural norms
(Gallardo-Fernández & Saunders, 2018). A comprehensive
understanding of these dynamics is essential for sustainable
management, preventing uncontextualized assumptions
that hinder holistic approaches (Graziano etal., 2018). This
underscores the importance of nuanced gender sensitivity
during rapid socio-environmental changes (Kawarazuka
etal., 2017; Matera, 2020).
In some West African countries, increased biodiversity
loss and degradation of local mangroves exacerbated by cli-
mate change has also led to reduced provision of essential
ecosystem services, disrupting mangrove-dependent com-
munities’ household needs for food and income provision
(Bunting etal., 2023; Feka etal., 2011). Adaptive liveli-
hoods strategies not only alter productive activities but also
affect social dynamics (Perry & Sumaila, 2007). In small-
scale fisheries, gender roles and specific female activities are
often overlooked or undervalued or women are exclusively
represented or perceived as fish sellers (Harper etal., 2017;
Yodanis, 2000). This limits an accurate representation of
rural reality following societal transformations triggered by
market globalization and climate change (Frangoudes etal.,
2019; Lau & Scales, 2016; Ocampo & Binondo, 2022; Wil-
liams, 2019). Chapman’s (1987) discussion of women’s
diverse roles in the fishery sector led to an increased empha-
sis on gender and the contributions of small-scale fishing in
various locations (Agbekpornu etal., 2021; Harper etal.,
2023; Torell etal., 2019). However, there has been a notable
lack of research on this topic specifically in the context of
West Africa. Women-led small-scale fisheries are typically
not included in government statistics (especially in Africa,
see for example Du Preez, 2018) due to limited available
quantitative data, hindering policy development and imple-
mentation (Harper etal., 2013; Kleiber etal., 2015). Includ-
ing women in conservation and development interventions
not only enhances their status but also leads to sustainable
fishing practices and promotes social justice when meaning-
fully implemented (Aditya, 2016; Alvarez & Lovera, 2016;
Du Preez 2018; James etal., 2021; Kleiber etal., 2013).
Small-scale mangrove fishing in Guinea-Bissau has
received little scientific attention compared to the con-
sequences of over-exploitation (and illegal fishing) by
foreign ocean trawling fleets (Intchama etal., 2018; Pet-
rossian & Clarke, 2020). Okafor-Yarwood (2019) showed
that Guinea-Bissau in particular is paying a high economic
toll due to poor surveillance of its oceans and Illegal, Unre-
ported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing currently accounts
for about 50–60% of the total catch in the country, lead-
ing to emerging fishery conflicts between local and for-
eign fishermen of bordering countries. Chuenpagdee and
Jentoft (2018) note that small-scale fisheries remain mar-
ginizalized both at the governance level and in scientific
research, which is also the case in Guinea-Bissau. In north-
ern Guinea-Bissau, small-scale mangrove fishing emerged
as an essential cash-oriented livelihood activity following
climate change impacts on mangrove swamp rice produc-
tion in coastal villages (Temudo etal., 2022). Despite the
growing literature on human impacts on mangrove habi-
tats along the north-western coastline of Guinea-Bissau
(Lopes etal., 2022a), few studies exist on the specific fac-
tors shaping rural households’ livelihoods and associated
social dynamics in vulnerable island-villages (e.g., Temudo
etal., 2022). Furthermore, lack of specific data on distinct
gender roles in mangrove fishing reinforces a stereotype
depicting rural women as fish sellers with limited or no
involvement in fishing-related activities, often restricted
to shellfish gleaning in intertidal mangrove creeks (e.g.,
Chuku etal., 2022; Dias etal., 2022; Fernandes, 2012;
Leeney & Poncelet, 2015). To address this gap, we examine
the livelihoods in three coastal island-villages in north-
ern Guinea-Bissau with a major focus on women’s active
contributions in mangrove fishing-related strategies and
decision-making. We provide insights into village-specific
coping strategies through empirical analysis in an under-
studied development context of a rapidly introduced market
economy that is now leading to increased biodiversity loss.
The Diola (Diola-Ajamaat/Felupe and Baiote) ethnic
group is the focus of our case studies, as the recent emer-
gence of a market-based economy, fueled by increased
foreign influences, introduced new prospects for local
livelihoods. Historically a secondary subsistence activity
with predefined and static gendered roles rooted in Diola
tradition, mangrove fishing is now a major source of cash
income. At the same time, this has also imposed limita-
tions, compelling rural Diola of both genders to navigate
the tension between traditional natural resource manage-
ment norms and the monetary demands of the globalized
world. This is leading to the emergence of distinct intervil-
lage coping strategies and a more fluid concept of gendered
household contributions, as has been noted elsewhere in the
world (e.g., Bulan etal., 2022). Despite their significant
contributions, women’s participation in mangrove fishing
in Guinea-Bissau remains underacknowledged, leading to
misconceptions about their roles as static and their lim-
ited financial autonomy. We undertook a mixed-method
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937Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
empirical study of Diola women’s participation in mangrove
fishing in three locations from 2017 to 2023. Specifically,
we explored: (1) varying societal coping strategies and live-
lihood developments in the three case-study villages; (2) the
primary drivers behind village-specific societal transforma-
tions; (3) social dynamics and women’s mangrove fishing-
associated roles and village decision-making; and (4) the
political ecology of interventions.
Methodology
Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork in the northern
Cacheu region spanning from 2017 to 2023, we synthesize
data from participant observation, informal conversations
and interviews, and subsequent household surveys in the
coastal island-villages of Elalab, Elia, and Djobel (Fig.1).
The selection of the three case locations stemmed from
Elalab
Djobel
Elia
a
b
Fig. 1 Geographic location of Guinea-Bissau in West Africa (1a left,
below). The three case study villages (Elalab, Elia, Djobel) with the
different Diola ethnic subgroups (Diola-Ajamaat/Felupe and Baiote)
are indicated in the Cacheu region of Northern Guinea-Bissau (1a,
right). Even though Elalab is located on the outskirts of the Cacheu
River Mangroves Natural Park (PNTC), the village’s surround-
ing fishing river defines the PNTC’s westernmost boundary, locally
considered sacred and adopted in state management (IBAP, 2008);
bzoom-in into the three case study villages (Djobel, Elalab, Elia)
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938 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
earlier livelihood-oriented research by the third author
across nine Diola villages between 2017 and 2020.
Employing a mixed-method approach, we integrated
qualitative techniques and a household survey with a full
sampling strategy conducted in 2021, targeting a total of
319 households spread over Elalab (N = 70), Djobel (N = 58),
and Elia (N = 152), to characterize local livelihoods. Due to
rising conflict in the villages of Djobel and Elia (see Temudo
& Cabral, 2021; Temudo etal., 2022), we could not sample
all rural households in Elia for safety reasons. We conducted
follow-up fishing household surveys (N = 191) between
April and June 2023 in Elalab (n = 59), Elia (n = 100), and
Djobel (n = 32) to gather information on fishing household
profiles, women’s mangrove fishing-related activities, and
the targeted aquatic organisms at the village level. Informal
conversations with various fishermen and women in each
village provided the baseline to understand the historical,
political, and socio-ecological milieu in which these
communities are situated. Secondary literature provided
the baseline of the environmental history analysis, but the
main data were collected through oral history (by both men
and women) in each village during informal conversations
with key informants. We conducted all statistical analyses of
quantitative data using R studio version 4.3.2 (R core team,
2022). Qualitative interview data were recorded by mobile
phone and manually transcribed, followed by a thematic
content analysis (Bernard, 2017).
Study Area
Guinea-Bissau, West Africa, is a SIDS encircled by Senegal
and the Republic of Guinea on the mainland (Fig.1). The
country’s coastline is characteristized by its intricate mean-
dering and hosts intertidal mangrove trees that favor condi-
tions for cultivation of mangrove swamp rice (MSR) and
small-scale fishing among specific ethnic groups inhabiting
these regions. The climate of Guinea-Bissau is dominated
by two distinct seasons with a dry season between November
and June, and regionally dissimilar rainfall patterns such
that the northern Cacheu region experiences less and more
erratic rain than the more southern regions (Lélé & Lamb,
2010; UNDP, 2011).
The Natural Park of the Mangroves of the Cacheu River
(Parque Natural dos Tarrafes do Rio Cacheu, henceforth
PNTC) in which the study villages are located (Fig.1), is
one of the foremost national parks in Guinea-Bissau and
is one of the most extensive mangrove areas in the region
(García del Toro & Mas-López, 2019). Although Elalab
is located at the Park’s outskirts, the village’s surrounding
waters define the PNTC boundary (IBAP, 2008). The
PNTC mangroves, dominated by the genus Rhizophora
spp., are important for carbon storage (Vasconcelos etal.,
2015) and sustain the continuous reproduction of a diverse
range of migrating tropical fish, oysters, and shrimps. The
PNTC management plan recognizes Diola traditional
customs and usages of the mangrove environment, and
declares a goal to contribute to local youth welfare to
deter their migration to urban areas (IBAP, 2008) through
employment as park rangers and/or liaison agents but to
date few effective actions have been undertaken. PNTC
conservation goals focus on the protection of mangroves
and emblematic aquatic species, such as the West African
manatee (Trichechus senegalensis) and the common
hippopotamus (Hippopotamus amphibius).
The PNTC accommodates villages inhabited by the Diola
ethnic group (also recognized as Djola, Jola, or Jóola in
Casamance, Senegal). In Guinea-Bissau, the Diola can be
classified into two main groups: the Diola-Ajamaat (better
known as Felupes, a linguistic misunderstanding dating to
Portuguese rule) in the western part of the Cacheu River
and the linguistically distinct Baiotes further east (Segerer,
2016). These communities are guided by councils of elders
(both men and women), some of whom wield religious
authority alongside their roles in governance. Women exert
considerable influence within the community as they oversee
their own powerful shrines and play an active role in both
village and gender-specific decision-making processes, e.g.,
related to oyster collection. These villages are renowned for
their unwavering work ethic, their strong prohibition of theft,
and their remarkable achievements in domesticating African
rice (Oryza glaberrima). Here, men and women operate as a
tight-knit household unit, sharing duties and responsibilities
(see also Linares, 1992).
The Diola community’s traditional approach to natural
resource management (NRM) intricately weaves into their
cosmological vision, wherein adherence to the rules set by
nature spirits, ancestors, and the Higher God (Emitai) is
paramount (see also Davidson, 2016; Linares, 1992). The
enforcement of these rules falls under the authority of the
village council of elders responsible for the community
shrines. Failure to comply results in penalties ranging
from monetary fines to eviction, and is believed to attract
the attention of the spirits who may inflict a series of
misfortunes, from illnesses to even death. These traditional
NRM regulations are closely linked to the contrasting
agroecological conditions between coastal and hinterland
villages, which has given rise to village-specific functional
specialization that fosters direct exchanges in weekly
markets that formed the cornerstone of the Diola local
economy (see also Temudo & Cabral, 2021). As the coastal
island-villages produced a surplus of mangrove swamp
rice and engaged in fishing for trade, their NRM rules were
oriented towards mangrove aquatic resources. Hinterland
women fished for daily sustenance needs but obtained bigger
and higher quality fish through direct exchanges with the
island-villages at the weekly market in Susana (Fig.2).
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939Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
Case Study Villages’ Agroecological Conditions
andLivelihoods
The three study villages present distinct socio-economic pro-
files and adaptive strategies to recent socio-environmental
transformations (see Fig.3). In all three, households lost
mangrove swamp rice fields (“bolanha salgada” in Kriol) and
rice self-sufficiency to varying degrees and rely on fishing as
a regular source of cash income. The few households that do
not produce rice are those of elderly solitary widows, who
depend on remittances and gifts of food from neighbors and
relatives. A few households receive small and irregular remit-
tances. Domestic animals are a rare source of cash income:
cattle are never sold and frequently the animals belong col-
lectively to the descent group and are exclusively reserved for
ceremonies and rituals at the shrines; pigs can be sold but are
generally used in rituals and to pay for non-household labor;
goats are sold only when there are more than required for the
household needs; both chicken and ducks are mostly used for
home consumption in feasts and ceremonies, although they
can be for urgent cash needs (e.g., school fees or medicines).
Oyster collection was traditionally practiced by women for
home consumption and direct exchange with other products
only, but has recently acquired major economic importance
due to increasing cash needs and market demand, especially
in nearby cities and neighboring Senegal.
Djobel
Djobel, the largest rice producer during colonial times now
depends heavily on the purchase of imported rice (Fig.3).
During the anti-colonial struggle, villagers took refuge in
Casamance, and the rice infrastructures collapsed due to lack
of maintenance. After Independence in 1974, residents who
returned to the village rebuilt the dikes. However, extreme
weather events due to climate change combined with a shortage
of labor for dike maintenance caused by young people migrat-
ing for educational purposes, resulted in general food insecurity.
Today, this island is the most adversely impacted by climate
change and faces challenges in livelihood diversification due to
ecological constraints, including scarcity of non-flooded soil and
lack of accessible potable water sources that requires women to
paddle four hours to another village (see Temudo etal., 2022).
Traditionally, both fish and rice were exchanged in weekly mar-
kets for palm wine, peanuts, cassava, fruits, among other prod-
ucts, but at present all households are heavily reliant on men’s
fishing and women’s oyster collection for sustenance and income
(Figs.3 and 4). Both genders engage in mangrove fishing activi-
ties while mainly men are actively involved in mangrove fishing
activities among the younger generation (Fig.4b).
Elalab
Elalab also traditionally produced rice surpluses and both
men and women fished. Today, no households are rice self-
sufficient, and men dedicate more time and effort to fish-
ing. Women abandoned fishing but still collect oysters as an
important cash income source (Fig.3), and through various
government and NGO projects, they now engage in vegeta-
ble gardening2. As women are involved in rice harvest and
a b
Fig. 2 Diola women of a hinterland village in Northern Guinea-Bissau are
fishing in a mangrove creek. aA girl puts a small “bentaninha” (tilapia
species) in her mouth after catching it; b Diola women are collectively
scooping the mangrove river water with the traditional fishing trap
“Kahékaku” to catch smaller fish for household consumption. Pictures
taken by the first author in Edjaten (2021), a Diola hinterland village
2 See, e.g., https:// www. iucn. org/ story/ 202212/ resto ration- initi ative-
guinea- bissau- story.
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940 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
storage until very late in the dry season, the production of
vegetables becomes both a heavy burden for watering and for
household water collection (most wells become exhausted by
overuse long before the start of the rainy season); addition-
ally, the water resources are not sufficient for tomatoes (main
crop) to achieve full crop development. Fewer households
are actively involved in mangrove fishing than the other two
villages due to the higher number of households headed by
widows (n = 9) as well as higher numbers of non-fishing
youth (Fig.4b).
Fig. 3 Most important produc-
tive activities of the total
households’ (TH) livelihoods in
each studied village. aDjobel
(n = 58), bElalab (n = 70),
cElia (n = 152) — based on the
2021 baseline household survey
(n = 280). No answer (NA)
responses were excluded for the
calculations on “import rice”
present in all three villages:
Djobel (n = 1), Elalab (n = 9),
Elia (n = 4)
Activities
Mangrove rice
Animal husbandry
Vegetable gardenin
g
Cashew
Palm wine
Mangrove fishing
Remittances
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage TH (%)
a) Djobel (n=58)
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage TH (%)
b) Elalab (n=70)
0
25
50
75
100
Rice production
Import rice
Pigs
Goats
Cows
Poultry
Vegetabl
eproduction
Selling
Nuts
Wine
Female harvest
Male trade
Palm wine
Fish
Shrimp
Oyster
Remittances
Percentage TH (%)
c) Elia (n=152)
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941Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
Elia
Elia, connected by a 4km dike to its upland territory,
has a distinct trajectory. Traditionally, most households
produced rice surplus but men’s fishing for exchange
was historically less relevant than in Djobel and Elalab.
The varied ecology allows livelihood diversification in
times of insufficient rice production, notably cashew
nuts production, the increased importance of palm wine
tapping by men, and more recently vegetable gardening
by women (Fig.3). Some women of households with no
cashew orchards go to other villages with large orchards
where they harvest in exchange for cashew apples for
“wine” production (less frequently they also receive
some nuts). Young men can also work in partnership
with merchants, buying nuts from producers in their own
and nearby villages. Although male fishing in this village
was historically less important than in Djobel and Elalab,
now both adult and younger males are highly engaged in
fishing activities (Fig.4b).
Environmental History andPolitical Ecology
Analysis
“We used to fill our tummy with fish.
Now, we sell them instead.”
— (Elalab villagers)
Fish Commodification andFishing
Professionalization
After the colonial independence of Guinea-Bissau, tradi-
tional authorities progressively lost decision-making power
over natural resources as many acquired national economic
(e.g., bauxite, heavy sands, aquatic resources) or conser-
vation (e.g., forests, flagship animals) value. During the
mid-80s, when the country initiated economic liberaliza-
tion, a few Diola communities began cultivating cashews,
scaling back the production of other cash and food crops
and gradually moving away from direct exchange. Because
of this gradual cash economy integration, non-Diola
Fig. 4 Fishing households’
characterization according to
age (adolescents, youth) and
gender (male, female) per stud-
ied village (Djobel, Elalab, Elia)
following the fishing household
surveys (n = 185) conducted in
2023. aTotal fishing house-
holds (= number of fishing
households/total number of
households) per village. Note:
the lower percentage of fishing
households in Elalab can be
explained by the higher number
of widow-led households
(n = 9), who do not fish; bFish-
ing involvement of gendered age
classes (adults and youth) per
studied village. Note: children
and young people below 18
years old were included in the
youth category
Djobel
Elalab
Elia
households householdshouseholds
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage TH (%)
a) Fishing households
Djobel Elalab Elia
adults youthadultsyouth adults youth
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage TH (%)
Gender
Female
Male
b) Fishinginvolvement
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942 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
merchants selling imported goods began to establish a
stronger presence in rural villages. Meanwhile, school
attendance rapidly increased, and the younger population
started migrating to urban centers. The dynamics of Diola
society underwent significant changes following the civil
war of 1998-99, coinciding with escalating climate change
such as irregular rainfall patterns, high and strong tides
leading to declining rice yields and rice cultivation area
(see also Temudo & Cabral, 2021; Temudo etal., 2022).
These socio-ecological changes caused heavy reliance on
cashew nuts in hinterland villages and mangrove fishing in
coastal island villages as primary sources of sustenance.
The growing market demand for fish, shrimps, and oysters,
prompted an expansion in the number of coastal villages
engaged in the exploitation of aquatic mangrove resources.
Especially, rising prices for “first-class” fish species (“de
purmeiro” in Kriol) according to national and global mar-
kets’ classifications led to more targeted fishing for species
like the Giant African threadfin (Polydactylus quadrifilis),
croakers (Pseudotolithus sp.), and barracudas (Sphyraena
sp.). However, as previously noted, in communities where
men had not traditionally engaged in fishing or women had
not typically collected oysters, there were fewer traditional
rules in place to regulate sustainable resource utilization.
In the late 1980s, residents began familiarizing themselves
with newly professionalized fishing equipment, particularly
fishing nets (gillnets) and dug-out canoes. These innovations
were introduced by Senegalese fishermen who had fled the
southern Senegalese region due to the outbreak of the Casa-
mance conflict in 1982. Concurrently, a significant number
of young individuals migrated to urban centers, where they
also encountered an expanding community of skilled foreign
fishermen and their novel fishing gear. When they returned
to their rural villages, they brought back the knowledge and
experiences they had gained in Bissau. Furthermore, in the
early 1990s, Guinea-Bissau witnessed an influx of foreign
fishermen, primarily from Senegal, the Gambia, Guinea
Conakry, and Sierra Leone. According to local inhabitants,
these foreign fishermen began exploiting the country’s rich
aquatic resources to an unsustainable extent (see also Thior
etal., 2022). In coastal villages, these combined socio-envi-
ronmental changes resulted in the destruction of many rice
fields and ultimately in land scarcity that further reduced the
“opportunity space” (Sumberg & Okali, 2013) of the young
to return to their villages and achieve a sustainable livelihood.
Interestingly, during the late 1990s (the civil war in
1998–1999 is often mentioned as a “tipping point”) locals
started noticing fish species becoming less abundant,
smaller in size, or disappearing from their waters due
to increased fishing pressure. At the same time, foreign
interest in the West-African fisheries increased, with an
Asian project buying shrimps in some Diola villages,
including Elalab (personal communication of fishermen).
More recently, in 2003, South Koreans arrived in Diola
villages targeting Sciaenid species (especially the Bobo
croaker, Pseudotolithus elongatus) providing higher prices
while distributing targeted fishing gear (longlines and
drifting gillnets) and ice to preserve the catch, providing
much needed cash to buy rice to achieve food security
and to face increasing cash demands. At the same time,
the conversion to Christianity (Catholicism and more
recently, Evangelism) reduced elders’ power to enforce
some traditional NRM rules. However, protection of
the sacred fish nesting grounds and oyster collection
remained intact, and people do still recognize mangroves
and their natural resources are an integral part of their
identity and livelihoods. The cascading effects of rapid
aquatic resource decline linked to the overexploitation by
trawling commercial ocean fishing fleets, the emergence
of motorized boats and novel fishing gears, and climatic
change (see also Chukwuka etal., 2024) may also be
factors triggering the weakening of traditional rules.
State Control Over Natural Resource Management
Throughout the country, the state is exerting its
presence locally and endogenous NRM rules are being
delegitimized. State control over natural resources
is divided between the Ministry of Energy, Industry,
and Natural Resources (MEINR) and the Ministry of
the Environment, Biodiversity, and Climate Change
(MEBCC), which frequently have conflicting goals and no
coordination of actions; this means that, e.g., contracts with
foreign enterprises can be made for bauxite or heavy sands
extraction (with catastrophic environmental impacts) by the
MEINR around and inside the national parks (created and
managed by the MEBCC). Increasing legal pluralism and
people’s perception that the state (meaning state officials)
exploits them while not providing any social services is
mainly impacting the young, prompting grievances against
state authorities and orientation to short-term economic
gains (Temudo, 2012).
Currently, the PNTC has many fishing regulations and
local restrictions on fishing gear, including a total ban on
fishing activities using gillnets during the spawning season
in local mangroves (June until the end of the August during
the rainy season) and on the use of highly motorized
fishing boats inside the smaller mangrove rivers. This
park response to overexploitation by foreign fishermen is
welcomed by locals. Some fishermen state that since its
imposition, there has been a small recovery in aquatic
resources, e.g., some high demand “Corvinas” (Sciaenids)
are slowly returning to Elalab’s waters. However, to date
the PNTC has failed to truly engage with local fishers as
most of them still feel they should have a greater role in
park management and often ignore rules imposed from
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943Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
the offices in Bissau. Moreover, fishers feel that declining
aquatic resources cannot be truly blamed on locals as
the real problem is situated in the country’s wider ocean
fisheries. These distant fishing operations not only cause
depletion of fish stocks, but also threaten the food security
and livelihoods of rural communities that have depended
on migrating fish for generations. As their primary source
of protein and income diminishes, coastal people are facing
increased vulnerability to poverty and hunger and are driven
to take part in more destructive fishing practices at the local
level to survive.
In times of mangrove degradation and climate change,
prolonged mangrove oysters (Fig.5a) harvesting is not
sustainable. In 2021, to boost oyster production, the
PNTC constructed oyster culture experimental set-ups
(“ostricultura” in Kriol) along the mangrove rivers of
several Diola villages, including Elalab, Elia, and Djobel
(Fig.5b) comprised of wooden trestles with wires suspended
between the supports just above the waterline on which
oysters’ shells were hung on which spat—clusters of oyster
larvae—take root and gradually mature. One male fisher
from Elalab assisted the park managers in installing the set-
ups, while women of the targeted villages were trained on
“how to collect the oysters.” However, the set-up only serves
as a demonstration and, as one woman explained:
“Women of each village can decide by themselves
whether they want to invest in the oyster culture or not.
We did not get more support after the training.”
— (Elalab fisherwoman)
Another PNTC initiative has been mangrove restoration
through food-for-work projects for mangrove planting
(Rhizophora spp.). The Institute for Biodiversity and
Protected Areas (IBAP) has also created an ecotourism
project in some of the PNTC villages, including in Elalab.
Ecotourism would allegedly contribute to community
welfare as an alternative livelihood option, but the
ecotourism sector remains very limited in a country that
receives few foreign tourists. Recently, the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) initiated a project on a
national Blue Economy3 strategy development; one of its
main objectives is the contribution to small-scale fishery
development through sustainable conservation of mangrove
ecosystems and ecotourism promotion in the PNTC park
(Fig.6). Though still at an early stage, it aims to boost
ecotourism in Djobel and Elia villages through kayak tours
highlighting the impacts of climate change, mangrove rice
cultivation, and mangrove species exploration. Together
with the Global Environment Facility (GEF) small grants
programme and the local NGO “Ca no larga mon” (No one
lets go), IBAP continues to implement projects such as the
climate-disaster tourism with questionable relevance to local
people’s livelihoods. In fact, local villagers state that the
earlier inclusion of Diola villages inside the PNTC has not
provided many benefits to rural livelihoods.
a b
Fig. 5 Mangrove oysters are a crucial source of dietary protein, and
their collection is a fundamental livelihood activity of Diola women
in Northern Guinea-Bissau. a Mangrove oyster (Crassostrea tulipa)
after being carefully extracted (“conci” in Kriol) and collected from
the aerial mangrove (Rhizophora spp.) roots before being sold fresh
or smoked on the market, mainly in Senegal; bOyster culture (“ostri-
cultura” in Kriol) experimental set-up by IBAP along the mangrove
rivers of several Diola villages (including Elalab, Djobel, and Elia)
inside PNTC. Pictures taken by the first author in Elalab (2021)
3 For more information, see: https:// www. undp. org/ guinea- bissau/
news/ multi- facet ed- natio nal- blue- econo my- strat egy- common- goal.
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
944 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
Local Coping Strategies andGender‑Fluid Mangrove
Fishing
Currently, the social dynamics of mangrove fishing are
complex among the Diola in Northern Guinea-Bissau and
dependent on the targeted aquatic organisms (Fig.7a).
Women have distinct roles and responsibilities in small-
scale mangrove fisheries. In Elalab, women no longer fish
and are only involved in fish sales (Keleman etal., 2023),
while in Elia and Djobel women actively engage in both
fishing and sales (Fig.7b). In Djobel, men and women
are relatively equally engaged in fish sales (Fig.7c), but
while men sell directly to intermediaries, women sell in
the weekly markets. Mangrove oyster (Crassostrea tulipa)
collection and processing remains a traditionally female-
dominated activity in all three villages (Fig.7b). Even if
in Elalab shrimp collection is traditionally performed by
(older) men and the catch is sold by women, we did find
three households where women collect shrimp for home
consumption. In contrast, in Elia and Djobel women are
engaged in both shrimp collection and sales (Fig.7c).
As we have noted, historically Diola women fished for
household consumption year-round, while men were market-
oriented and fished during the dry season when agricultural
work is not demanding. According to interviewees, Elalab
women stopped fishing around 1993, with the exception of
oyster and shrimp collection. This shift is partially linked
to women’s investment during the dry season in vegetable
production4 for the market and to noted changes in men’s
fishing practices5 ― the use of more specialized gillnets
provides both first quality fish for the market and small fish
for home consumption. Thus, women now spend many
hours collecting water for drinking, cooking, and washing
from distant wells and have less time for fishing. Our female
interviewees did not indicate whether this decision was
taken collectively or individually, but some mentioned that
“we abandoned (fishing) because we do not have time, we
have too many tasks”. Others attributed their decision to an
alleged decrease in fishery resources in the mangrove canals
surrounding the rice fields, where women traditionally
used wooden fishing baskets called Kahekaku and Esuhai6
(Fig.8) to collect fish, crabs, and shrimps. However, this
explanation was denied by our male interviewees, who said
that women just decided themselves that they did not want
to spend time fishing any longer:
Fig. 6 The UNDP Blue Econ-
omy project to support artisanal
fishing implemented by the
PNTC and the local NGO “Ca
no larga mon” (No one lets go).
Picture taken by the first author
in Elia (2023)
4 Tomato production in particular has been promoted in various
Diola villages through local NGOs, see: https:// www. cabid igita llibr
ary. org/ doi/ full/ 10. 5555/ 20183 138628.
5 There were no nets, and fishing hooks were so rare (before the mid-
1970s) that they could be exchanged with one up to three rice parcels
if your “son(s) needed them” (personal communication, Elalab fisher-
man). Men did not use a fishing rod, they wrapped the line around
their arms and could cut themselves.
6 Esuhai (Diola-ajamaat/Felupe dialect) was used to capture smaller
fish species (mainly mullet and tilapia) by trapping them quickly from
above, hand collection is facilitated through the rounded opening on
the basket’s top.
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945Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
“Yes, of course, we (men) accepted that our women
quit fishing here in Elalab. What can we do? They
(women) are grown-up adults with their own choices
to make. We cannot control these.”
— (Elalab fisherman)
In Elalab, women have transitioned entirely away from
fishing activities (aside from oyster collection, see Fig.7b)
and substituting it with tomato gardening. A few households
engage in more sustainable, dense cultivation of traditional
vegetables (needing less water) and fruits (namely, papayas
and bananas) inside the domestic fenced area where people
wash. In Elia and Djobel women preferred to diversify and
extend their mangrove fishing strategies. By integrating both
traditional practices (female fishing traps, Fig.8) and novel
fishing techniques such as (mosquito) nets and hooks, they
have adjusted their practices to ensure catch sufficiency and
to increase their female fishing status and economic auton-
omy as they do not “just want to sit still.”
Fish OystersShrimps
Djobel Elalab Elia Djobel Elalab Elia Djobel Elalab Elia
0
25
50
75
100
PercentageTH(%)
Activity
Fishing
Selling
a) Fishing households (FH)
Fish OystersShrimps
Djobel Elalab Elia Djobel Elalab Elia Djobel Elalab Elia
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage FH (%)
Activity
Fishing
Selling
b) Female contributions
Fish Shrimps
Djobel Elalab Elia Djobel Elalab Elia
0
25
50
75
100
Percentage TH (%)
Gender
Both
Men
None
Women
c) Gendered sales
Fig. 7 Comparison of fishing and selling activities of fish, oysters,
shrimps per village. aFishing households (= number of households
that fish/total number of households) per village expressed in percent-
ages (%). No answer (NA) responses in Elia (n = 16) were excluded
in the of total shrimp selling calculations; bWomen’s contributions
(regardless of men) in fishing households (number of households
with fisherwomen/total fishing households) per village expressed in
percentages (%). Note: female shrimp fishing in Elalab is mainly for
household consumption; cGendered sales (men, women, both, none)
inside the households of fish and shrimps as percentage of the total
households (TH) per village. Oysters’ collection and sales is a task
exclusively performed by women in all three villages
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946 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
An interviewee stated: “I want to look for fish myself!
I don’t want to wait for my husband’s money. Those
(women) who do not fish, are just being lazy.”
— (Elia fisherwoman)
Women compelled to redirect their fishing endeavors
towards resource intensification within the rice field canals
or the nearby mangrove creeks in response to declining
aquatic resources linked to illegal, unreported, and unregu-
lated (IUU) fishing by fleets in the ocean complain about
the presence of big, motorized boats “that scare fish away.”
However, inadequate and ineffective ocean surveillance by
the government undermines local women users’ resource
necessities in favor of national economic gains from sales
of fish licenses (see Intchama etal., 2018).
In Elia, some women join their husbands on fishing trips
by canoe either using fishing hooks or helping them to place
small-meshed monofilament gillnets (“tchass” in Kriol) as
driftnets in the river. Thus they can target both bigger and
smaller fish to be sold on the local market (Fig.9). Hook
fishing began in colonial times, but as there were almost no
hooks, most of the Elia women only truly engaged in hook
and line fishing starting around the mid-seventies and now
are abandoning traditional fishing traps (Fig.8). Women
target mainly Mugilidae (tainhas in Kriol), Cichlidae (ben-
tanas in Kriol), and Clupeidae (Djafal in Kriol) and sun dry
their catch on the straw rooves of their houses (Fig.9a) or
placed next to them, covered with mosquito nets for protec-
tion against animals (Fig.9b).
Emerging (international) market demand for specific
aquatic species influences current female fishing practices
in Elia and Djobel. Fishing for shrimps “that stay small” (
Fig.9c) was introduced shortly after the Civil War (1999) by
some women who saw their popularity in the nearby city of
Cacheu and recognized their abundance in the Baiote villages.
They sun dry the shrimps and sell them for 500 CFA franc
($0.82) per liter (for comparison, one liter of “cleaned” rice
costs 350 CFA franc) on the weekly market in Elia, providing
a critical income source (Fig.7). Mosquito nets (locally
known as “tendas”) distributed7 for malaria prevention are
now repurposed to catch shrimp. We found that 94% of total
households in Djobel currently use them as scooping nets
(“Embar” in Baiote dialect; Fig.9d) year-round, except during
the oyster collection season (locally known as “campanha di
ostras”). Sewn together and placed across the “riozinhos”
(small rivers/mangrove creeks) they catch both shrimps and
fish as water leaves the creek during low tide. This unveils
an emerging underground market fueled by the increased
economic importance among Diola women:
“Because of the power of the water and crabs that get
stuck with their clams, our tendas will not even last
one year. So, we need to buy them again for 1000 CFA
franc in the hospital of Susana where they keep all the
stock coming from Bissau. The hospital people know
that we are using them for fishing, they saw us doing
it with their own eyes.”
— (Djobel fisherwoman)
Oyster Cutting Thieves: Toward Intervillage
Conflicts?
Elalab, Djobel, and Elia used to be the Diola island-
villages traditionally engaged in oyster (Crassostrea tulipa;
Fig.5) collection by cutting the oyster shells carefully
Fig. 8 Traditional fishing traps
of Diola women. aKahekaku
(Diola-Ajamaat/Felupe) or Kad-
jubun (Baiote); bEsuhai (Diola-
Ajamaat/Felupe) or Ossup
(Baiote). Kahekaku is currently
used by males only and some
girls, while the Esuhai has com-
pletely disappeared in Elalab. In
Elia and Djobel, both traps are
still in use by most women, but
the Esuhai (b) is disappearing
due to the loss of both female
interest and traditional weaving
skills. Pictures taken by the first
author in Elalab and Elia (2021)
ab
7 Mosquito nets are distributed without a cost through local hospitals
at intervals of three to four years in Diola villages by an EU-funded
project “PIMI” to prevent malaria and child mortality. Baiote women
are using them now for fishing instead. More info: https:// inter natio
nal- partn ershi ps. ec. europa. eu/ news- and- events/ stori es/ reduc ing- mater
nal- and- child- morta lity- guinea- bissau- pimi- ii_ en.
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
947Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
from the mangrove roots (“conci ostra” in Kriol). In the
past, regulation of oyster collection by village elders
was unnecessary because women did not collect them
intensively for sale. Initially, the traditional harvest period
(“campanha di ostra” in Kriol — oyster campaign) took
place during a single month. However, starting in the
mid-1990s increased market interest and higher prices in
neighboring Senegal encouraged women and men from
the neighboring hinterland villages of Arame and Susana
to exploit oysters in the island-villages’ waters. To avoid
being caught, they collect the oysters by cutting the entire
aerial mangrove roots already before (January-February)
the traditional harvest season (March-April) when the
oysters are not yet fully matured. Elalab elders still did not
ritually protect (“mangi” in Kriol) their oysters, as “people
nowadays don’t respect anything”; and they did not initially
consider the problem to be significant enough to convene
an intervillage meeting of traditional authorities. However,
this kind of poaching has severe implications for people’s
livelihoods, as oyster collection rules are decided by each
island-village’s elders to ensure sustainable harvests. Even
when the elders in Elalab decided that oysters could not
be harvested for sale in 2020 (only to be eaten), and the
consecutive oyster campaigns only lasted two (in 2021)
and five weeks (in 2022), their neighbors continued to steal
oysters. In the case of Elia and Djobel, the elders jointly
decide the dates of the oyster campaign annually. In 2021
and 2022, they did not allow any oysters to be harvested
for sale purposes because of their small size. Another case,
reported by several Elalab fishermen, describes how a
young Arame fisher started entering their local waters by
motorboat in 2021. He built a “baraka” (small fish camp
out of mangrove wood), where he fished for several days
and transported his catch preserved in ice back to Arame
village; his wife would sell them ultimately in Ziguinchor
city in neighboring Senegal. Even though this is not yet the
case, the high economic dependency on (already declining)
mangrove aquatic resources can become a future intervillage
problem among the Diola.
Conclusions
Among the Diola of the island-villages of Elia, Djobel,
and Elalab, fishing was historically a complementary
activity to mangrove swamp rice production, but its
importance has significantly increased through time due
to diminishing rice harvests, an increase in market demand,
and a rise in prices of the local “first” quality fish species
in Northern Guinea-Bissau. Understanding the social
dynamics of fishing communities is central in the current
push for Guinea-Bissau’s blue economy development
(Andriamahefazafy & Failler, 2022; Bennett etal., 2021;
Popoola & Olajuyigbe, 2023). Sustainable growth in small-
scale fisheries involves more than just economic measures.
It entails the well-being and empowerment of all, including
often overlooked groups like women (Chambon etal.,
2023; FAO, 2016; Tilley etal., 2021). Involving these
diverse voices in decision-making processes ensures
sustainable development (Cornwall, 2003; Kleiber etal.,
2017), while tailored interventions respecting local norms
foster ownership, collective action, and cooperation (James
etal., 2021; Torre etal., 2019).
a
b
c d
Fig. 9 a Fish drying in the sun on the straw roof of a traditional
Diola house; bSmall mullets (“tainhas” in Kriol) are sundried next
to the houses, covered by mosquito nets; cSmall-sized shrimps more
recently targeted by women in Elia and Djobel villages because of
their high market demand; dFreely distributed mosquito nets (“ten-
das” in Kriol) used by Baiote women as round scooping nets as the
finer mesh catches both smaller-sized fish and shrimps in mangrove
creeks. Pictures taken by first author in Elia (2021, 2023)
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
948 Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
Our research shows the adaptive social dynamics of
Diola society in a globalized world, dispelling the notion
of static female fisher identities and roles in the face of cli-
mate changes. Contrary to simplified assumptions that rep-
resent rural women exclusively as fish traders in Guinea-
Bissau, they play diverse roles that encompass fishing,
catch processing, and trade, supporting local economies.
As Nayak (2017) has shown for India, Diola women’s fish-
ing strategies are diversified and village specific. In Elalab,
women gradually abandoned mangrove fishing (except for
oyster collection), while the women of Djobel and Elia
diversified and extended their fishing strategies. Although
Diola men and women used to function as a tight-knit unit
having a flexible labor division, joint goals, and capital
accumulation to meet household needs and extended fam-
ily and village obligations, Diola women today are highly
differentiated, exercise diverse choices about their lives
and work, and may decide to have separate accounts from
their husbands for their “modern day” needs (e.g., clothes,
hair). Others, however, want to increase the household
budget to face new demands, such as tin-roofed houses,
school fees and equipment for their children, and new food
requirements (imported oil, sugar, stock cubes, alcoholic
beverages, etc.).
This fluid perspective regarding gender in small-scale
fisheries is crucial for creating inclusive policies that need
to be adapted locally and promote flexibility while being
implemented. Recognizing women’s adaptable roles and
diverse environmental impacts allows tailored resource
management governance and sustainable development inter-
ventions (Leisher etal., 2017). Providing true support to
local communities would not only benefit women’s and their
households’ livelihoods and positively impact their engage-
ment in development interventions, but it could also provide
opportunities for participatory biomonitoring initiatives that
result in important catch data of mangrove aquatic resources
for conservation practice in data-scarce Guinea-Bissau, as
shown elsewhere in the world (House etal., 2024).
The failure of ocean governance in Guinea-Bissau (Oka-
for-Yarwood, 2019) has rendered the mangrove aquatic
resource-dependent livelihoods of Diola populations
defenseless, driving them to adopt inventive fishing tech-
niques for socio-economic survival with a risk of future
intervillage conflicts. Rising fishery conflicts in vulnerable
mangrove ecosystems, exacerbated by the impacts of climate
change and habitat degradation, pose significant threats for
both environmental sustainability and community develop-
ment (Cochrane etal., 2009; Jentoft etal., 2017). Rectifying
this governance failure while giving priority and engaged
support to local fishers of both genders is crucial to meet
the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations
(SDG 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14 and 16) amidst present day
challenges (FAO, 2017).
Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank all three Diola
communities that participated in this research. We are grateful for
the permission of the local authorities to conduct fieldwork inside
the Cacheu River Mangroves Natural Park (PNTC) and we thank the
young-farmer researchers (https://www.malmon-desira.com/farmer-
researchers) of the DeSIRA-Malmon project for their collaboration.
Abudu Mané, Dulia Té, Nélio Buota and Lizette Oliveira (Bachelor
students of Universidade de Lusófona-GB) conducted the 2023 fish-
ing household surveys together with P.-J. K. A special thanks goes to
the journal editor and two anonymous reviewers, J. Sandoval and B.
Vandesonneville for critical inputs and revision of the manuscript, to I.
Bostjančić and J. Sandoval for creating the study area map.
Author Contributions This paper was conceptualized by M.P. Temudo
and P.-J. Keleman, who also conducted empirical research in all vil-
lages. Data analyses and the writing of the original draft were per-
formed by P.-J. Keleman, and M.P. Temudo. R.M. Sá provided review
and editing comments on the draft manuscript. All authors approved
the submitted manuscript.
Funding Open access funding provided by FCT|FCCN (b-on). This
article was written with the financial assistance of the European Union
DeSIRA initiative under the Malmon project: ‘Mangroves, mangrove
rice and mangrove people: sustainably improving rice production,
ecosystems, and livelihoods’ (Grant Contract FOOD/2019/412–700).
This work was supported by FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e Tec-
nologia, I.P. by project reference UIDB/00239/2020 of the Forest
Research Centre, DOIhttps://doi.org/10.54499/UIDB/00239/2020and
LA/P/0092/2020 of Associate Laboratory TERRA, DOIhttps://doi.
org/10.54499/LA/P/0092/2020.
Data Availability The datasets used and/or analyzed during the cur-
rent study are available from the corresponding author on reason-
able request, provided that confidentiality and other ethical issues are
respected and maintained.
Declarations
Ethics Statement This study received ethical approval through the
Nagoya protocol, granted by the Ministry of the Environment and
Biodiversity of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Co-researchers were
informed both verbally and in writing of the study procedure schedule,
and planned engagement before the study began. All semi-structured
interviews with locals were conducted after a consent form was signed.
Results were discussed with key-informants.
Competing Interests The authors declare no competing interests.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attri-
bution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adapta-
tion, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long
as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source,
provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes
were made. The images or other third party material in this article are
included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated
otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in
the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not
permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will
need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a
copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
949Human Ecology (2024) 52:935–951
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