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Cad. Metrop., São Paulo, v. 27, e6265322, jan/abr 2025
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Original article
Narratives and public action in the ruins
of the Perus Cement Factory
Narrativas e ação pública nas ruínas
da Fábrica de Cimento de Perus
Pedro Vianna Godinho Peria [I]
Resumo
Interpreto as relações entre o abandono e a reme-
moração a parr das possibilidades de ressignica-
ção da Fábrica de Cimento Portland de Perus. Aban-
donada desde a década de 1970, as instalações da
falida Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland
são, hoje, objeto de ações culturais de movimentos
sociais de Perus, distrito da zona noroeste da Cida-
de de São Paulo. Estes procuram retomar memórias
pessoais e colevas da chamada Greve dos Queixa-
das, que tomou a Fábrica durante sete anos e le-
gou ao território uma idendade de luta por direi-
tos e cidadania. A parr da análise de entrevistas,
discuto como um desses colevos, a Comunidade
Cultural Quilombaque, elabora uma contranarra-
va que se opõe ao esquecimento para anunciar as
potencialidades de seu território.
Palavras-chave: patrimônio industrial; luta operá-
ria; movimento social; narravas.
Abstract
In this paper, I interpret the relaonship between
abandonment and remembrance based on
possibilities for re-signifying the Perus Portland
Cement Factory. Abandoned since the 1970s, the
facilies of the bankrupt Companhia Brasileira de
Cimento Portland are today the object of cultural
actions organized by social movements in Perus,
a district in the northwest of the city of São Paulo.
The movements aim to recapture personal and
collective memories of the so-called Queixadas
Strike, which took over the factory for seven years
and le to the territory an identy of struggle for
rights and citizenship. Based on the analysis of
interviews, I discuss the counter-narrave created
by one of these collectives, the Comunidade
Cultural Quilombaque, to oppose oblivion and
announce the potenal of its territory.
Keywords: industrial heritage; working-class
struggle; social movement; narraves.
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Introducon
They mobilized all existing police forces
there and those from outside because
they arrived with “bructos” at that
time a novelty and the most advanced
means to disperse the crowd. The
neighborhood was awakened at 5
o'clock in the morning by a parade of
vehicles of all kinds. They distributed
flyers clarifying the company's side,
labeling the striking workers as loafers,
claiming that the Union was composed
of communists and thieves who
aimed to ruin everyone, including the
neighborhood, and that housewives
should pressure their sons, neighbors,
and husbands to return to work.
With this, they managed to resume
factory operations. That's when the
repression began, along with a hunt
for anyone involved in the strike.
They arrested, beat, prosecuted –
essentially engaging in all forms of
persecution. (Breno, 1977, p. 38)
This testimony was written by João Breno
Pinto, a labor leader, about events in the 1960s
that unfolded at the facilities of Companhia
Brasileira de Cimento Portland. Located in
the northwest of São Paulo city, the Cement
Factory of Perus was the first large-scale
cement production plant in Brazil. Its cement
was crucial for urban expansion, river covering,
major infrastructure projects, and even the
construction of the federal capital. Designed
by Canadians in the 1920s, the factory was
purchased by the Abdalla Group, which in the
1950s faced accusations of subjecting workers
to harsh conditions. Fed up, the workers
maintained a non-violent strike for seven years
until the company went bankrupt in the 1970s.
Since then, only ruins remain of the factory.
In this article, I interpret the relationship
between abandonment and remembrance
through the case of the re-signification efforts
at the Fábrica de Cimento Portland de Perus.
As Kühl (2010) emphasizes, the challenges of
preserving industrial heritage in Brazil involve
complex theoretical, methodological, and
technical-operational paths. Similarly, Rodrigues
(2010, p. 39) warns that aspects related to labor
are often undervalued: "considered less noble,
workplaces are sites of professional identity
development that simultaneously harbor
difficult memories, such as the curtailment of
freedoms." By focusing on the preservation of
industrial heritage as a reminder of workers'
struggles, we fulfill Perrot's (1988) objectives in
establishing this category as historical subjects.
From this perspective, I discuss the possibilities
of preserving industrial heritage with focus on
valuing struggles for rights.
The challenge lies in how to connect
the ruins of a factory – its often monumental
materiality – to the memories of workers who
built families there, had their rights violated and
confronted their oppressors. It's not just about
ensuring the physical preservation of these
spaces but also safeguarding the personal and
collective memories of the workers. How, then,
can we use ruins to tell inspiring stories of social
struggle and resistance?
With this question in mind, I analyze
how the actions of a political-cultural collective
counteract the erasure of the working-
class memory of the Cement Factory. The
Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque is a non-
profit organization that emerged in 2005 from
the initiative of a group of young residents
of Perus, a peripheral neighborhood in the
northwest zone of São Paulo (Figure 1),
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characterized by the worst socio-economic
and cultural indicators (Quilombaque, n.d.).
According to the Map of Inequality (Rede
Nossa São Paulo, 2022), Perus ranks second
in maternal mortality rates among the city's
districts and is among the top ten districts
for violence against women and cases of
femicide. During the Covid-19 pandemic,
neighborhoods like Perus, lacking any hospital
beds, exhibited the highest rates of infection
and death (Instituto Pólis, 2020): while the
average proportion of virus-related deaths to
total deaths in 2021 was 24.6%, Perus reached
30.2% (Rede..., 2022). Furthermore, in terms of
public amenities, Perus has only one municipal
library as a cultural center directly related to its
cultural activities.
These and other dimensions of
vulnerability converge towards the notion of
"urban spoliation" (Kowarick, 1979), and it is
from these data that the focused collective
acts to prevent this framework from leading
to reductionist views of life in the peripheries.
Through cultural initiatives, they seek to
highlight the potential of the territory, valorizing
its identity and roots. Without ignoring the
dramatic situations that curtail citizenship, the
Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque mobilizes
different agents to make other aspects of Perus
visible. One of these actions revisits stories
like João Breno's account of the "Perus" strike
to attribute new meanings to the carcass
of the Factory that occupies part of the
neighborhood's landscape.
Figure 1 – Highlight of the Perus District in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, 2024
Source: GeoSampa (2024).
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Starting from an approach that combines
an emphasis on public action with narrative
analysis – which will be discussed in the
next section – the research was based on a
qualitative case study, with interview analysis
as its main technique, as discussed in the
third section of the text. This theoretical-
-methodological strategy was used to discuss
broader contexts of heritage preservation
(Peria, 2022; Peria & Farah, 2023), but here
we focus on a more specific object. I seek to
question how the narratives articulated by
the Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque about
the Cement Factory of Perus can re-signify an
apparently abandoned heritage.
The delineation of what I will call a counter-
narrative is presented in the fourth section of
this text, dedicated to the presentation and
interpretation of the case. In the fifth section,
I link Quilombaque's recovery strategies with
a broader framework of analysis on cultural
actions in the peripheries, demonstrating that
this is not an isolated episode but a trend and
application of shared knowledge about political
practice. Understanding these points, I propose
that the actions of this collective in the realm of
memory and concerning a "forgotten" industrial
heritage can serve as a model for understanding
ways in which the meanings of these ruins can
be reconstructed.
Acons and narraves
beyond public policies
In the case studied here, as we will see, official
policies regarding the cultural heritage of São
Paulo city are characterized by abandonment,
disrespect, erasure, and the primacy of private
interests over public ones. However, rather
than solely exposing these issues, the research
leading to this article was focused on seeking
spaces of resistance where areas neglected by
public policy become sources of meaning.
For this purpose, the approach to public
action in the field of Public Policy proves to
be a fruitful path. This perspective starts from
the understanding that "governments do
not have a monopoly on the public, and the
public has never relinquished its willingness
to act publicly" (Spink, 2015, p. 13). In other
words, what we consider public is constructed
daily not only by the State but also – perhaps
primarily – by Civil Society. Studies employing
this definition have begun to use the term
"public action" to designate interventions in
public life more broadly than "public policies."
According to Spink and Burgos (2019), the
centrality of the notion of "public policy" can
create a false impression that everything begins
and ends with the State when in reality there
exists a variety of "action languages." As noted
by Abreu (2019), within this diversity lies the
interconnection of state action, public pressure
on the State, and public action itself.
Acknowledging a "performative
cacophony" (Spink, 2013), this approach allows
us to study the interplay between different
forms of public action; in our case, different
ways of performing heritage actions. The notion
of public action thus serves the analytical
purpose of accounting for the multiplicity of
forms of public engagement (Spink and Silva,
2014), and the underlying question becomes
how to "describe the mutation of collective
experiences" (Cefaï, 2009, p. 16), rather than
just identifying successes and failures in
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specific state actions. Indeed, this conception
complicates analysis, as public action by and for
the public can emerge from anywhere and take
various forms – it happens everywhere and in all
formats. Therefore, we assert that the approach
to public action calls for and invites academic
awareness of how non-state actors organize
themselves around issues that become "public
problems" worthy of attention. Regarding this
process, Cefaï (2017a) asserts that we should
focus our analyses on the creation of common
environments and concerns:
People come together, associate,
discuss, become uneasy, become
indignant, and begin to question and
discuss again. They find allies to lean
on, politicians or experts who relay
their voices, or other organizations
with which to associate. [...] In doing
so, they constitute themselves as
a 'public' – the collective part of
self-work, subject to the test of
transformation concerning problems,
others, situations, and institutions [...].
(Ibid., pp. 196-197)
Here, studies on social movements are
a necessary catalyst for deepening analyses
linked to the public action approach. We must
acknowledge that "the relationship between
social movements and political institutions
is contingent and mutually constitutive, with
implications or effects produced on both
societal and institutional actors" (Carlos, 2015,
p. 86). Thus, the multiple performances of the
public, by both the State and civil society actors,
are closely intertwined, not in a homogenizing
manner, but through various "interaction
repertoires" (Abers; Serafim; Tatagiba, 2014).
It is important to understand, therefore, that
public action by the State and civil society
occurs across more ambiguous and fluid
boundaries than commonly imagined. Public
action is not a singular, harmonious, unison,
extraordinary, or well-defined event but rather
a diffuse, everyday, shared, and contentious
phenomenon. If public policy is one of many
forms in which public action is performed,
analyses must focus on understanding
how other performances occur and what
relationships are constructed within this
"cacophony."
In this seemingly unstable framework,
we can perceive great creativity, and thus,
this mobilization is also a "laboratory of
experimentation" (Cefaï, 2017b, p. 129). This
creativity, it is important to remember, arises
from the urgent need to build solutions in
scenarios of symbolic, material, or institutional
violence, and in situations of neglect and
disregard, such as those we will analyze in
discussing the case of the Perus Cement Factory.
Viewing these "laboratories," therefore, should
not result in tranquil and recreational defenses
of social action but rather a reminder that
resistance persists against oppression.
At the cost of some repetition, the aim
here is to sensitize our perspective because
the notion of public policy does not encompass
all that we want and need to study, and in this
lack, it invisibilizes processes and people who
are acting (have always acted and will continue
to act) for the public good. It is in this sense,
too, that the approach to public action is often
presented in conjunction with a normative
view on the intensification of the democratic
process. Regarding the recent political context,
research has shown that in contrast to the
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actions and inactions of the federal government
– such as institutional disarray (Abrucio et al.,
2020), the deconstruction of established public
policies (Gomide; Sá e Silva; Leopoldi, 2023),
and institutional harassment of public servants
(Lotta et al., 2023) – and amidst the emergency
scenario of the covid-19 pandemic, new spaces
for collaboration and network building in civil
society have emerged (Alves and Costa, 2020;
Andion, 2020). As argued by Borges (2020):
In a period of democratic rollback by
the State, collective action emerging
from society gains centrality and
needs to be understood in its
potential to generate opportunities
for resistance and democratic
reinvention. Analyzing how this
collective action has been constructed
can shed light on understanding
possible spaces or interstices for
resuming public action despite
contrary state actions. (Ibid., p. 178)
Observing this tension in the field of
cultural heritage, we therefore admit that there
is not just one form of heritage action; it is a
plural, polysemic phenomenon constructed
by many actors beyond and within the State.
We start from a strategy favoring the search
for places of conflict, where the diversity of
narratives – cacophonic performances – can
emerge, disrupting even if momentarily, the
coherence of the official narrative. It is within
this disharmony that other identities can
be heard; we refer to this apparent noise as
counter-narratives – similar to the "counter-
-uses" described by Leite (2007) in his study
on the popular appropriation of the historic
center of Recife. These are "counter" narratives
because they oppose not only a notion of
heritage but also a heritage practice oriented
towards the erasure of anything that threatens
a pacified narrative.
The idea of a counter-narrative, according
to Czarniawska (2017), suggests that certain
narratives have been elevated to official status
while others fulfill the role of questioning
such selection. For Gabriel (2017), counter-
-narratives act to refute and challenge an
identified dominant narrative. While master
narratives work based on naturalization,
counter-narratives emerge by producing
imbalance (Hyvärinen, 2021). Andrews (2002,
p. 2) uses the image of "stories that act 'under
the rug' of dominant narratives" to characterize
counter-narratives. Lueg, Bager, and Lundholt
(2021) draw attention to the creative aspect
of counter-narratives, which can be a vector
for social change. In the context of peripheral
mobilizations in defense of rights, Comelli
(2021) attributes a central place to the struggle
for narratives as a form of "urban cultural
activism." In the field of tourism, Noy (2012)
emphasizes the need to:
Emphasize how stories, beyond their
functions of describing and organizing
the world, are also structures of power;
vehicles for the performance of social
hierarchies, exclusions, and Otherness.
A critical perspective brings to light
the immense performative power
of narratives in the tourism industry
and raises a set of questions about
the constitution of social agency. The
shift from structural and functional
approaches to more critical approaches
involves not only a change in the
interpretation and analysis of narrative
contents and themes but also a shift
in focus to questions of who has the
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rights and resources to retell narratives
publicly, and who or what is implicated
in them; who has a well-ordered
narrative and who has a (non-)traumatic
narrative punctuated by silences and
stammers. (Ibid., pp. 135-136)
We must emphasize two central
characteristics in the relationship between
counter-narratives and dominant narratives,
a fundamental issue for our reflection. Firstly,
the counter-narrative is defined by opposition;
its emergence is closely linked to the denial of
what is understood as the dominant narrative.
Secondly, the counter-narrative is consummated
only by proposition; its urgency is interested
in the imperative need for the substitution
of a socially established plot. In these terms,
the counter-narrative is a strategy of creative
rejection (Peria, 2022). Referring to Freire's idea
of cultural action for freedom (Freire, 1976),
it involves being open to both denunciations
and announcements. Our reading of counter-
-narratives proceeds from the broad spectrum
of opposition-proposition. It is not static but in
constant motion to produce new imbalances
and foster new dispositions.
The narratives heard for this research and
woven into this article, articulated by agents of a
political-cultural movement in Perus, denounce
the abandonment of cultural heritage while also
proclaiming stories of resistance and struggle.
By creating a community tourism trail among
the remnants of the Perus Portland Cement
Factory, they recount the stories of strikers
and point to signs of decades of neglect. While
proposing a different narrative for the ruins of
a factory from the first half of the last century,
they oppose deliberate forgetting in favor of
real estate speculation. They commemorate the
labor disputes of the 1960s that had the Factory
as a stage and question the reasons for erasing
the history of social movements in the city's
peripheries. It is on this pendulum between
denunciation and announcement that the next
sections delve into discussing ways in which
ruins of industrial heritage are re-signified.
Methodological note
The results obtained during the research stem
from a qualitative and intrinsic case study
(Stake, 2005). Without seeking generalizations
and comparisons, we acknowledge that delving
into the idiosyncrasies and ordinariness of a
single case can offer original reflections and
generate theoretical-empirical resonances. It
is important to emphasize that we frame the
case study as the narratives constructed by a
social movement, the Comunidade Cultural
Quilombaque, about an industrial cultural
heritage, the Perus Portland Cement Factory.
Therefore, we do not focus on the various other
narratives articulated by the collective or on
productions by other agents about the same
historical object. Thus, the choice to discuss
the narrative of the Comunidade Cultural
Quilombaque about the Perus Portland Cement
Factory is purposeful due to its potential
to teach us ways in which an apparently
abandoned and ruined heritage can be re-
signified and valued for and by the community.
To grasp the complexities of a counter-
narrative, the primary data collection technique
was testimonial gathering, both primary and
secondary. By seeking videos produced by the
movement itself and other available materials,
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it was possible to enrich the range of voices
capable of telling us stories about the Factory.
In this direction, a series of interviews produced
and made available by the Museu da Pessoa
provide rich descriptions of the lives of central
figures in the early years of the collective. The
lengthy interview with José Soró is of particular
interest, as "Mestre Soró" is recognized as
a prominent community leader in the Perus
neighborhood (Moreira and Veloso, 2019),
and having passed away in 2019, over fifty
pages of his words constitute unique material.
Additionally, two semi-structured interviews
were conducted with individuals crucial to the
cultural and heritage actions practiced by the
Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque.
We understand the notion of narrative
not only as empirical material but as a strategy
for producing this research (Langley, 1999).
Therefore, the narrative analysis presented
in the following pages seeks, in addition
to cohesion, to provide an interpretation
of Quilombaque's counter-narrative that
stimulates productive reflections on the
limitations of current public policy on cultural
heritage and the possibilities for its reinvention.
The cement of memory
Cleiton "Fofão" Ferreira de Souza (2020, p.
9), one of the founders of Quilombaque, has
previously written that "to speak of capacity
and potentiality in the periphery, one must
return to the past and understand the processes
of transformations and developments that
occurred in these places." In the case of Perus,
it is impossible to separate the history of urban
growth in the neighborhood and its social
mobilizations without remembering the Cement
Factory. This factory was established in the first
half of the 20th century (Moreira and Gold,
2017; Bortoto and Bezerra, 2019) with foreign
capital aiming to become the country's first
large-scale cement production plant to meet
the demand brought by urbanization. According
to Soró, the entire neighborhood revolved
around events centered on the factory: "The
factory had around eleven hundred workers at
one point. And the Perus neighborhood was
always small, so basically everyone lived around
the factory or the factory revolved around the
neighborhood; everyone had a relative working
in the factory" (Museum..., 2017). According to
Cleiton Ferreira de Souza, "Everything revolved
around this cement factory; in 1926, there was
electricity here, but the neighborhood only got
electricity in the 1950s, almost the 1960s. So
everything revolved around this factory; those
who worked in the factory had credibility"
(Cleiton Fofão, interview, 2021). For Mestre
Soró, this "is quite a long story," but even so, we
must pay attention to his words:
In the 1950s, with the arrival of Abdalla,
the confrontations intensified, and it was
the rest of their lives that the workers
faced the woes of the 'bad boss'. By
the late 1950s, the confrontations were
already fierce because the guy was
like a dog chewing on a mango. So the
people who worked at the factory used
to frequent, for example, a bar near the
corner, they gathered a lot there, or in
the square, the assemblies were in the
square, and somehow, they decided to
start a riot, things escalated, it caught
on, and they started making some
noise. And they began to face fights and
win them because they had a tenacity, a
willingness to fight that was impressive.
One of them said, 'Ah, you guys look
like ‘Queixadas’ (peccaries).' Which is a
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wild boar, which I know very well from
my childhood. In Mato Grosso, in the
woods, you grow up, there are various
fears that are placed, and there are very
concrete fears; one of them is called
a peccary. The scariest animal is the
peccary. And they attack in packs. So
how did they become peccaries? It was
because of this story, this association
with pigs that gather in packs, they
attack and don't stop until... There is this
resistance, this firmness. They came to
be called the Peccaries (os Queixadas).
Then came Mário Carvalho de Jesus,
who became a lawyer for the union, and
Mário came from pastoral and humanist
movements, he went to France, spent a
year in occupied factories, which was a
movement of people linked to Gandhi,
non-violence, Martin Luther King, that
period at the end of the 1950s. And
Mário brought here a proposal for a
strategy of resistance, which was the
so-called non-violence or permanent
firmness. They thought 'non-violence'
was too soft... for those who carried
cement and ate cement dust and
carried stones, so they decided to call
it permanent firmness. That's what
wins any contest, being firm all the
time and not giving up, that's what
makes the other... So they started the
strike in '62, which lasted three or four
months. Then they were all fired, then
they went to court, and while the case
lasted until '69, they remained on strike.
And they remained in movement, they
went on hunger strikes, they spent all
these years fighting until '69, when they
won the right to reinstatement in court.
Seven years of days on strike, that's why
we consider it a seven-year strike. These
are the Queixadas. (Museum..., 2017)
Let's break down the stages of this
narrative. It all begins with the so-called "bad
boss", abuses, violence, and lack of rights for the
factory workers. According to Breno (1977, p.
37), one of the strike leaders, workers at Grupo
Abdalla suffered from "payment delays and
inhumane working conditions". According to
the main lawyer of the Union, "the workers lived
in fear" (Jesus, 1977, p. 41). The organization of
the workers happens organically, in the square
and at the bar. They mutiny and are nicknamed.
The peccary, both the animal and the worker,
attacks in packs and does not give up. The
struggle gained strength and new names with
the arrival of a lawyer trained in the trenches
of the French labor and Christian organization.
Permanent firmness reverses the game of
violence from the boss and the repressive state
apparatus, and thus, the Peccaries remained on
strike for seven years (1962-1969) during the
military dictatorship (Figure 2).
A verse from one of the jongos' chants, a
rhythm of Afro-Brazilian music prevalent in the
Southeast region and at Quilombaque festivals,
states: "The chorus starts, in the dense forest
/ but queixada taught me to fight without the
sword" (IMS, 2020). The strike ended in 1969,
and in the 1970s, the factory went bankrupt.
However, the queixada memory, primarily passed
down orally due to the scant documentation of
the period, is seen as the seed that sprouted into
subsequent social mobilizations, characterizing
Perus as "a neighborhood of struggles." Cleiton
Fofão asserted at a gathering organized by the
Historical Heritage Department of the Municipal
Secretary of Culture that "the Queixadas' struggle
never ceased, their organizational form and
various fronts branched out. When there's a social
struggle of importance to the neighborhood, the
community organizes itself under the legacy left
by the Queixadas" (DPH, 2020). Even without
participating in the strike, the experience of the
Cement Factory workers served as inspiration for
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the generation that founded Quilombaque; after
all, those workers "understood their potential
at the time: if Brazil was developing and needed
cement, they realized that if they stopped
everything, they could hold the upper hand"
(Cleiton Fofão, interview, 2021).
Establishing this memory as a shaper of
the neighborhood's identity was not an easy
task. Continuing this struggle is not merely
about establishing connections with the ethical
and political inspirations of the queixada
organization, but above all, it is about ensuring
that the phenomenon of the Queixadas is not
forgotten. The loss of physical and symbolic
remnants of the "Perus strike" demonstrates
the imminent threat of forgetting, thus the
work with the personal memory of strike
participants was crucial, capable of passing
on their inspiration to younger generations.
Reflecting on this process, Master Soró recalled:
João Breno had already passed away
but encountered Tião, Mr. Oliveira,
and all the elders, Dona Maria Velci.
All these great leaders who had been
fighting here for 50 years and from
whom I learned a lot, finding many of
them suffering from depression... It
had to do with depression and with this
overall disillusionment. We fought to
build a country, a world. Imagine now
how they are... I said: 'Rescuing this
memory, valuing these people, is also
a way to lift them out of depression.'
So this commitment, this relationship
with these old masters that I know will
last until the end. And harnessing their
fire and let's set it ablaze, incinerate and
such. This is one of the greatest victories
that I am deeply honored to have
achieved. (Museum..., 2017)
In the struggle for the queixada
movement's memory, immediately after the
factory's deactivation, the community mobilized
Figure 2 - Assembly at the Union Headquarters (1962)
Source: Fragoso et al. (1977).
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for the entire space to be transformed into
a cultural center incorporating a workers'
memorial, thereby turning the Factory into
a space for public use focused on valorizing
the intangible heritage of struggles. The initial
glimpse of realizing this project occurred during
Luiza Erundina's term as Mayor and Marilena
Chauí's term as Secretary of Culture from 1989
to 1992, as recalled by Master Soró:
Very important things emerged. One
of them, which Marilena brought,
was the idea of rescuing the memory
of social struggles. [...] Right from the
start, Marilena was already talking
about the Queixadas, she knew the
people, Mário Carvalho, and then
they got into this thing of rescuing
the memory of the factory, of the
Queixadas workers. So every Tuesday,
people would sit down there and it
was all about conversations, people
recorded, and wrote books. [...] The
process for heritage listing began, and it
was good because I think it was one of
the first listings that encompassed both
material and intangible aspects. So the
heritage in Perus was listed, but so
was the struggle, and all the significant
things: the union... Anyway, it was born
within this process. In a year, when
the memory registration ended, the
listing was already underway, so much
so that at the end of the government,
she came to celebrate the listing.
(Museum..., 2017)
Embedded in the very methodology
of working with preservation, the political
commitment of the Mayor and the Secretary
allowed the concept of permanent firmness,
present in Perus since the 1950s, to influence
cultural policy decisions. The realization of this
project is evident in the listing of the Factory,
which took into account the work with the oral
history of former queixada strikers (Retroz and
Borges, 2021). The then Director of DPH, Déa
Fenelon, stated that among the goals of her
administration were:
The implementation of oral history
projects, through the collection of
testimonies related to the city's daily
life, the memory of factory labor, and
social movements, aims to expand
the universe of records related to the
city's memory and history. Technically
supporting popular movements in the
city, towards organizing the records
of their memory and preserving their
traditions and cultural references,
under conditions of autonomy.
(Fenelon, 1992, p. 32)
Consistently, Raquel Schenkman, a DPH
employee and Director of the organization
from March 2019 to mid-2020, affirmed that
"the listing of the Perus factory is one of the
initial listings by DPH and emerged from the
community's engagement, which has always
been involved in this heritage discussion."
(DPH, 2020) Resolution No. 27 of 1992 from
the Municipal Council for the Preservation of
Historic, Cultural, and Environmental Heritage
of the City of São Paulo (CONPRESP) defined
the listing not only of remnants of the Factory
but also of the headquarters of the Cement
and Plaster Industry Workers Union of São
Paulo and a set of workers' residences. The text
unequivocally justifies the listing: "Considering
the importance of memory as a foundation
in building history and the relevance of the
memory of the workers of the Brazilian Portland
Cement Company Perus as a symbol of a certain
form of organization, struggle, and resistance of
workers." (Conpresp, 1992)
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Therefore, it is undeniable that the
Queixadas' and their successors' struggles were
able to yield practical results in terms of public
memory policies. From mobilization into public
action, the organized community managed
to influence official bodies to prioritize the
preservation not only of the factory's material
remains but also of the immaterial memory
of worker resistance. However, if the listing
represents legal-institutional security against
the complete loss of the narratives that had
the Factory as their setting, public policy has
not proven capable of fulfilling its tasks of
valorization. Regarding current interactions
with preservation agencies, Camila Cardoso,
coordinator of Agência Queixadas, a branch
of Quilombaque dedicated to cultural tourism
activities, admitted that "the relationship
isn't close, and funding even less so, there are
discussions, but partnerships don't always
materialize." (Camila Cardoso, interview, 2021)
In an interview with Cleiton "Fofão", the same
sentiment was expressed: "We engage in
dialogue, but there are no results, no resources
either." (Cleiton Fofão, interview, 2021) The
preservation agency is the area with the least
resources in the department with the smallest
budget in the municipality, exacerbated by the
advancing precariousness of public service:
"The Secretariat's structure is dilapidated,
people can't keep up with projects, calls, there
aren't enough staff. One technician handles
a hundred, two hundred projects." (Cleiton
Fofão, interview, 2021) The situation is dire for
the preservation and respect for Queixadas'
heritage, as can be inferred from Cleiton
"Fofão's" account of an incident:
We went to the Cement Factory once,
and the owner rented it out for police
to train with paintball... It has both
material and intangible protection
from Queixadas' efforts, and they're
training with paintball. We reported it,
and it stalled. But it's the least we can
do... They painted the entire factory
using our memory space, a place of
non-violence, for shooting practice...
to target our community later. We
have to stop it. If we don't go there
and straighten things out with these
guys [heritage agencies], nothing will
happen. [...] Every day a piece of the
factory falls, and that's it. If we don't
preserve it, no one will. (Cleiton Fofão,
interview, 2021)
The property still belongs to the "bad
boss." Heritage and legacy: the third generation
of the family holds onto the place for dubious
reasons. There are two gates to access the
space: the first, where the Queixadas picketed,
is always open and occupied by a motorcycle
school; the second is always locked and
protected to prevent the ruins from becoming
homes. It was a long journey of strategically
friendly conversations between the Community
and the gatekeeper for a degree of trust to be
established, allowing Quilombaque some access
to the memory site. Within the ruins, nothing is
done or undone because the action of time is
cheaper; the management motto of that space
seems to be "Let it fall." The dispute over the
meanings of the Factory is constant; in Fofão's
account, it is again about the struggle between
the police force and the memory of Queixadas'
workers. The final statement in his testimony
is significant, showing the characteristic
non-conformism of the counter-narrative. If
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preservation does not occur through public
policy instruments, the public action of social
movements in Perus fills this void.
In this context, agents of the
Quilombaque Cultural Community have been
working to articulate, since 2014, within the
framework of the Strategic Master Plan review
(Sandeville; Fernandes and Bortoto, 2016),
the establishment of a museum with unique
characteristics. Without a defined physical
space, the concept of the Tekoa Jopo'i Territorial
Museum is that "our territory is an entire
cultural heritage" (Camila Cardoso, interview,
2021). It was through intensive engagement
with resident groups that these spaces were
identified: "We didn't think alone or merely
academically about this territory, which is why
we call them places of memory and affection
because they were conceived with the people
from this territory" (Camila Cardoso, interview,
2021). Divided into several trails, the Queixadas
Agency organizes visitor groups seeking to
explore the stories of that territory through
the voices and narratives of its residents,
hence Cleiton Fofão asserts that "this museum
is a classroom where history is told where it
happened" (DPH, 2020).
One of the trails within the Tekoa Jopo'i
Museum is called "Queixadas Memory" (Figure
3). Along the route, visitors can immerse
Figure 3 – “Queixadas Memory” Trail and explanaons in the old Factory laboratories
Source: photo by the author (2022).
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themselves in the monumental ruins of the
Factory. Approaching the old furnaces and
chimneys, one sees vegetation invading the
concrete; factory and forest blend together. The
structure that ravaged landscapes a hundred
years ago is now slowly engulfed by roots and
leaves; the cement that was once bagged to
cover the city's rivers now forms the ground
where rainwater flows and new trees grow. It's
a labyrinth: the sense of scale is lost, everything
is grandiose, from the screws scattered on the
ground to the storage silos, and especially the
rotary kiln where raw materials were crushed
alongside lead spheres and the chimney that
emitted toxic smoke.
During the tour, the guide narrates the
strike's history, making a very transparent
choice about which narratives should be valued
and whose voices should be amplified along the
Museum's path: "I could go through the Cement
Factory and tell the story of the strikebreakers,
which is also part of the history, but our focus
is on the Queixadas' perspective, which is
another side" (Camila Cardoso, interview,
2021). Covering all phases of the Factory and
its subsequent urban and population impacts in
the neighborhood, the journey's focus is on the
"legacy of the Queixadas":
So it is very important for Brazil's history,
this factory, and this process of workers'
struggle because there's a development:
when they organized themselves,
they built the National Labor Front,
another powerful organization born
here in Perus, and after that, they went
to provide training there in the ABC,
which resulted in the arrival of a worker
as president. These are contexts of
struggle development that we also need
to understand. Hence the importance
of this workers' organization process
here in the territory. (Cleiton Fofão,
interview, 2021)
With this narrative, the ruins of a factory
abandoned by the government and market
are populated with stories of struggle and
resistance. Contrary to neglect, the "Queixada
Memory" trail exposes the dark and violent
sides of industrial progress while proposing
possibilities for reinventing these heritages
by the community itself. Opposing a narrative
of oblivion that justifies the material decline
of the Factory, they present to the public
sphere a narrative valuing the territory and its
identity. Against its use for shooting practice,
they transform the Factory into a cultural and
educational space. During the walk, we see
ruins but hear ways to celebrate events and
characters often buried.
In the wake of this valuation and rescue
action, another more recent initiative is
relevant. The establishment of the Queixadas
Memory Center – Sebastião Silva de Souza
marks another phase of appropriation of the
history of workers' resistance by Perus' cultural
movements (CMQ, 2018). Aimed at collecting,
restoring, and preserving textual, photographic,
filmic, and oral documents, the Center
constitutes an intense effort to build an archive
of Queixadas' resistance. With broad access
provided by the Tainacan system, it is possible
to research personal stories of workers. Its
organizers, one of them the granddaughter of a
Queixada worker, admit that the ideal place for
the Center would be inside the Factory, so those
stories would return to their origin. However,
while the use of its facilities is restricted, the
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Sebastião Silva de Souza Center operates in
space provided at the Padre Anchieta Library,
the only one in Perus.
The Factory populated by visitors and
guides from the Territorial Museum and
Queixadas Agency, and the archive of the
Memory Center are effects of long public action
processes – we must consider that they began
with the strikers themselves. From the 1960s
to today, political contexts of action have been
radically altered, but our narrators from Perus
insist on uniting their struggles under the sign
of the "Queixada heritage." Whether under
dictatorship, a Workers' Party or Malufist
government, neoliberalism, or real estate market
pressures, the example of "Perus" workers
taught through oral tradition serves as a guide
for the political actions of young movements
in the territory. Observing daily neglect, falling
walls, and intentional deterioration of material
heritage, these mobilizations are rooted in the
immaterial, in memories, to tell another side of
history. In the same space, they can tell stories
of police paintball training, but also of workers'
struggles that led to the election of a worker as
president. By providing oral accounts, personal
documents like work permits, and photos
of picket lines and assemblies, they counter
erasure with co-memoration. In the same ruins,
they denounce the abuse of the "bad boss"
while announcing workers' strength.
The counter-narrative mobilized by
Quilombaque alters, in the discursive field,
how the territory and its memory spaces
are represented. The ambiguous relations
between the Cultural Community and the
State in the field of public preservation
policies, which designate as heritage but
allow for paintball training, remind us that
the public is constructed upon various and
multiple grammars. Moving between different
"interaction repertoires" (Abers; Serafim and
Tatagiba, 2014), participating in a "performative
cacophony" (Spink, 2013), and acting as a
"laboratory of experimentation" (Cefaï, 2017b),
the patrimonialization actions discussed
constitute strategies of social movements that
use memory as cement. In the next section,
we will briefly relate these actions to broader
perspectives of re-signifying public spaces to
reflect how an apparently empty and silent
heritage is transformed into a source of
valorizing memories of people and movements
from the periphery.
The cemented memory
Public actions concerning the industrial heritage
analyzed in the case of the counter-narrative by
the Quilombaque Cultural Community about
the Portland Cement Factory of Perus closely
resemble movements of resemantization of the
term "periphery" described in other studies. In
recent proposals, movements from peripheral
areas of Brazilian major cities are interpreted
as part of a process criticizing reductionist
and derogatory views of these territories. As
proposed by Comelli (2021), the categories
"peripheral/slum-dweller" are mobilized for
various purposes:
One notices the difficulty in addressing
the supposed identity of the favela,
suburb, or periphery dweller for
the construction of insurgent urban
struggles. In some cases, such a
category may function as a mere
reinforcement of stereotypes
generated from hegemonic
worldviews about the city. In others,
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this identity can translate and connect
the pluralities of bodies and urban
demands; it can serve as a guiding
thread for counter-hegemonic citizen
narratives. In a way, the peripheral/
slum-dweller identity is a kind of
tension that simultaneously reduces
and connects: it connects complex
identities fighting for the Right to
the City while compacting them and
reducing them to a certain type of
territory. (Comelli, 2021)
In this dispute over meanings and
semantic uses, D’Andrea (2013, p. 26)
focuses on cultural and artistic movements to
understand how they have sought since the
1990s the "resignification of political action in
the peripheries." Similarly, Raimundo (2017, p.
146) states that the choice to engage in cultural
fields by these collectives is not without reason:
"These new perspectives that construct the
city, ways of being and experiencing daily and
political experiences, find in art a privileged
language to express a multitude of reflections,
questions, criticisms, utopias, and projects." In
a complementary manner, Oliveira (2021, p. 36)
asserts that cultural action in the peripheries is
"a complex of actions and symbolic practices
of resistance to mechanisms of oppression,
mobilizing the resignification of constitutive
elements of this peripheral landscape and
signaling changes in social structure." In
agreement, these studies demonstrate a trend
of association between cultural actions and
social movements from peripheral regions to
affirm that they can also construct their city
as active characters, ultimately as historical
subjects. Contrary to marginalization, these
collectives occupy spaces as hubs radiating
different manifestations such as dance, theater,
communication, literature, sports, education,
tourism, visual arts, and their multiple
interconnections.
Acknowledging this framework, we see
that Quilombaque's practices do not unfold
as an isolated phenomenon but as a node
in a complex network of individuals, groups,
collectives, and movements—a network that
may have begun with housing cooperatives,
ecclesial base communities, and party
movements in the São Paulo periphery of the
1980s, as studied by Kowarick (1979), Caldeira
(1984), and Sader (1988). In the constant search
for inspirational references from the past,
collectives like Quilombaque and the Queixadas
Memory Center seek to resignify what it means
to be born in Perus. We witness the emergence
of the "peripheral subject" (D’Andrea, 2013),
not merely a resident of a specific geographic
location, but a historical subject who assumes
and takes pride in their condition and, from
there, acts politically.
In this sense, Quilombaque, the Museum,
and the Agency are part of a broader and
older movement of expanding the meanings
of "periphery" and "peripheral." The material
and symbolic occupation that these agents
promote in the ruins of the Perus Factory
should thus be viewed as an instrument within
a larger cultural and political project. The use
of what remains from a moment of industrial
prosperity serves the function of questioning
whether the sign that marks the territory and
its people is that of abandonment or resistance.
By bringing visitors to the Factory, managing
to access it despite restrictions imposed by
owners, narrating stories of strikers, highlighting
their strategies, exposing the threats suffered
and rights violated, collecting, preserving, and
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communicating personal collections of workers
– they say: "here, there was a struggle." As the
vegetation slowly overtakes the Factory, walls
collapse, and its corridors are used as shooting
ranges, strategies to prevent the narrative of
the Queixadas workers from being lost under
the rubble are ways to cement a seemingly
fragile memory in the community.
Returning to the theme and updating
the meanings of "permanent firmness," the
studied actions prove effective in constituting
a counter-narrative against erasure. While the
State and Market act directly or indirectly to
lose the physical remnants of the industrial
heritage of the Perus Factory, public action
agents seek creative means for its counterpart,
the intangible heritage of workers' memory, to
continue inspiring political-cultural activities
in the territory. In the Freirean dynamic
of denunciation and announcement, this
counter-narrative keeps the Factory and the
Queixadas workers constantly in the memory
circuit while the pressures of the dominant
narrative push them towards oblivion. In the
next section, concluding this text, I aim to
suggest that the actions of the Quilombaque
Cultural Community and the Territorial Museum
can inspire other initiatives for resignifying
industrial heritages.
Final words
In this article, theoretical perspectives from the
public action approach and narrative focus on
public policies have allowed us to move beyond
an excessive focus on state action regarding
heritage to observe the multiple discourses
shaping the valorization of memory sites.
On one hand, the concept of "performative
cacophony" helps us appreciate the richness
of public space and the diverse agents who,
harmoniously or conflictually, construct
public issues and responses. On the other
hand, the narrative perspective enables us to
understand that the study of heritage is more
intriguing when we question not just the thing
itself, but the discourse surrounding it. In this
direction, the use of the concept of counter-
-narratives shifts the focus to the contestation
between different ways of assigning meanings
to heritage by articulating the critique of a
dominant narrative with the proclamation of a
resistant narrative.
The practice of interviews and
documentary research, seeking testimonies,
has allowed various voices to be woven
together to understand how the action of the
Quilombaque Cultural Community regarding
the Perus Cement Factory constitutes a counter-
narrative against oblivion. This action involves
telling the stories of striking workers while
showcasing the remnants of the Factory. Camila
Cardoso warns that "from the bibliographies
available today, we are closer to community-
-based tourism, while we have not yet written
a book or pursued a master's or doctoral
degree on resistance tourism" (Camila Cardoso,
interview, 2021). Based in the community,
yes, but centered on the valorization of the
resistance that made the territory a stage. With
a significant impact on generating employment
and income, and primarily grounded in the
"places of memory and affection" of elders
such as Sebastião Silva, Seu Tião Queixada, and
Mestre Soró, "resistance tourism" articulates
the denunciation of abandonment and neglect
with the announcement of the territory's
potential.
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Perhaps this political-cultural action
strategy can serve as an example for occupying
memory sites relegated to oblivion. Further
research could explore more examples of
"resistance tourism" acting upon industrially
degraded heritage, where labor struggles are
often the first to be forgotten. As taught by
memory movements, including the Queixadas
in History, there is no emptiness among the
reinforced concrete ruins of the abandoned
Perus Cement Factory.
[I] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2635-7959
Fundação Getulio Vargas, Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo, Programa de Pós-
-Graduação em Administração Pública e Governo. São Paulo, SP/Brasil.
p.v.g.peria@gmail.com
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Translaon: this arcle was translated from Portuguese to English by the author himself.
Received: January 24, 2024
Approved: May 27, 2024
