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Citation: Aerts, Evelien, Jeroen
Lavrijsen, Franzis Preckel, and Karine
Verschueren. 2024. A Theoretical
Framework for the Development of
Need for Cognition in Childhood and
Adolescence. Journal of Intelligence 12:
99. https://doi.org/10.3390/
jintelligence12100099
Received: 5 July 2024
Revised: 27 September 2024
Accepted: 3 October 2024
Published: 7 October 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
Intelligence
Journal of
Review
A Theoretical Framework for the Development of Need for
Cognition in Childhood and Adolescence
Evelien Aerts 1, * , Jeroen Lavrijsen 1,2 , Franzis Preckel 3and Karine Verschueren 1
1School Psychology and Development in Context, KU Leuven, 3000 Leuven, Belgium;
jeroen.lavrijsen@kuleuven.be (J.L.); karine.verschueren@kuleuven.be (K.V.)
2Department of Mathematics, KU Leuven, 3000 Leuven, Belgium
3Department of Psychology, Trier University, D-54286 Trier, Germany; preckel@uni-trier.de
*Correspondence: evelien.aerts@kuleuven.be
Abstract: Extensive research has highlighted the importance of Need for Cognition (NFC) in various
contexts, but our understanding of its development remains limited. In particular, the current
psychological literature is relatively silent regarding the factors influencing NFC development. We
aim to address this gap by proposing a developmental model of NFC based on the principles of the
Cognitive Adaptation Trait Theory (CATT). Through a comprehensive review of the current literature,
we elucidate the potential key components contributing to the development of NFC in childhood and
adolescence. Additionally, we outline several potential strategies to foster NFC development based
on the key components of the model. The model aims to provide a starting point for future research
on possible mechanisms underlying the development of NFC. Moving forward, future research
should empirically test these hypotheses in real-world settings to enhance our understanding of NFC
development and validate the suggested fostering strategies on their effectiveness.
Keywords: need for cognition; developmental model; childhood and adolescence; Cognitive
adaptation trait theory (CATT)
1. Introduction
In recent decades, Need for Cognition (NFC) has emerged as a significant motivational
construct that shapes how individuals engage in cognitive activities across various contexts
(e.g., Cacioppo et al. 1996). Although extensive research has investigated its role as a
predictor of important outcomes (e.g., Liu and Nesbit 2023;Zerna et al. 2023), there remains
a notable gap in understanding its developmental aspects (e.g., Jebb et al. 2016). Empirical
studies on the developmental trajectory of NFC are currently limited, and research into the
factors that influence its development is even scarcer. This highlights an urgent need for
further exploration in these crucial areas. This paper serves as a starting point in this line
of research by proposing a developmental model of NFC, grounded in a comprehensive
review of the existing literature, and by presenting strategies based on this model that
future research can utilize to better understand and foster the development of NFC.
1.1. Need for Cognition
The notion of NFC was first introduced by Cohen et al. (1955) and initially referred to
an individual’s need to structure relevant situations and make the world understandable
in integrated, meaningful ways. They depicted NFC as a need, suggesting that the absence
of satisfaction could lead to feelings of tension and anxiety, prompting active behaviors
to organize the situation and enhance understanding. Building upon this foundation,
Cacioppo and Petty (1982) diverged from this drive-reduction framework, shaping the
current understanding of NFC. Their focus shifted towards identifying individual differ-
ences in the self-reward potential of exerting cognitive activity, and they defined NFC as an
individual’s “tendency to engage in and enjoy thinking” (Cacioppo and Petty 1982, p. 116).
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99. https://doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence12100099 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/jintelligence
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 2 of 26
In accordance with Cacioppo and Petty’s definition of NFC, a multitude of studies
have demonstrated that NFC accounts for systematic variation in individuals’ engagement
in cognitively demanding activities. For example, individuals with higher levels of NFC
tend to favor complex over simple tasks or activities (e.g., See et al. 2009;Therriault
et al. 2014;Zerna et al. 2023), actively search for new information (e.g., Cacioppo et al.
1996;Fortier and Burkell 2014;Petty et al. 2009), and invest more cognitive resources
during information-processing than individuals with lower levels of NFC. Furthermore,
these NFC-specific behavioral tendencies are all behaviors that are assumed to play an
important role in educational and vocational settings (Liu and Nesbit 2023;Von Stumm
and Ackerman 2013). In line with this assumption, studies have consistently reported
positive associations between NFC and academic performance across primary, secondary,
and tertiary educational levels (for a meta-analysis, see Liu and Nesbit 2023) as well as
positive correlations between NFC and job performance (e.g., Abdollahi and Rezaee 2014;
Sojka and Deeter-Schmelz 2008).
1.2. Nomological Network
Since NFC was introduced as a cognitive motivation to engage in and enjoy thinking
(Cacioppo and Petty 1982;Cacioppo et al. 1996), it might not be surprising that NFC has
been a subject of frequent investigation alongside other motivational factors. Empirical
research has shown that NFC exhibits small to moderate positive correlations with academic
intrinsic motivation (e.g., Gottfried et al. 2017;Kramer et al. 2021), interests (e.g., Keller
et al. 2019;Preckel 2014), academic self-concept (e.g., Keller et al. 2019;Luong et al. 2017),
self-efficacy (e.g., Ajadi 2022;Naderi et al. 2018), and mastery (approach) goal orientations
(e.g., Meier et al. 2014;Preckel 2014). Moreover, studies have indicated that NFC is
linked to the level of intellectual effort an individual commonly puts forth in everyday
situations (e.g., Cacioppo et al. 1996). However, NFC is not the only psychosocial factor
influencing how individuals typically utilize and invest their intellectual abilities. In
terms of conceptualization, NFC fits into the realm of the intellectual investment traits,
“a category encompassing various characteristics that influence how, when, and where
individuals apply and invest their intelligence” (Von Stumm and Ackerman 2013, p. 842).
Over the years, a considerable number of intellectual investment traits have been proposed
(e.g., Von Stumm and Ackerman 2013), some of which have been shown to be closely
related to NFC. Specifically, Typical Intellectual Engagement (TIE; Goff and Ackerman
1992), Epistemic Curiosity (EC; Berlyne 1978), and Openness to Ideas (OI; Costa and
McCrae 1992) seem to exhibit substantial conceptual overlap with NFC, resulting in strong
positive correlations between NFC and these traits (e.g., Mussel 2010,2013;Powell et al.
2016;Woo et al. 2007). While some studies have shown that multiple factor models
provide the best fit to the data when comparing NFC, TIE, EC, and OI (Fleischhauer et al.
2009;Mussel 2013;Powell et al. 2016), providing evidence for these related traits being
different constructs, other studies have found one-factor models to provide the best fit
(Mussel 2013;Powell and Nettelbeck 2014). Consequently, some researchers have raised
concerns about NFC’s discriminant validity in relation to these factors (Mussel 2010;Powell
et al. 2016;Woo et al. 2007), encouraging efforts to integrate these investment traits into
comprehensive frameworks, such as the Intellect framework (Mussel 2013). However, the
conceptual similarities between NFC, TIE, EC, and OI could also be highlighted. Table A1
(see Appendix A) summarizes the aforementioned investment traits, delineating their
conceptual differences and similarities concerning NFC, thus underscoring the importance
of recognizing them as distinct constructs.
1.3. Development of Need for Cognition
Although NFC was initially introduced as a stable interindividual difference (i.e.,
a personality trait), Cacioppo et al. (1996) underscored its malleability, suggesting that
NFC is not fixed and can be cultivated or changed. Despite this, longitudinal research on
the development of NFC is limited. We only encountered four longitudinal studies that
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 3 of 26
investigated the developmental trajectory of NFC. A first study was conducted by Bruinsma
and Crutzen (2018), who examined changes in NFC within a six-year timeframe among
individuals aged 16 to 95. The participants’ NFC scores were assessed five times: between
May and August 2008 (T1), May and June 2009 (T2), May and June 2011 (T3), May and June
2013 (T4), and November and December 2014 (T5). Their findings indicated that significant
mean-level changes did occur over time, but that these changes in NFC levels differed
in magnitude and direction between the different age groups: whereas the average NFC
levels of younger participants (i.e., 16 to 25 years old) increased (
∆NFC≤24
= 0.241), the NFC
levels of middle-aged (i.e., 25 to 49 years old) and older respondents (i.e., 50 to 95 years old)
decreased (
∆NFC25–49
=
−
0.059 and
∆NFC≥50
=
−
0.098). In line with these observed mean-
level changes, the middle-aged respondents descriptively had a higher autoregressive
correlation (
ρ
= 0.189, p< .001) compared to the younger respondents (
ρ
= 0.119, p= 0.037)
and older participants (
ρ
= 0.106, p< 0.001), suggesting that NFC scores at one point in
time are a better predictor of subsequent scores in middle-aged respondents compared to
the other age groups. Bruinsma and Crutzen (2018) also considered the interindividual
differences in change over time, which were found to be significant. Interestingly, their
results showed that these interindividual differences were more pronounced in the youngest
age group (
σ≤24
= 0.005, p< .001) compared to the older respondents (
σ25–49
= 0.002,
p< .001 and
σ≥50
= 0.001, p= .003). Bergold et al. (2022) examined NFC from mid-to-late
adolescence over a period of three years with four times of measurement: at the onset of the
11th grade (T1), six months later at the beginning of the second 11th grade term (T2), at the
beginning of the second term in 12th grade (T3), and at the start of the second term in 13th
grade (T4). Their analyses not only revealed a significant positive increase in mean NFC
scores throughout this developmental period (
µslope
= 0.007, p< .001) but also identified
significant interindividual differences in these growth trajectories of NFC (
σslope
< 0.001,
p= .042). Additionally, they found the rank-order stability of NFC to be r= 0.59, which
indicates a medium stability of a participants’ rank within the study sample over time. A
third study, by Bergold and Steinmayr (2023), investigated reciprocal relationships among
several investment traits, including NFC, and intellectual abilities over a period of one
year in German elementary children aged 8 to 9. The NFC scores of these children were
measured at the beginning of the study (T1) and approximately one year later (T2). Their
findings revealed a slight, albeit non-significant, decrease in NFC (
∆NFC
=
−
0.07), with the
rank-order stability of NFC being r= 0.56 over this one-year interval. However, the authors
also emphasized that there was significant interindividual variation in the change of NFC
levels among the children (
σ∆
= 0.19, p
≤
.001). Lastly, Preckel (2014) focused on validating
a 19-item NFC-scale for children in a sample of German students between 10- and 12-years-
old. Within this study, the NFC levels of the same group of students were measured at
the beginning (T1) and the end (T2) of the 5th grade, and at the end of the 6th grade (T3).
Across these three measurement points, there was a significant decline in mean NFC scores.
Preckel (2014) did not consider the rank-order stability of or the interindividual variation in
this decline in NFC. In addition to these longitudinal studies, cross-sectional research can
also provide valuable information about the development of NFC. For instance, Luong et al.
(2017) measured NFC scores across three different age groups—third grade, sixth grade,
and ninth grade—and found that mean NFC scores significantly decreased from third to
ninth grade. Similarly, Keller et al. (2019) reported a significant decline in NFC scores from
first to fourth grade and further demonstrated that the NFC scores of ninth-grade students
were significantly lower than those of seventh-grade students.
Taking together the results from the available longitudinal and cross-sectional studies,
a general decline in NFC from childhood to mid-adolescence seems likely. Nonetheless,
research involving older samples suggests a general increase in NFC in late adolescence
and early adulthood. These trends align with those found for Openness to Experience,
the Big Five trait most closely related to NFC (Fleischhauer et al. 2009), which generally
decreases across childhood and mid-adolescence and increases in late adolescence and
young adulthood (Atherton et al. 2020). This U-shaped trajectory has been refered to as the
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 4 of 26
disruption hypothesis, which posits that individuals undergo declines in socially desirable
traits throughout adolescence, likely influenced by various biological, psychological, and
social changes during this developmental phase (Soto and Tackett 2015). In late adolescence
and early adulthood, however, young people again resume mean-level increases in these
socially desirable traits, including Openness to Experience (Atherton et al. 2020).
Besides the mean-level change of NFC, which reflects changes at the group level, it is
also important to look at the individual differences within the developmental trajectories
of NFC. In this context, two of the aforementioned longitudinal studies provided data on
the rank-order stability of NFC, suggesting medium rank-order stability in both childhood
and adolescence. Similar findings have been demonstrated in research on the rank-order
stability of Openness to Experience in youth. However, the two studies only measured
the rank-order stability of NFC over a short time period (i.e., one year and three years),
giving us no information about the rank-order stability of NFC over longer periods (e.g.,
from childhood to young adulthood), as it has been shown that the rank-order stability of
personality traits tends to decrease when measured over longer periods of time (Roberts
and Delvecchio 2000). Furthermore, the studies discussed above demonstrated significant
interindividual variation in NFC trajectories among both childhood and adolescent samples.
These results suggest substantial differences among individuals in how their NFC evolves
over time, prompting the question: which factors influence NFC development?
1.4. Current Study
Based on the studies discussed above, we can conclude that NFC does indeed change
across the lifespan, as indicated by the observed mean-level changes. Moreover, the sig-
nificant interindividual differences found in these studies suggest that certain factors may
influence this development for better or for worse. However, this raises the question as to
which factors influence the changes in this enjoyment of thinking. The literature on person-
ality development suggests several potential influences on trait development, including
genetics (i.e., inherited characteristics), the active selection or evocation of environments
(i.e., selecting or evoking environments based on genetic preferences, motivations, and
traits), and various environmental factors (Briley and Tucker-Drob 2014;Giannoukou 2024).
Together, these different factors interact in complex ways to shape NFC over time.
Despite the widespread acknowledgement of the importance of NFC across various
contexts, the current literature lacks a substantial exploration of the factors shaping NFC
development. The majority of research has centered on the predictive capacity of NFC
itself, while the consideration of its determinants remains limited. Although some re-
searchers have made theoretical propositions on what could influence NFC development, a
comprehensive theory regarding the antecedents of NFC is still lacking. However, given
the (initial) potential decline in NFC throughout the school years and its association with
numerous positive outcomes, fostering NFC development seems crucial. This paper aims
to address this gap by using an emergent trait theory—the Cognitive Adaptive Trait Theory
(CATT; Matthews 2017)—to suggest a developmental model of NFC. We will outline the
key components of the CATT and, drawing from the current literature on NFC, elucidate
how they may interact and lead to the investment of cognitive effort. Furthermore, we will
suggest possible strategies to foster NFC development and expound on their mechanisms
using the suggested model. Beyond providing a framework for understanding NFC’s
origins, this model will also provide avenues for future research to test its predictions,
which will further contribute to our understanding of NFC development.
2. Towards a Developmental Model of NFC
2.1. Cognitive Adaptive Trait Theory (CATT)
The developmental model of NFC, based on the CATT, is depicted in Figure 1. The
core idea of the CATT is that trait diversity manifests through behavioral adaptations
to environmental challenges, reflecting a range of strategies individuals use to handle
these challenges (Matthews 2008). Within this framework, the dimension “environmental
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 5 of 26
challenges” is used rather broadly, covering all situations and contexts that allow or require
individuals to respond with adaptive strategies. For instance, navigating challenges related
to interpersonal relationships is a key aspect of the trait Agreeableness (e.g., McCrae and
John 1992). In environments that value social harmony, establishing and maintaining
positive relationships may come easily. However, when faced with social conflict, the
challenge becomes more complex. In such cases, the ability to balance the need for harmony
with the necessity of standing up for oneself or others is crucial. This illustrates how traits
like Agreeableness are shaped as adaptations to environmental challenges.
J. Intell. 2024, 12, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 27
understanding NFC’s origins, this model will also provide avenues for future research to
test its predictions, which will further contribute to our understanding of NFC develop-
ment.
2. Towards a Developmental Model of NFC
2.1. Cognitive Adaptive Trait Theory (CATT)
The developmental model of NFC, based on the CATT, is depicted in Figure 1. The
core idea of the CATT is that trait diversity manifests through behavioral adaptations to
environmental challenges, reflecting a range of strategies individuals use to handle these
challenges (Mahews 2008). Within this framework, the dimension “environmental chal-
lenges” is used rather broadly, covering all situations and contexts that allow or require
individuals to respond with adaptive strategies. For instance, navigating challenges re-
lated to interpersonal relationships is a key aspect of the trait Agreeableness (e.g., McCrae
and John 1992). In environments that value social harmony, establishing and maintaining
positive relationships may come easily. However, when faced with social conflict, the
challenge becomes more complex. In such cases, the ability to balance the need for har-
mony with the necessity of standing up for oneself or others is crucial. This illustrates how
traits like Agreeableness are shaped as adaptations to environmental challenges.
Figure 1. Developmental model of Need for Cognition based on the CATT.
Furthermore, the CATT proposes that each trait comprises multiple dimensions that
influence and reinforce each other over time. Traits are not fixed characteristics like blood
type; instead, they are understood as distributed across various processes, unified by their
adaptive functions. Two key dimensions of the CATT are “learned social-cognitive skills”
and “self-regulation” (Mahews 2008, 2017). Learned social-cognitive skills include all ac-
quired skills that that help individuals to adaptively manage the aforementioned environ-
mental challenges, such as stress management or effective conflict resolution strategies
(Mahews 2020). Self-regulation, on the other hand, involves mechanisms that oversee
the application and effectiveness of these skills. Particularly in challenging environments,
individuals must monitor how well their skills are working, process feedback, set realistic
goals, and determine if additional effort or adjustments are needed to overcome the lack
of skills. These regulatory processes are also closely tied to emotional responses, which
can be positive (e.g., satisfaction from achieving a goal) or negative (e.g., frustration from
Figure 1. Developmental model of Need for Cognition based on the CATT.
Furthermore, the CATT proposes that each trait comprises multiple dimensions that
influence and reinforce each other over time. Traits are not fixed characteristics like blood
type; instead, they are understood as distributed across various processes, unified by their
adaptive functions. Two key dimensions of the CATT are “learned social-cognitive skills”
and “self-regulation” (Matthews 2008,2017). Learned social-cognitive skills include all
acquired skills that that help individuals to adaptively manage the aforementioned envi-
ronmental challenges, such as stress management or effective conflict resolution strategies
(Matthews 2020). Self-regulation, on the other hand, involves mechanisms that oversee
the application and effectiveness of these skills. Particularly in challenging environments,
individuals must monitor how well their skills are working, process feedback, set realistic
goals, and determine if additional effort or adjustments are needed to overcome the lack
of skills. These regulatory processes are also closely tied to emotional responses, which
can be positive (e.g., satisfaction from achieving a goal) or negative (e.g., frustration from
a failure). Within the CATT, self-regulation is defined more comprehensively than in the
general psychological literature and includes various constructs from personality research
that potentially mediates trait expression, such as self-esteem, self-efficacy, affective states,
and appraisal (Matthews 2017). To avoid confusion with the typical use of “self-regulation”
in the literature, the term “self-regulation processes” will be used from now on to refer to
this category of psychological mechanisms. This terminology does slightly differ from the
original CATT, but, according to us, better captures the intended meaning of this component
of the model.
The acquisition of these social-cognitive skills and self-regulatory processes are sup-
ported by a range of neural (e.g., gray-matter volume) and basic information-processing
mechanisms (e.g., working memory), which are assumed to indirectly influence adaptive
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 6 of 26
behaviors by shaping the skills and self-regulatory processes. Conversely, social-cognitive
skills and self-regulatory processes are assumed to impact adaptive behavior more di-
rectly. Moreover, these three aspects—behavioral adaptations, social-cognitive skills, and
self-regulatory processes—are intertwined in a continuous feedback loop; adaptive be-
havior can drive the acquisition of cognitive skills or changes in self-regulatory systems,
which then reinforces adaptive behavior once again (Matthews 2017). Additionally, social-
cognitive skills and self-regulatory processes constantly interact with each other, further
strengthening this feedback loop.
For instance, consider individuals with high Agreeableness. Research indicates that
such individuals show heightened activity in brain regions associated with empathy
(Li et al. 2017), and they tend to process antisocial stimuli more superficially and prosocial
stimuli more deeply compared to those with lower levels of Agreeableness (Wilkowski
et al. 2006). These underpinnings facilitate the acquisition of several social-cognitive skills
and self-regulatory processes commonly linked to higher Agreeableness, such as effective
conflict resolution strategies and enhanced social self-efficacy (e.g., Field et al. 2014). In
turn, these skills and self-regulatory processes increase the chance of behaviors frequently
related with high Agreeableness, such as prosocial behavior and conflict resolution (e.g.,
Tehrani and Yamini 2020). Moreover, skills and self-regulatory processes also interact and
thereby reinforce each other, further enhancing agreeable behaviors over time: individuals
high in Agreeableness may use their enhanced resolution skills to better navigate conflicts,
leading to more effective resolutions, which in turn boosts their confidence in handling
future conflicts and strengthens their overall ability to do so.
2.2. Application of the CATT to NFC Development
The CATT framework can also be applied to the development of NFC, which was intro-
duced as a personality trait (Cacioppo and Petty 1982). Since traits are defined as strategies
for adapting to key environmental challenges within the CATT, the adaptive challenges
in the case of NFC can be regarded as any situation or activity allowing or demanding
the investment of cognitive effort. While social skills may play a less central role in NFC
development, the current literature does suggest an influence of several cognitive skills and
self-regulatory processes on the emergence of cognitive effort investment (i.e., the behav-
ioral adaptation of NFC). Empirical research has demonstrated significant positive relations
between NFC and various cognitive skills and self-regulatory processes, suggesting a poten-
tial impact on whether an individual regularly exerts cognitive effort or not. Additionally,
some positive associations between NFC and neural and basic information-processing
elements have been found.
As previously noted, traits are not fixed characteristics but are distributed across mul-
tiple processes (depicted in Figure 1), gaining coherence through their adaptive functions.
NFC should not be viewed as a distinct trait with these specific correlates. Instead, NFC,
as measured by standard assessments, relates to these variables, suggesting that it is part
of a complex but integrated set of processes designed to adapt to the key environmental
challenge of cognitively demanding situations. Consequently, while skills may not be
directly tapped by typical NFC questionnaires, which rather focus on the self-regulatory
processes and behavioral adaptations of NFC, they are regarded as inextricably intertwined
with self-regulatory and behavioral processes comprised by the overall trait concept. In
the following section, we will delve into these elements and highlight their dynamic in-
terplay, since we expect that this interplay constitutes the primary driving force behind
positive NFC development. Table A2 (see Appendix B) consists of an overview of the
aforementioned elements of the developmental model of NFC and its empirical evidence.
2.3. Neurobiological and Basic Information-Processing Elements
A few studies have tried to uncover the neural and basic information-processing
elements contributing to individual differences in NFC levels. In terms of neural correlates,
research indicates that NFC is positively associated with larger gray-matter volume in brain
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 7 of 26
regions involved in motivational and visuospatial processes, as well as with greater brain
flexibility across various brain areas and networks (He et al. 2019;Tolomeo et al. 2023).
Concerning basic information-processing elements, EEG research has linked higher NFC
levels to electrocortical indices reflecting increased voluntary and involuntary attention
allocation to task-relevant stimuli (Enge et al. 2008;2011;Strobel et al. 2015). This suggests
that individuals with high NFC not only choose to focus their attention on more relevant
stimuli when faced with intellectually challenging tasks (i.e., top-down, explicit), but their
attention is also automatically drawn to these relevant stimuli (i.e., bottom-up, implicit).
Furthermore, individuals with high levels of NFC tend to exert more cognitive effort when
confronted with situations possessing high (compared to low) cognitive demand, reflected
in specific patterns of theta oscillations, which indicates neuronal efficient information-
processing. In contrast, those with lower NFC levels do not exhibit such tailored responses
across tasks varying in cognitive demand (Mussel et al. 2016). Lastly, a study relying on
self-report has shown that individuals high in NFC experience lower reward when high
effort is avoided compared to individuals low in NFC (Gheza et al. 2023). However, this
hypothesis warrants further exploration in neurobiological research.
2.4. Intellectual Abilities
While the role of intellectual abilities is not explicitly highlighted in the CATT, its sig-
nificance in the development of NFC cannot be disregarded. From a conceptual standpoint,
there are two reasons why NFC should be related to intellectual abilities (Lavrijsen et al.
2023). First, individuals with higher levels of intelligence are generally more likely to excel
in cognitive activities, which in turn could lead to a heightened appreciation of and more
frequent engagement in cognitive effort (i.e., higher NFC). This assumption is also known
as the environmental success hypothesis (Ziegler et al. 2012). Second, frequent engagement
in effortful cognitive activities is expected to enhance one’s intellectual abilities. Thus,
individuals who are inherently drawn to cognitive activities (i.e., have higher NFC) may
be more inclined to develop their intellectual abilities, also known as the environmental
enrichment hypothesis (Ziegler et al. 2012). In line with these hypotheses, empirical re-
search has identified positive correlations between NFC and intelligence measurements,
which seem to increase from very small in children to moderate in adults, aligning with
the positive reciprocal effects between both constructs (e.g., Bergold and Steinmayr 2023;
Fleischhauer et al. 2009;Hill et al. 2013;Lavrijsen et al. 2021;Von Stumm and Ackerman
2013). Also, although empirical research usually finds only small positive correlations
between NFC and intelligence in children, Ackermann et al. (2022) found that implement-
ing inductive reasoning training within a group of pre- and primary school children not
only positively impacted intelligence measures but also had a small positive effect on NFC
scores post-training. However, the positive effect of the reasoning training on NFC was
not maintained at the follow-up assessment, which was conducted three months after the
intervention had concluded. These findings align with the pattern observed in many other
intervention studies aimed at enhancing intellectual abilities: while initial improvements
are often noted at post-test, these gains frequently diminish over time, also known as the
fadeout effect (for a meta-analysis, see Protzko 2015).
Nevertheless, it is crucial to distinguish between NFC and intellectual abilities. While
stronger intellectual abilities may positively influence the development of NFC, as sug-
gested by the environmental success hypotheses, it is not a prerequisite for inherently
enjoying the exertion of cognitive effort. A number of studies showed that NFC incremen-
tally predicted academic performance, school engagement, and intrinsic motivation above
and beyond intellectual abilities (e.g., Lavrijsen et al. 2023;Preckel 2014;Strobel et al. 2019).
This underscores the unique role of NFC in intellectual engagement and achievement,
highlighting its importance beyond traditional measures of intellectual abilities.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 8 of 26
2.5. Learned Cognitive Skills
While intellectual abilities pertain to higher-order cognitive functions, such as rea-
soning and abstract thinking, which have been found hard to change (i.e., fadeout effect;
Protzko 2015), cognitive skills refer to acquired skills related to information-processing and
learning, which can more easily be enhanced through training, practice, and experience
(e.g., Ackerman 1996;Hung et al. 2012;Yang 2012). Despite their differences, more general
intellectual abilities and learned cognitive skills are related. Higher levels of intellectual
abilities often provide a solid foundation for acquiring and developing cognitive skills
(Ackerman 1996;DeYoung et al. 2008). However, the distinction is not always clear-cut.
In the context of our model, learned cognitive skills encompass all acquired abilities that
help individuals adapt to the environmental challenges of NFC (i.e., situations allowing
or requiring effort investment). Below, we discuss several examples, though this is by no
means an exhaustive overview of the various cognitive skills that can be developed to
handle such challenges.
Throughout the past few decades, NFC has been thoroughly investigated in relation to
a wide array of learned cognitive skills. For instance, it has been consistently observed that
higher levels of NFC are linked to increased skills to solve problems (Coutinho et al. 2005;
Nair and Ramnarayan 2000;Rudolph et al. 2018) and improved task focus (Levin et al. 2000;
Li and Browne 2006;Srivastava et al. 2010). Moreover, NFC has been associated with the
use of strategies that enhance information-processing and deeper learning, such as struc-
turing or reflective learning (e.g., Cazan and Indreica 2014;Loes and An 2021;Mokhtari
et al. 2013). The placement of information-processing skills within the category of learned
cognitive skills may lead to some confusion, especially in light of our earlier discussion
on basic information-processing. However, a distinction between these categories can be
made. While basic information-processing refers to elementary cognitive processes such as
perception and attention, information-processing skills encompass more complex skills that
help to process information, including tasks such as decoding, language processing, com-
paring information, and employing control strategies. The idea that information-processing
skills play a role in the development of NFC is in line with the elaboration likelihood model
suggested by Petty and Cacioppo (1986), who proposed two distinct routes for processing
persuasion-related information: the central route and the peripheral route. Those with high
levels of NFC are presumed to predominantly engage in information-processing via the
central route, indicating deeper scrutiny of available information. Conversely, individuals
with low NFC are anticipated to utilize the peripheral route for information-processing,
relying more on noticeable cues such as source characteristics, which results in more super-
ficial information-processing. Therefore, the existence of a relationship between NFC and
enhanced information-processing skills may not be surprising. Collectively, these learned
cognitive skills enable individuals with higher NFC to effectively handle situations that
allow or demand significant cognitive effort.
2.6. Self-Regulatory Processes
Cacioppo and Petty’s conceptualization of NFC emphasizes that individuals with
high NFC typically derive enjoyment from engaging in cognitively challenging activities,
which has been empirically validated in self-report studies (e.g., Li and Browne 2006).
Additionally, several studies utilizing both self-report and objective measures have shown
that people with varying NFC levels differ in their attitude toward and evaluation of
the effort involved, with individuals possessing higher levels of NFC evaluating such
endeavors more positively (Watts et al. 2017;Weissgerber et al. 2018;Westbrook et al. 2013).
Moreover, it has been observed that individuals with higher levels of NFC tend to prefer
complex over simple problems, while individuals with lower NFC levels do not exhibit this
preference for complex problems and may even try to avoid the exertion of cognitive effort
altogether (See et al. 2009;Therriault et al. 2014;Zerna et al. 2023). When individuals engage
in activities that require self-regulation, such as a cognitively demanding tasks, they must
override certain responses (e.g., distractions, giving up when faced with difficulty). This
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 9 of 26
can be exhausting and may subsequently lead to diminished self-regulation. Interestingly,
it has been demonstrated that positive emotions such as enjoyment can counteract the
negative effects of these self-regulation demands, and thereby facilitate subsequent self-
regulation. For example, Tice et al. (2007) found that after an initial act of self-regulation,
participants who were induced with positive emotions through watching a comedy video
persisted longer on both solvable and unsolvable puzzles than those who watched a neutral
video. Thus, individuals high in NFC, who inherently enjoy engaging in intellectually
demanding tasks, may benefit from these positive emotions during such tasks through the
enhancement of their ability to sustain self-regulatory efforts over time.
Furthermore, the role of perceived self-efficacy in the development of NFC also war-
rants consideration, as previously suggested by several researchers (Elias and Loomis
2002;Jebb et al. 2016). Perceived self-efficacy refers to an individual’s belief to master
challenges and to carry out the actions required to achieve specific outcomes (e.g., Bandura
1997). Since self-efficacy is not a unitary construct, the self-efficacy beliefs of people may
be different across various domains. In the context of the promotion of NFC, academic
or learning self-efficacy could play an important role (Elias and Loomis 2002;Jebb et al.
2016). Academic self-efficacy pertains to students’ beliefs that they have the capability to
successfully complete academic tasks (e.g., Bandura 1997;Eccles and Wigfield 2002;Elias
and Loomis 2002). Students who believe in their capacity to tackle intellectually challeng-
ing tasks are more likely to be engaged and persistent when faced with such tasks (e.g.,
Bandura 2016;Ouweneel et al. 2013;Usher et al. 2019). Additionally, students with higher
self-efficacy levels tend to experience positive emotions, such as enjoyment, in learning
contexts (e.g., Hayat et al. 2020;Mega et al. 2014;Pekrun et al. 2011). Since both engagement
in and enjoyment of effortful cognitive activity are crucial elements in the definition of
NFC, it might not be surprising that research has demonstrated that NFC and self-efficacy
are positively related (Ajadi 2022;Elias and Loomis 2002;Naderi et al. 2018). Theoretically,
it is reasonable to assume that self-efficacy plays a role in the development of NFC, as
individuals are more likely to seek out and enjoy cognitive tasks when they believe in their
ability to successfully complete them (Elias and Loomis 2002;Jebb et al. 2016;Naderi et al.
2018). However, an empirical validation of this assumption is currently lacking.
2.7. Behavioral Adaptation
As previously discussed, the exertion of cognitive effort in response to environmental
challenges labeled as “situations that allow or require cognitive effort” can be understood
as a behavioral adaptation of NFC. According to Cacioppo et al. (1996), NFC reflects
individual differences in the intrinsic motivation to engage in cognitive effortful activities.
Research supports this notion, demonstrating a positive association between NFC and
both the willingness to exert cognitive effort (e.g., Kramer et al. 2021) and the frequency
of actually engaging in situations that allow or require such effort (e.g., Cacioppo et al.
1996;Cazan and Indreica 2014;Therriault et al. 2014). For example, Therriault et al. (2014)
demonstrated a positive correlation between NFC and participation in more cognitively
demanding leisure activities, as opposed to those requiring less cognitive effort, in uni-
versity students. Moreover, NFC not only influences how frequently individuals seek out
cognitively challenging activities but also their approach once these situations are encoun-
tered: NFC has been linked to both observational and self-report measures of persistence
and engagement in cognitively demanding tasks (Dickhäuser et al. 2009;Fleischhauer et al.
2015;Lavrijsen et al. 2023).
Higher levels of NFC have also been consistently related to greater academic achieve-
ment (for a meta-analysis, see Liu and Nesbit 2023) and job performance (e.g., Abdollahi
and Rezaee 2014;Sojka and Deeter-Schmelz 2008). This relationship may be interpreted as
a more distal effect of the behavioral adaptation of NFC: individuals with high NFC tend to
more frequently seek out and invest greater cognitive effort in their daily activities, which
subsequently fosters improved academic and vocational outcomes.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 10 of 26
2.8. Dynamic Interplay between These Elements
Apart from merely exploring the cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes, and be-
havioral adaptations associated with NFC in isolation, delving into the dynamic interplay
among these elements will further deepen our understanding of NFC development. Firstly,
learned cognitive skills and self-regulatory processes, illustrated in the inner circle of the
model, are thought to directly impact the frequency and manner with which individuals
engage in effortful cognitive activities. Secondly, as depicted by the adaptive triangle in
the model, the continuous interaction among cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes,
and behavioral adaptations creates opportunities for these elements to mutually reinforce
one another over time, leading to increased cognitive effort investment. Figure 2sum-
marizes these interactions. For instance, individuals with good cognitive skills, such as
enhanced information-processing and skills to solve problems, are more likely to excel
in intellectual challenges, leading to success experiences that cultivate a positive effect in
learning situations and strengthen self-efficacy beliefs through positive appraisal (Hen-
dricks 2014;Kleppang et al. 2023;Pekrun 2014). Conversely, individuals who generally
derive enjoyment from engaging in cognitive activities and possess confidence in their
ability to do so are more inclined to actively seek out, engage in, and persist during such
endeavors (e.g., Oriol et al. 2017;Rodríguez-Muñoz et al. 2021;Schunk and Dibenedetto
2021). This increased cognitive investment exposes them to a diverse range of cognitive
activities, thereby providing consistent training opportunities that facilitate skill refinement
over time. Additionally, research indicates that positive learning-related emotions, such
as enjoyment, can boost the learning process: individuals who find pleasure in tackling
challenging cognitive tasks tend to exhibit greater learning outcomes compared to those
who do not find such tasks enjoyable (Chen et al. 2021;Li et al. 2020;Tan et al. 2021). Lastly,
how the exertion of cognitive effort is appraised can also influence the self-regulatory
processes of NFC. A positive appraisal of cognitive effort, such as viewing it as enjoyable,
motivationally relevant, manageable, and valuable, can lead to increased enjoyment of,
self-efficacy toward, and engagement in demanding cognitive activities (Forsblom et al.
2022;Lizzio and Wilson 2013;Schmidt et al. 2010).
J. Intell. 2024, 12, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 27
Figure 2. Interactions within the developmental model of Need for Cognition.
3. Fostering Need for Cognition
Figure 2 illustrates that learned cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes, and behav-
ioral adaptations associated with NFC exhibit ongoing interaction, influencing each other
over time in varying manners. More interestingly, these dynamic associations present av-
enues through which the environment can positively shape NFC development. According
to the CATT model (Mahews 2017), the more changeable components are situated within
this adaptive triangle. Although neurobiological systems, basic information-processing el-
ements, and intellectual abilities may enhance the likelihood of developing certain cogni-
tive skills and self-regulatory processes pertinent to positive NFC development, the po-
tential for an environmental influence on these cognitive and self-regulatory skills re-
mains substantial. In contrast, neurobiological systems, basic information-processing ele-
ments, and intellectual abilities have been shown to be less prone to lasting change caused
by the environment (e.g., Mahews 2017; Proko 2015). In the subsequent section, we will
propose several strategies, derived from the developmental model of NFC, through which
the environment can actively cultivate contexts that are possibly supportive for NFC in
youth, by impacting the dynamic interplay among cognitive skills, self-regulatory pro-
cesses, and behavioral adaptation. The proposed strategies will specifically target the en-
hancement of cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes, and behavioral adaptations.
While Figure 2 can aid in understanding how the various strategies are related to the pro-
posed model, Table A3 (see Appendix C) offers a clear overview of these strategies.
3.1. Safe Learning Environment as a Prerequisite
While the strategies suggested below certainly are promising, it is likely that the en-
vironment must possess several crucial characteristics before these strategies may take
effect. One such potential prerequisite for nurturing positive NFC development is the
quality of interpersonal relationships, particularly with significant others such as parents
or teachers. Aachment theory suggests that close relationships facilitate exploration by
offering a safe haven for children to seek comfort during distress (Bretherton 1992). When
significant others are perceived as caring and responsive, young individuals tend to expe-
rience less anxiety regarding threats or failure during exploration (Heatly and Votruba-
Drzal 2019; Ryan and Deci 2013). Consequently, nurturing supportive relationships with
caregivers through expressing care, acceptance, and support is likely to shape a child’s
readiness to engage in intellectually challenging pursuits, as they feel supported and en-
couraged to explore, take risks, and seek assistance if needed (Kashdan and Fincham
2012). In line with this assumption, substantial research suggests that students
Figure 2. Interactions within the developmental model of Need for Cognition.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 11 of 26
3. Fostering Need for Cognition
Figure 2illustrates that learned cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes, and behav-
ioral adaptations associated with NFC exhibit ongoing interaction, influencing each other
over time in varying manners. More interestingly, these dynamic associations present av-
enues through which the environment can positively shape NFC development. According
to the CATT model (Matthews 2017), the more changeable components are situated within
this adaptive triangle. Although neurobiological systems, basic information-processing ele-
ments, and intellectual abilities may enhance the likelihood of developing certain cognitive
skills and self-regulatory processes pertinent to positive NFC development, the potential for
an environmental influence on these cognitive and self-regulatory skills remains substantial.
In contrast, neurobiological systems, basic information-processing elements, and intellec-
tual abilities have been shown to be less prone to lasting change caused by the environment
(e.g., Matthews 2017;Protzko 2015). In the subsequent section, we will propose several
strategies, derived from the developmental model of NFC, through which the environment
can actively cultivate contexts that are possibly supportive for NFC in youth, by impacting
the dynamic interplay among cognitive skills, self-regulatory processes, and behavioral
adaptation. The proposed strategies will specifically target the enhancement of cognitive
skills, self-regulatory processes, and behavioral adaptations. While Figure 2can aid in
understanding how the various strategies are related to the proposed model, Table A3 (see
Appendix C) offers a clear overview of these strategies.
3.1. Safe Learning Environment as a Prerequisite
While the strategies suggested below certainly are promising, it is likely that the
environment must possess several crucial characteristics before these strategies may take
effect. One such potential prerequisite for nurturing positive NFC development is the
quality of interpersonal relationships, particularly with significant others such as parents
or teachers. Attachment theory suggests that close relationships facilitate exploration
by offering a safe haven for children to seek comfort during distress (Bretherton 1992).
When significant others are perceived as caring and responsive, young individuals tend to
experience less anxiety regarding threats or failure during exploration (Heatly and Votruba-
Drzal 2019;Ryan and Deci 2013). Consequently, nurturing supportive relationships with
caregivers through expressing care, acceptance, and support is likely to shape a child’s
readiness to engage in intellectually challenging pursuits, as they feel supported and
encouraged to explore, take risks, and seek assistance if needed (Kashdan and Fincham
2012). In line with this assumption, substantial research suggests that students demonstrate
heightened effort, engagement, and intrinsic motivation when they perceive their teachers
and parents as understanding and caring (e.g., Engels et al. 2021;Fedesco et al. 2019;
Weyns et al. 2018). Aligning this possible prerequisite with the proposed model, it can be
hypothesized that supportive relationships may help young people view environmental
challenges not as threats but as opportunities, thereby increasing their willingness to
engage with them. However, to our knowledge, there is currently no research that directly
investigates the link between NFC and a safe learning environment. This gap in the
literature warrants further investigation to better understand how such environments
might influence the development of NFC, potentially offering new insights into effective
educational practices.
3.2. Optimal Challenge
It has been put forward that an intellectually stimulating environment could poten-
tially enhance the development of NFC (Jebb et al. 2016), which underscores the importance
of providing students with opportunities to engage in cognitively challenging activities
to enhance their NFC. While there is some support for this proposition in longitudinal
studies (Loes and An 2021;Padgett et al. 2010), it is not yet clear what exactly character-
izes such a stimulating environment in the context of positive NFC development. The
recent literature underscores the importance of optimal challenge, where task demands
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 12 of 26
align with or slightly exceed individual capacities (Lavrijsen et al. 2021;Shernoff et al.
2003). Given that an appropriately challenging environment increases the likelihood of
success experiences with intellectual tasks, students in such environments tend to exhibit
heightened engagement and have more positive beliefs regarding their competence to
tackle such activities (Deci et al. 1996;Renninger and Hidi 2015;Shernoff 2013). However,
it is not merely the heightened likelihood of success that brings forth the positive out-
comes of optimal challenge. Activities that match or slightly exceed one’s abilities tend
to also increase enjoyment and feelings of fulfillment during the activity, as achieving
something not immediately evident fosters learning and personal growth (Abuhamdeh and
Csikszentmihalyi 2012). Conversely, excessively easy schoolwork, despite a high likelihood
of success, can lead to boredom and disengagement (Krannich et al. 2022). Moreover,
when individuals feel optimally challenged during a cognitive activity, they are more
likely to have a fulfilling subjective experience and to be intrinsically motivated to engage
in such activities both presently and in the future (Lavrijsen et al. 2021;Reeve and Deci
1996). Therefore, creating an optimally challenging environment is a promising strategy for
enhancing NFC development, as it boosts the likelihood of success experiences and thereby
positively influences enjoyment and self-efficacy—key components of the self-regulatory
dimension of the model—through positive appraisals of these successful outcomes. In
addition, such environments provide the ideal foundation for developing cognitive skills
(Csikszentmihalyi et al. 2014), further contributing to positive NFC development. The idea
that optimal challenge could be crucial in the context of NFC development is supported
by the findings of Loes et al. (2012), who observed that college students perceiving their
classes as optimally challenging reported increases in NFC during their first year of college.
Despite these promising findings, it is essential to note that mere exposure to optimal
intellectual stimulation might not suffice to foster NFC; it rather serves as a prerequisite for
positive NFC development. Various studies have indicated that NFC seems to be largely
unaffected by socio-economic background (Colling et al. 2022;Padgett et al. 2010;Preckel
and Strobel 2017). Given the strong correlation between socio-economic background and
exposure to cognitive activities at home (Bodovski and Farkas 2008), this suggests that the
provision of optimal intellectual stimulation may not be sufficient. It could be that students
must also learn to appreciate and embrace cognitive challenges. The strategies suggested
below could provide valuable insights into this matter.
3.3. Appraisal of Cognitive Activities
According to the appraisal theory, an individual’s emotional response to an event
is shaped by their evaluation of the event across various appraisal dimensions, such as
motivational relevance, goal congruence, coping potential (i.e., self-efficacy), and alignment
with internal values (e.g., Lazarus 1991;Scherer and Moors 2019). Consequently, differences
in emotional and behavioral reactions to the same event can be attributed to individual
differences in how the event is appraised across these dimensions. Based on this theory, it
could then be hypothesized that individuals are more likely to voluntarily seek out, engage
in, and enjoy cognitively effortful activities when they appraise such tasks as motivation-
ally relevant, manageable, and in alignment with their values and goals. Enhancing the
appraisals of cognitively effortful tasks could, therefore, foster NFC development.
3.3.1. Appraisal of Value
Several empirically supported ways to enhance these appraisals exist. For example, it
has been shown that providing students with tasks that match their interests, as opposed
to boring tasks, leads to increased appraisals of value and enjoyment during these tasks
(Hulleman et al. 2008;Patall 2013). Another effective approach to positively alter appraisals
of value is through explicit highlighting or appraising of its value. However, it could also
be effective if teachers, parents, or other influential figures explicitly emphasize the value
of cognitive activities in younger populations (e.g., Acee and Weinstein 2010;Gaspard
et al. 2015;Shin et al. 2018). For example, Gaspard et al. (2015) assigned ninth-grade
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 13 of 26
students to either one of two relevance-inducing conditions (writing a text or evaluating
value statements from other students) or a control condition (no intervention). While
both relevance-inducing tasks increased the utility value (i.e., perceived usefulness of
performing a task) reported by the students, only the condition involving the evaluation of
value statements increased their attainment value (i.e., the importance attached to doing
well) and intrinsic value (i.e., the enjoyment derived from doing a task). Thus, while
allowing students to reflect on the value of cognitively effortful tasks may be beneficial, the
explicit appraisal of this value by others could, therefore, be even more effective to positively
alter youth’s appraisals of such effort. In summary, providing cognitively demanding tasks
that match students’ interests, along with explicitly highlighting its value, could lead to
an increased perceived value of such tasks. More importantly, enhancing the perceived
value of intellectually demanding tasks holds the potential to facilitate the development of
a favorable NFC, as individuals are inclined to pursue activities that resonate with their
values and avoid those that do not (Schunk and Usher 2019). Furthermore, increased task
value has been suggested to positively influence engagement in and enjoyment of learning
activities, particularly when accompanied by perceived control (i.e., self-efficacy) over the
task (Forsblom et al. 2022;Peng and Cherng 2023;Shao et al. 2020). As such, enhancing the
perceived value of intellectually demanding tasks may enhance NFC development.
3.3.2. Appraisal of Coping Potential and Motivational Relevance
Enhancing appraisals of coping potential could also foster the development of a pos-
itive NFC. Aligning tasks with students’ interests not only enhances appraisals of value
but also positively impacts appraisals of coping potential during intellectually demanding
activities, leading to higher levels of engagement, enjoyment, and persistence, and thus
counteracting the possible negative effects of these cognitive demands (Fulmer and Frijters
2011;Fulmer et al. 2015;Milyavskaya et al. 2021). The appraisal of coping potential can
be further enhanced through the explicit appraisal or positive reinforcement of cognitive
effort exertion. Studies have demonstrated that explicit verbal appraisals not only increase
enjoyment and persistence but also enhance self-efficacy with regard to challenging cogni-
tive tasks (Droe 2012;Haimovitz and Henderlong Corpus 2011;Zarrinabadi and Rahimi
2022). For example, Zarrinabadi and Rahimi (2022) found that university students who
were praised for their effort had more positive beliefs regarding their writing abilities
compared to those praised for their intelligence or those who received no praise. Thus,
through increasing the appraisal of coping potential (i.e., self-efficacy), explicit effort praise
could be a potent strategy to promote NFC development.
Explicit effort praise not only has the potential to enhance the appraisal of coping
potential but could also influence the appraisal of the motivational relevance of cognitively
demanding tasks. According to the Secondary Reward Theory (Eisenberger 1992), the
aversiveness of exerting (cognitive) effort can be reduced by pairing this effort with a
reinforcer, such as praise, recognition, or other forms of positive reinforcement. During
this process, the experience of effort may acquire secondary reward properties, making
the act of engaging in cognitive effort intrinsically rewarding and consequently leading to
increased approach behaviors toward situations allowing or requiring cognitive effort (i.e.,
the behavioral adaptation of NFC). This phenomenon was recently empirically validated in
a student sample (Clay et al. 2022). Thus, rewarding cognitive effort through explicit praise
has the potential to enhance the intrinsic reward of cognitive effort, promoting greater
approach behavior toward cognitively demanding situations and thereby fostering positive
NFC development.
3.3.3. Appraisal of Enjoyability
Lastly, it could be beneficial for NFC development if the appraisal of the enjoyability of
cognitive effort exertion is enhanced. Although enjoyability is not typically emphasized as
a traditional appraisal dimension in the aforementioned theories, it may play an important
role in the development of one’s NFC. Individuals with high levels of NFC seek out and
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 14 of 26
engage in intellectually demanding activities because they enjoy them. Therefore, if the
environment could increase the perceived enjoyment of these kinds of activities for youth,
this could potentially foster their NFC development. One way to achieve this is through
emotional contagion, or the tendency to imitate another individual’s emotional state, and
thus experiencing and displaying the same emotion (Sonnby-Borgström and Jönsson 2004).
Empirical research has shown that teacher enjoyment is indeed linked to enjoyment within
the classroom, even after accounting for enjoyment in previous school years, and that
this relationship is mediated by teacher enthusiasm (Frenzel et al. 2009). Since teacher
enjoyment represents a more internal experience, which can be hard for students to pick
up, it has been suggested that teacher enjoyment can be transferred to the students through
teacher enthusiasm (Frenzel et al. 2009). Teacher enthusiasm encompasses a teaching style
that manifests through observable behaviors, such as dynamic gestures, facial expressions,
varied voice intonations, and the frequent use of humor (OECD 2019). If teachers or other
important social actors could make it evident to young individuals that they enjoy engaging
in cognitively effortful activities through the enthusiasm with which they approach and
present such activities, these feelings of enjoyment might actually “spread” to the students.
As a result, this could foster a greater appreciation for intellectual challenges in general,
increasing the likelihood of students engaging in such activities and ultimately enhancing
the development of NFC.
3.4. Modeling
Observational learning refers to the process of acquiring knowledge by observing
the actions of others (i.e., models), either directly or indirectly (Bandura 1977,1997). Role
models are often viewed as experts from whom individuals can learn, such as parents or
teachers (Bandura 1997). Observational learning has been extensively investigated since its
introduction by Bandura (1977), and it has been empirically validated that individuals can
assimilate skills, beliefs, emotions, strategies, or attitudes by observing others within their
social environment (e.g., Craig et al. 2009;Jacobs and Eccles 2000;Ryan 2019).
With regard to the model of NFC development, these “expert” models possess great
potential to enhance both learned cognitive skills and self-regulatory processes, two key
components of the adaptive triangle of the model. For example, it has been demonstrated
that consistent exposure to expert models successfully solving problems while articulat-
ing their cognitive processes enhances students’ problem-solving skills (Craig et al. 2009;
Van Gog and Rummel 2010). Additionally, studies indicate that teachers and parents
can positively influence self-efficacy beliefs and motivation in educational settings (e.g.,
Groenendijk et al. 2013;Phan and Ngu 2016;Thevenin et al. 2016). Therefore, parents,
teachers, and other role models can play a pivotal role in fostering NFC by modeling behav-
iors and attitudes associated with high NFC. This can be achieved by actively engaging in
and persisting with challenging cognitive activities, thereby demonstrating the rewarding
and enjoyable aspects of such tasks. Moreover, by openly acknowledging and persevering
through their own mistakes, they can instill students with a resilient and positive mindset
when approaching intellectually demanding activities.
In addition to parents and teachers, peers and siblings have also been recognized as
influential role models in shaping the development of self-efficacy in young individuals
(Murphy 2015;Schunk and Zimmerman 2006). Since peers are perceived as more like
oneself compared to parents or teachers, observing a peer’s success can provide valuable
insights into one’s own potential to achieve similar outcomes. This can positively impact
self-efficacy beliefs, thereby motivating individuals to attempt similar tasks themselves
(Schunk 2003). Furthermore, peer models may also offer insights into behaviors or attitudes
leading to favorable or unfavorable outcomes, prompting individuals to emulate behaviors
associated with positive results (Gibson 2003). Accordingly, observing that peers are praised
for engaging in cognitive effortful activities (i.e., explicit appraisal) not only boosts their own
confidence but also encourages other learners to participate in similar activities that lead to
such positive outcomes (i.e., being praised; Muir 2018). Consequently, the deployment of
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 15 of 26
peer models not only has the potential to influence the self-regulatory processes of the NFC
development model but could also positively affect the frequency with which students
invest cognitive effort (i.e., behavioral adaptation of NFC). As increased cognitive effort is
crucial for enhancing cognitive skills (Haith and Krakauer 2018), this approach will further
reinforce the adaptive triangle within the model and ultimately promote NFC development.
3.5. Supporting Success Experiences
As previously noted, one approach to cultivate more success experiences is to provide
optimally challenging tasks, where task demands align with or slightly exceed individual
capacities (Shernoff et al. 2003). Nonetheless, the design of the learning environment
can encompass various additional strategies to increase the likelihood of encountering
success in intellectually demanding tasks. For instance, establishing a structured learning
environment, by example through setting clear expectations and providing step-by-step
guidance on how to complete them, is a well-supported method for increasing learning
achievements (Cheon et al. 2019;Vansteenkiste et al. 2012). Furthermore, it has been shown
that differentiated instruction, an approach in which teachers tailor their curriculum and
instruction to optimize learning for all students, positively impacts student performance
and achievement (Alsalhi et al. 2021;Muthomi and Mbugua 2014;Tomlinson 2017). As
such, teachers can differentiate on different key elements in the classroom based on stu-
dents’ interests and learning profiles. Lastly, offering constructive feedback before, during,
and after these tasks prompts students to adapt their approaches and behaviors to meet
expectations in the future (Aelterman et al. 2014;Aelterman et al. 2019;Jang et al. 2010).
Constructive feedback, aimed at providing useful guidance or suggestions to improve
performance, skills, or behavior, focuses on specific actions rather than personal traits
and is most effective when given shortly after the behavior it addresses; its main goal is
to empower the student by highlighting areas for improvement and offering actionable
advice, often including both positive reinforcement and suggestions for enhancement (Bee
and Bee 1998;Ovando 1994). Providing students with constructive feedback stands as one
of the most impactful strategies to improve self-efficacy beliefs and motivation towards
and value of cognitive activities (Aslam et al. 2021). Ultimately, these factors contribute
to students’ attainment of their learning objectives and success experiences (Hattie 2009;
Kamardeen 2013).
In conclusion, through aligning task demands with individual capacities (i.e., opti-
mal challenge), establishing a structured learning environment, providing differentiated
instructions, and offering timely constructive feedback, teachers and parents can elevate
the probability of success experiences. This, in turn, enhances students’ self-efficacy beliefs
and positive attitudes towards challenging cognitive tasks—two critical elements of the
self-regulatory dimension of NFC. Furthermore, an environment that promotes success
is also the ideal foundation for improving cognitive skills. Therefore, prioritizing the
cultivation of success experiences could stand as a pivotal approach in nurturing NFC
positive development.
4. Discussion
The main purpose of the present article was to elucidate possible key factors contribut-
ing to the development of NFC, defined as an individual’s tendency to seek out, engage in,
and enjoy cognitive effortful tasks (Cacioppo and Petty 1982). Recent longitudinal studies,
albeit limited, have found great interindividual variability in students’ developmental tra-
jectories of NFC, suggesting that NFC is malleable, particularly among younger individuals
(Bergold et al. 2022;Bergold and Steinmayr 2023;Bruinsma and Crutzen 2018;Preckel
2014). This implies that NFC can be developed. However, most research has focused on
the predictive capacity of NFC itself, with limited attention given to the determinants
influencing its development. The available studies on the development of NFC suggest a
general mean-level decline from childhood to mid-adolescence, and a slight increase from
mid-adolescence onward. Given its association with numerous positive outcomes, finding
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 16 of 26
avenues to fostering NFC development in youth seems crucial. To address this gap, we
employed an emergent trait theory—the CATT (Matthews 2017)—to propose a develop-
mental model of NFC. Drawing from the existing literature on NFC, we outlined several
core components of the model, including neurobiological and basic information-processing
elements, intellectual abilities, learned cognitive skills, and self-regulatory processes. More
importantly, we illustrated how they may interact, potentially driving cognitive effort
investment over time. Finally, we suggested several avenues for cultivating NFC devel-
opment and elaborated on their mechanisms using the proposed model. These included
influencing the appraisal of cognitive effortful activities, modeling NFC-related behaviors,
and shaping an environment that fosters success experiences. We also emphasized that
establishing a supportive and optimally intellectually stimulating environment could serve
as prerequisites for fostering positive NFC development, alongside the aforementioned
strategies. However, the listed strategies are just propositions and are not meant to be
exhaustive. Further investigation is needed to empirically validate the effectiveness of the
suggested strategies and to explore additional methods for promoting NFC.
Nevertheless, several important considerations should be made. First, it is crucial
to distinguish between NFC at the trait- and the state-level to fully comprehend how
NFC development can be positively influenced. While traits describe people in general
terms, such as someone who generally enjoys exerting cognitive effort, states explain
specific behaviors in particular situations and can be seen as deviations from one’s typical
developmental trend (e.g., DeYoung 2015;Hecht et al. 2019). The recent literature on
personality development has consistently proposed that personality change occurs as
a result of daily experiences of trait deviations (i.e., states) that accumulate over time
(Wrzus and Roberts 2017). For example, consider an individual who generally exhibits low
trait NFC. In a specific moment and situation, such as during an optimally challenging
activity, this person might display heightened levels of enjoyment and engagement in
cognitive activities beyond what would typically be expected based on their trait NFC
score, indicating a high state NFC. This temporary deviation from their trait level NFC
can prompt the individual to engage in deeper and more intensive thinking, thereby
fostering their cognitive skills. Consequently, this investment in cognitive activities is
likely to enhance their performance on similar tasks in the future, making these tasks more
enjoyable. Only if this sequence of events recurs frequently and proves advantageous in
addressing environmental challenges, lasting personality change can be anticipated (Wrzus
and Roberts 2017). Thus, implementing the aforementioned strategies will probably not
lead to enduring changes in one’s tendency to enjoy and engage in cognitive activities
when only used a few times. Rather, consistent and repeated positive experiences with
cognitive activities seem necessary for fostering enduring changes in NFC. By continually
creating opportunities for individuals to find cognitive activities rewarding and enjoyable,
it may be possible to promote a stable and lasting increase in their NFC, thereby enhancing
their overall cognitive engagement and development.
Second, within this article, we primarily focused on how the environment can foster
positive NFC development. However, this emphasis does not imply that contextual factors
alone determine NFC development; individual factors likely also play a crucial role in
its progression. According to the transactional theory of development, developmental
outcomes arise from continuous reciprocal influences between the individual and their
context, including parents, teachers, and peers (Sameroff 2009). Therefore, the environments
in which individuals find themselves are not entirely independent of these individuals;
rather, they are shaped by and interact with the individual’s characteristics, behaviors,
and choices. For example, individuals actively select and evoke responses from their
environments based on their preferences, interests, and developmental needs (Sameroff
2009). Those who find enjoyment in intellectually challenging activities may actively seek
intellectually stimulating environments that align with their cognitive interests. Moreover,
their enthusiasm and motivation for such tasks may also influence how others within
the environment respond to them, thereby further shaping their intellectual development.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 17 of 26
Thus, while our focus has been on the potential influence of the environment on NFC
development, we do not disavow the important role individuals play in shaping their own
development through these interactions with their environment. However, we assume
that if the environment purposefully and consistently applies the proposed strategies
while providing a safe learning environment and sufficient cognitive stimulation, there is
potential for the environment to positively influence the NFC development of youth.
Third, the strategies we proposed to foster NFC development primarily focus on
enhancing the self-regulatory processes, learned cognitive skills, and behavioral adaptations
within our model. Given that neural and basic information-processing mechanisms are
generally considered less malleable than the aforementioned elements (Matthews 2017),
we only addressed them briefly when introducing our model and did not explore them in
depth. Nonetheless, we recognize their importance, as they are likely to exert a significant
influence on NFC development. Although our strategies may not directly target these
mechanisms, their impact is probably also fundamental to the overall developmental
process of NFC. Investigating these neural and information-processing mechanisms in
more detail is a task for future research to further elucidate their role in NFC development.
Fourth, it is apparent that the proposed avenues to foster positive NFC development
mainly target youth. Considering the evidence suggesting great malleability of NFC
in younger individuals, it becomes evident that creating conducive contexts for NFC
development holds significant importance among younger populations, such as children
and adolescents. Hence, the proposed strategies primarily target the home and school
context, as we expect these younger individuals to derive greater benefits from an NFC
promoting environment. However, while prioritizing the shaping of environments for
younger populations is crucial, it is imperative to recognize that NFC development remains
open to influence across the lifespan. By cultivating environments supportive of NFC
development, individuals of all ages can continue to enhance their NFC, with possible
benefits for their personal growth and well-being.
Finally, it is essential to emphasize that while the findings from existing longitudi-
nal studies suggest that NFC is malleable, there are currently no studies that definitively
demonstrate this through experimental evidence. Given NFC’s relevance across a variety
of contexts, conducting intervention studies specifically designed to influence NFC should
be a research priority in order to fill this critical gap in the psychological literature and
provide conclusive proof of its malleability. Our paper seeks to offer a theoretical frame-
work outlining the interacting factors that could shape NFC development over time, which
future research should investigate, particularly in the context of intervention-based studies.
Proving the malleability of NFC would not only advance theoretical understanding but also
open new avenues for enhancing cognitive engagement and motivation in educational, pro-
fessional, and everyday settings. Ultimately, this endeavor could better equip individuals
to thrive in an increasingly complex and cognitively demanding world.
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, E.A., J.L., F.P. and K.V.; writing—original draft preparation,
E.A.; writing—review and editing, E.A., J.L., F.P. and K.V. visualization, E.A.; supervision, K.V. All
authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: Not applicable.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 18 of 26
Appendix A
Table A1. Investment traits closely related to NFC.
Construct Definition Example Item(s) Similarities Differences
Need for
Cognition (NFC)
An individuals’
tendency to seek out,
engage in, and enjoy
thinking (Cacioppo
and Petty 1982).
“Thinking is fun for
me”; “I like to work
on problems that
require a lot of
thinking” (Preckel
and Strobel 2017).
Typical
Intellectual
Engagement (TIE)
An individuals’
aversion or attraction
to intellectually
demanding activities
(Goff and Ackerman
1992).
“I prefer my life to be
filled with puzzles I
must solve” (Goff
and Ackerman 1992,
p. 540).
Both hold significant
predictive power regarding
the effort individuals
typically invest in
everyday situations (e.g.,
Cacioppo et al. 1996;
Furnham et al. 2009;
Strobel et al. 2018).
TIE focuses on the extent of
intellectual effort typically
exerted by an individual,
regardless of their
motivation to do so, while
NFC is more concerned with
the positive feelings
associated with cognitive
effortful activities.
Epistemic
Curiosity (EC)
A hunger for
knowledge that
drives individuals to
acquire knowledge
about the world,
bridge information
gaps, and resolve
intellectual
challenges (Berlyne
1978;Litman 2008).
“I enjoy learning
something new and I
like to find out more”;
“I enjoy learning
about subjects which
are unfamiliar”
(Litman and
Spielberger 2003,
p. 82).
Both refer to a cognitive
motivation to partake in
intellectually
challenging endeavors.
EC, being more
deficit-driven, revolves
around bridging knowledge
gaps, and is fostered by
feelings of uncertainty or
“not-knowing” (Berlyne 1978;
Lamnina and Chase 2019;
Litman 2005). NFC does not
prioritize bridging
knowledge gaps but centers
around the enjoyment
derived from engaging in
cognitive activities
(Cacioppo et al. 1996).
Openness to Ideas
(OI)
One’s inclination to
embrace and consider
new concepts,
thoughts, and
perspectives, which
can be reflected in an
active pursuit of
intellectual activities
for their intrinsic
value (Costa and
McCrae 1992;McCrae
and Sutin 2009).
“Has high degree of
intellectual capacity”;
“Concerned with
philosophical
problems” (Costa and
McCrae 1995, p. 31).
Both relate to the pursuit of
and engagement in
intellectual activities, and
this being not for extrinsic
reasons but for the intrinsic
value of the task for hand
(Fleischhauer et al. 2009).
While OI demonstrates
stronger predictive power for
constructs associated with
novelty and the pursuit of
variety, NFC exhibits a more
goal-oriented and cognitive
dimension, being more
closely linked to a general
inclination to actively invest
cognitive resources
irrespective of context
(Fleischhauer et al. 2009).
Appendix B
Table A2. Variables associated with higher NFC levels.
Dimension Empirical Evidence
Neural correlates
Larger gray-matter volume in brain regions involved in motivational and visuospatial processes
(Liu and Nesbit 2023;Tolomeo et al. 2023).
Greater brain flexibility in various brain areas and networks (He et al. 2019).
Basic information-processing
Increased involuntary attention allocation to task-relevant stimuli as indicated by electrocortical
indices (Enge et al. 2008;2011;Strobel et al. 2015).
More efficient neuronal information-processing (Mussel et al. 2016).
Lower reward when high cognitive effort is avoided (Gheza et al. 2023).
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 19 of 26
Table A2. Cont.
Dimension Empirical Evidence
Intellectual abilities Stronger intellectual abilities (e.g., Bergold and Steinmayr 2023;Lavrijsen et al. 2021;Von Stumm
and Ackerman 2013).
Learned cognitive skills
Stronger problem-solving skills (Coutinho et al. 2005;Nair and Ramnarayan 2000;
Rudolph et al. 2018).
Improved task focus (Levin et al. 2000;Li and Browne 2006;Srivastava et al. 2010).
More frequent use of strategies that enhance explicit information-processing (e.g., Mokhtari et al.
2013) and deeper learning (Cazan and Indreica 2014).
Self-regulatory processes
Greater enjoyment during and positive attitude toward intellectually demanding tasks (e.g., Li and
Browne 2006;Weissgerber et al. 2018).
Preference for complex over simple problems (See et al. 2009;Therriault et al. 2014;
Zerna et al. 2023).
Enhanced self-efficacy beliefs in learning or academic contexts (e.g., Elias and Loomis 2002;
Naderi et al. 2018).
Behavioral adaptation
More willing to exert cognitive effort (e.g., Kramer et al. 2021).
More frequent cognitive effort exertion (e.g., Cazan and Indreica 2014;Therriault et al. 2014).
Greater engagement in and persistence during effortful cognitive activities (Dickhäuser et al. 2009;
Fleischhauer et al. 2015;Lavrijsen et al. 2023).
Appendix C
Table A3. Overview of the suggested strategies to promote NFC development.
Strategy Definition Strategies
Safe learning environment
An educational setting
characterized by supportive and
responsive interpersonal
relationships with significant
others, which provides a
foundation of care, acceptance,
and support.
Providing a safe haven for students to seek comfort during
the distress that comes with cognitively demanding tasks.
Optimal challenge
An educational setting where
cognitive tasks and activities are
designed to align with or
slightly exceed an individual’s
current capabilities.
Offering tasks and activities to students that are
sufficiently challenging to stimulate interest and
achievement without being overwhelming.
Appraisal of cognitive activities
Emotional responses to
cognitively demanding tasks are
shaped by evaluating such tasks
across various appraisal
dimensions, resulting in
differences in emotional and
behavioral reactions depending
on how such tasks
are perceived.
Influencing how students appraise cognitive tasks
through offering tasks that align with their interests,
clearly emphasizing the value of these tasks, providing
explicit praise for their efforts, and having significant
others approach these tasks with enthusiasm.
Modeling
The process of acquiring skills,
beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors
related to higher levels of NFC
by observing the actions and
attitudes of others, such as
significant others or peers.
Exposing students to “expert models”, like teachers or
parents, who actively engage in challenging cognitive
activities while articulating their cognitive processes and
demonstrating their value and enjoyment while also
openly acknowledging and learning from their
own mistakes.
Exposing students to “peer models” who frequently
succeed in cognitively demanding tasks and receive praise
for their efforts.
J. Intell. 2024,12, 99 20 of 26
Table A3. Cont.
Strategy Definition Strategies
Supporting success experiences
An educational setting that
enhances the likelihood of
success experiences
for students.
Providing tasks that align with individual capacities,
establishing a structured learning environment, offering
differentiated instruction tailored to students’ learning
profiles<