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How Do Students Develop Creativity and Curiosity? The Role of Out-of-School Activities

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Purpose This study investigates the degree to which students’ participation in out-of-school activities promotes their curiosity and creativity. In doing so, this study addresses the question of whether various out-of-school activities function differently in the development of students’ curiosity and creativity. Design/Approach/Methods This study sampled 3,647 students for the younger cohort and 3,621 students for the older cohort from the city of Suzhou, China. Findings Both younger and older students who participated in artistic activities and sports consistently rated their creativity and curiosity higher than those who did not. After controlling for family socio-economic status and gender, students’ participation in outdoor socially-oriented activities (e.g., meeting with friends outside school) and indoor activities (e.g., reading books) contributed to the development of creativity and curiosity. In contrast, participation in Internet-based activities negatively predicts adolescents’ creativity and curiosity. Originality/Value Creativity and curiosity are related to students’ academic performance and future success. Therefore, cultivating students’ creativity and curiosity should be of interest to educators and policymakers. This study examines the roles of different out-of-school activities on students’ creativity and curiosity, revealing a potential path for educators.

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This survey of sociological and psychological literature deals with the problem of time, covering major areas of sociology and related disciplines (economics, cultural anthropology, psychology and history). As a preface, contributions by the classical writers on the sociology of time are discussed briefly - Durkheim, Schütz, Sorokin and Merton, G.H. Mead. Six themes in the contemporary sociology of time (up to 1982) are examined: (1) time perspective and time orientation; (2) temporal ordering and social structure: time reckoning and the social construction of time schedules; (3) the time structure of specific social systems and professions: the economy, the legal system, the family, and formal organizations; (4) the evolution of social consciousness of time; (5) social change and time; and (6) the concern with time in social theory and methodology. It is shown that sociology has much to learn from its neighbouring disciplines, that no thorough sociological treatment of time has yet been done and, above all, that there is a lack of empirical studies that are adequately grounded in theory.
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This study examined correlates of creative self-efficacy (i.e., self-judgments of creative ability) in middle and secondary students (N = 1,322). Results indicate that students' mastery- and performance-approach beliefs and teacher feedback on creative ability were positively related to students' creative self-efficacy. Creative self-efficacy was also linked to student reports of their teachers not listening to them and sometimes feeling that their teachers had given up on them. Students with higher levels of creative self-efficacy were significantly more likely to hold more positive beliefs about their academic abilities in all subject areas and were significantly more likely to indicate that they planned to attend college than students with lower levels of creative self-efficacy. Finally, students with higher levels of creative self-efficacy were significantly more likely to report higher levels of participation in after-school academics and after-school group activities. Implications for creativity research and practice are discussed.
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In a cross-cultural comparison of parental beliefs, this study asked a sample of 48 immigrant Chinese and 50 European American mothers of preschool-aged children their perspectives regarding the role of parenting in their children's school success. In their responses, the Chinese mothers conveyed (a) the great degree of value they place on education, (b) the high investment and sacrifice they feel they need to offer, (c) the more direct intervention approach to their children's schooling and learning, and (d) a belief that they can play a significant role in the school success of their children. On the other hand, European American mothers primarily expressed (a) a negation of the importance of academics or academic skills (instead emphasizing the importance of social skills), (b) a less "directive" approach to learning explained under the "facilitative" model, and (c) a concern for building their children's self-esteem.
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Colleges and universities, as well as employers, attend to the “extras”—the extracurricular that take place outside and beyond grades and jobs. Final admission judgments and job interview questions often center on the sports, artistic, or service dimensions that individuals include in their applications or resumes. Parents, politicians, and educators know and unquestioningly accept the nonstandard and unquantifiable nature of the social benefits of these extras. Yet almost nothing is known about the learning—cognitive and situative—that actually goes on beyond classroom hours on sports teams, in community organizations, or through voluntary community service. Schools and families, as the critical duo of learning source and assessor of the knowledge and skills of the young, receive the vast majority of public attention and funding initiatives. The third arena of learning, that which takes place beyond classroom and home, is generally left unattended, minimally supported, and almost completely unexamined. Identified here through illustration from arts-based extraschool activities are (1) key features of this third environment and its positive learning opportunities, (2) the creative and critical power of youth work in the arts, particularly the visual arts and dance, and (3) the manifest reasoning and organizing properties of the “extra education” situated in this arena’s coordination of actions and roles.
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This constructivist study explored service-learning as a contextual influence on identity development and self-authorship. Analysis of data from interviews with 8 participants, each of whom completed an undergraduate service-learning course 2 to 4 years prior to the study, suggested that an enduring influence of service-learning was construction of a more integrated identity evidenced by complexity in thinking about self and relationships with others, an openness to new ideas and experiences, and shifts in future commitments.
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Increasingly, perches for laying hens are being made from metals and plastics. There is nothing in the literature regarding how easily birds jump between perches of different materials, or how their ability to do so changes with faecal contamination of the perches. Forty-four medium hybrid brown hens negotiated perches of wood (5 cm × 5 cm, rounded edges), metal (half-round section, diameter 4 cm) or poly-vinyl-chloride (PVC: circular section, diameter 4 cm), which were either clean or dirty (poultry manure 0.5-1.0 cm deep). The time to jump to the destination perch (0.75 m from the start perch), number of squats (pre-jumping behaviour), slips, failures to jump (in 300 s) and crashes were recorded. Compared to wood and metal perches, birds took significantly longer to jump from PVC perches when they were clean, but there was no difference when the perches were dirty. Birds slipped significantly more on clean metal or PVC perches compared to clean wood perches. The birds took significantly longer to jump from metal or wooden perches when they were dirty compared to when they were clean. These data may suggest that PVC is not a suitable material for perches. Slipperiness is important. The birds apparently found the metal and PVC perch more slippery than the wooden perch, although the metal perch did not cause the birds to delay jumping. A slippery perch may deter the birds from attempting to jump. Manure on the perches reduced the slipperiness of the metal and PVC perches. Once perches become dirty, any welfare issues concerning the risk of injury from slippery perches cease to be as important as the potential slipperiness of the manure itself.
Article
This study investigated patterns of teachers’ interaction behaviors in early childhood classrooms. Sixty-three child care teachers were rated on their use of eight interaction behaviors taken from the Teaching Styles Rating Scale (McWilliam, Scarborough, Bagby, & Sweeney, 1998). Using cluster analysis techniques, we identified four homogenous interaction clusters. One cluster presented an average profile: The teachers in this group had average scores on all interaction behaviors compared to the other teachers in the study. The teachers in a second cluster were characterized by high ratings on elaborating and low ratings on redirecting behaviors. A third cluster consisted of teachers who where rated high on redirecting and low on all other behaviors, and the teachers in the fourth cluster received high ratings on nonelaborative behaviors. Cluster differences were found for teachers’ education; teachers’ sensitivity, as measured by the Caregiver Interaction Scale (Arnett, 1989); classroom quality, as measured by the Infant-Toddler Environment Rating Scale (Harms, Cryer, & Clifford, 1990) or the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale-Revised (Harms, Clifford, & Cryer, 1998); group child engagement, as measured by the Engagement Check II (McWilliam, 1999); and center licensing level.
Article
In this essay, Susan Engel argues that curiosity is both intrinsic to children's development and unfolds through social interactions. Thus, it should be cultivated in schools, even though it is often almost completely absent from classrooms. Calling on well-established research and more recent studies, Engel argues that interactions between teachers and students can foster or inhibit children's curiosity. She offers an explanation for why curiosity is not a priority in our educational system and calls for greater attention to children's interests and explorations, which, she argues, are the mechanisms that underlie authentic learning.