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What are the three characteristics of Trumpism?: A Discourse Analysis of Trump’s Four Major Campaign Speeches
... Populism in international relations (IR) has been key in informing the foreign policy decision-making processes of populist leaders and parties. Within this sphere, the collective imagination of 'the people' is defined and stretched by populism, highlighting security imaginaries of socioeconomic threat, political alienation, and socio-cultural anxiety as threats to the 'real people' posed by both internal and external 'others' (Beeman, 2018;Freeden, 2017;Malik, 2018). ...
This book examines the projection of soft and sharp powers through the Turkish civilizational populist TV series "Resurrection: Ertugrul" and its reception in Pakistan. By analyzing the content of the series, elite responses, interviews with ordinary Pakistanis, and Pakistani cyberspace, the book argues that beyond soft power, the show exerts Turkey’s sharp power transnationally, through themes of authoritarianism, violence, warfare, desire for killing and dying, Islamist collective victimhood, conspiracy theories and anti-Christian sentiments. The book contributes to the literatures on sharp power, populism, and authoritarianism.
... The formal language was proposed by Chomsky, which states that a given grammar G contains four parts: a set of termination symbols, a set of non-termination symbols, a beginning symbol, and a set of generators [18][19]. ...
Politics and political discourse are closely related to people’s daily life, and this study aims to propose a new approach to political discourse analysis by combining English and Chinese corpora. By exploring the composition of formal language and the grammar generation process, this paper proposes an improved N-gram algorithm to address the shortcomings of the N-gram model in dealing with low-frequency words with low accuracy and uses the strategy of introducing alternative words to alleviate the problem of sparse data. Then, a critical metaphor analysis of political discourse in the English-Chinese corpus is conducted based on the improved statistical language model, and the convergence of political discourse is studied in terms of space and time. By analyzing the political discourse of American presidents, the spatial centrality factors of “we” and “our nation” were accurately extracted, and their correlations were 0.83, 0.73, 0.68, 0.51, 0.76, and 0.41 in order. The correlations of the unqualified facsimile noun phrases in the temporal convergence of political discourse reached 0.28, 0.25, 0.72, 0.68, and 0.54, respectively, and the accuracy of the improved N-gram model improved by about 28.1% compared with the traditional method, making using statistical linguistic models for political discourse analysis feasible and applicable.
... Političar poput Trumpa kada nudi običnom građaninu da će oduzeti vlast birokraciji iz Washingtona i da će je predati u ruke onima kojima suverenitet izvorno i pripada, onda je na djelu zavodljiv poziv koji zapravo čeka najveći dio glasača svih zemalja svijeta. 5 Ima istine i u stavu Charles Micallefa: "Trumpov uspjeh mogao bi se temeljiti na "Ja sam ono što vidite": bez maski, bez slatkih riječi i bez inhibicija" (2017: 96). Ovakav je stav najdalje od istine. ...
This text seeks to draw attention to the connection between Trump’s political career and his participation in media spectacles. Through this connection, the text emphasizes the power of a completely new medium - comments on social networks. These comments enabled the kind of speech that of trends in hate speech. The media dimension of Trumpism testifies the participation and importance of the media for any formation or maintenance of power.
... 3 With a view to encouraging further empirical research into systematically identifying populist emotion appeals, we use illustrative examples of populist discursive patterns, primarily at the macro level of text, rather than engaging in an empirical inquiry to demonstrate our conceptual points about the mobilizing effects of humiliation narratives. As we demonstrate, populist discourses construct their security imaginary of socioeconomic threat, political alienation, and cultural anxiety decidedly as a non-elitist articulation of ordinary fears and concerns of the "people" (Freeden 2017;Beeman 2018). Stories shape our feelings toward others and ourselves, toward what is right and wrong, and toward what happens, when, and why (Capps and Ochs 1995, 53). ...
This article examines how communicative practices, emotion, and everyday experiences of insecurity interlink in processes of populist political mobilization. Combining insights from international security studies, political psychology, and populism research, it demonstrates how populist political agents from the right of the political spectrum have constructed a powerful security imaginary around the loss of past national greatness that creates affinities with the experiences of those who feel disempowered and ties existential anxieties to concerns with immigration, globalization, and integration. As we show, within the populist security imaginary, humiliation is the key discursive mechanism that helps turn abstract notions of enmity into politically consequential affective narratives of loss, betrayal, and oppression. Humiliation binds together an ostensibly conflicting sense of national greatness and victimhood to achieve an emotive response that enables a radical departure from established domestic and international policy norms and problematizes policy choices centered on collaboration, dialogue, and peaceful conflict resolution.
Cet article examine la mesure dans laquelle les pratiques de communication, l’émotion et les expériences quotidiennes d'insécurité sont liées aux processus de mobilisation politique des populistes. Il allie des renseignements issus d’études internationales sur la sécurité, de la psychologie politique et de recherches sur le populisme pour montrer la manière dont les agents politiques populistes de droite ont construit un puissant imaginaire de la sécurité autour de la perte de la grandeur nationale passée. Cet imaginaire crée des affinités avec les expériences des personnes qui se sentent mises à l’écart et associe les anxiétés existentielles à des préoccupations liées à l'immigration, à la mondialisation et à l'intégration. Comme nous le montrons, dans l'imaginaire populiste de la sécurité, l'humiliation est le mécanisme discursif clé qui permet de transformer des notions abstraites d'inimitié en récits de perte, de trahison et d'oppression qui font appel à l'affectif et ont des conséquences politiques. Cette humiliation associe deux sentiments ostensiblement contradictoires, celui de grandeur nationale et celui d’être victime, qui amènent à une réaction émotive conduisant à s’éloigner radicalement des normes politiques nationales et internationales établies tout en trouvant problématiques les choix politiques centrés sur la collaboration, le dialogue et la résolution pacifique des conflits.
Este artículo investiga de qué manera las prácticas comunicativas, las emociones y las experiencias cotidianas de inseguridad se conectan con los procesos de movilizaciones políticas populistas. Combinando los conocimientos de los estudios de seguridad internacional, la psicología política y la investigación del populismo, demuestra cómo los agentes políticos populistas de la derecha del espectro político han construido un imaginario de seguridad poderoso en torno a la pérdida de la grandeza nacional pasada, el cual crea afinidad con las experiencias de aquellas personas que sienten que carecen de poder y relaciona las ansiedades existenciales con las preocupaciones por la inmigración, la globalización y la integración. Tal como lo presentamos, dentro del imaginario de seguridad populista, la humillación es el mecanismo discursivo clave que ayuda a convertir las nociones abstractas de la enemistad en discursos afectivos de derrotas, traiciones y opresiones que son relevantes en términos políticos. La humillación une un sentido ostensiblemente opuesto de grandeza nacional y victimismo para lograr una respuesta emotiva que permita la divergencia radical de las normas políticas nacionales e internacionales establecidas y problematiza las elecciones políticas centradas en la colaboración, el diálogo y la resolución pacífica de conflictos.
As the book's central topic is the reception of Turkey's soft and sharp powers projected through the Islamist civilizational populist historical drama ‘Resurrection: Ertuğrul,’ this chapter first explores the complex relationship between religion, populism, and civilizational narratives in contemporary politics. It further analyzes the role of populism in international relations and its transnational manifestations, highlighting the influence of populist leaders and movements across borders. The chapter then focuses on the Islamist civilizational populism of Turkey's Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP), detailing the impact of this Islamist civilisational populism on both domestic and international political arenas. After briefly discussing the brotherly relations between Turkey and Pakistan, the chapter examines Prime Minister Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party's adoption of Islamist civilizational populism.
Who speaks for ‘the people’? Populists across the globe have mobilised this question to attack liberal institutions, political opponents, and the democratic process itself, communicating a political reality in which globalist elites have allegedly betrayed the sovereign will of the popular community. The recent ‘surge’ (Mudde, 2016) or ‘wave’ (Aslanidis, 2016) of populism around the world has encompassed electorally successful right-wing populist leaders in the Northern Hemisphere such as Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Marine Le Pen, Jaroslav Kaczynski, Recyp Erdogan, and Victor Orbán, who have advanced nationalist, exclusionary, protectionist and Eurosceptic political agendas. In parallel, left-wing populists in Greece, Spain and Bolivia have attracted voters disillusioned with neoliberal economic policies and existing representational mechanisms of liberal democracy with anti-elitist and anti-globalist platforms. In the Southern Hemisphere, Narendra Modi, Jair Bolsonaro and Yoweri Museveni are oft-cited examples of contemporary populist leaders who have enjoyed continued electoral success with agendas promoting ethnocultural and religious-Nationalist slogans in post-colonial contexts. Prior analyses of these populists’ electoral success and political leadership have usually focused on the ideas, ideologies and strategies populism encompasses, especially in the domestic political arena.
During his inaugural address on January 20, 2021, Joe Biden called on Americans to end their ‘un-civil war’ and refrain from treating political opponents as mortal enemies (White House, 2021). Biden vowed to defend democracy and the US Constitution and stressed the vital importance of facts and truth for the functioning of a liberal, open, and democratic society. Without ever naming his predecessor outright, Biden’s speech repudiated decisively the nationalist populism of Donald Trump, who had employed a divisive rhetoric of fear, anxiety, and resentment throughout his time in office; a strategy of narrative disruption and antagonistic mobilization for domestic political gain, culminating in the January 6 Capitol riot in Washington DC, where, instigated by Trump, a violent mob attempted to overturn the certification of the presidential election by force (Homolar & Löfflmann, 2021). Some of the first executive orders Biden signed in office saw the United States re-join the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization (WHO), symbolically ending the era of America First in US foreign policy. But the forces of nationalist populism and nativism did not disappear with Donald Trump’s exit from the White House, and his political influence survived his banning from the social media platforms Twitter and Facebook. The United States of America remained a deeply polarized nation, while Trump’s renewed bid for the presidency in 2024 remained a realistic, even probable proposition (Dimock, 2021). In any case, the 74 million Americans that voted for Trump in 2020 all but guaranteed that nationalist populism would continue to dominate the Republican Party and the American right at large. This enduring quality of populism in American politics challenges the structural integrity of liberal democracy and its core institutions, casting serious doubts over the future role of the United States in the international system.
The rise of nationalist populism, its challenge to representative democracy and the populist impact on the liberal international order have emerged as one of the most significant phenomena in international politics in recent years. This special issue brings together a group of researchers from a wide range of theoretical, disciplinary and epistemological backgrounds, including political science, populism studies, foreign policy analysis and critical security studies, to examine the international dimension of populism and the practical impact of populism on foreign policy and international security. Empirically and conceptually, it presents audiences in political science, international relations and related disciplines with a timely review of the scope of research on populism in international relations. Our specific aim is to explore and evaluate what challenges a populist mobilisation of anti-elitism and anti-globalism presents to both the contemporary study of international politics, and the structure of the international system and key actors within it.
The paper aims at investigating the relationship between Trumpism and the European far-right parties. The combination of shared ideological cores with the confrontation of similar “enemies” has resulted in the creation of an unprecedented relationship, wherein Trump takes the role of “international godfather” and inspiration for the European far right. To examine this relation, the paper focuses on references to Donald Trump and his policies and statements from 2016 to 2020 in the discourse of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Hungarian Civilian Alliance (Fidesz), and Lega Nord (Lega). The examination of the discourse of the three parties about security, immigration, foreign policy, and corruption shows that these parties have utilised Trumpism in three manners. Firstly, they have employed Trumpism to normalise certain pre-existing far-right ideologies and practices within their national and European context. Secondly, they have emulated Trump’s discourse and policies to capitalise on his popularity and support their national endeavours. Thirdly, they have used Trump’s fight and ideas to justify national measures, beliefs, criticism, or political goals. This paper thus aims to establish the leitmotifs governing the use of Trumpism by European far right to set the framework for future more critical analyses and a better understanding of this unprecedented relationship.
Donald Trump, ABD başkanı olarak görev yaptığı ile günden son güne kadar sansasyonel açıklamaları ve düzen karşıtı tutumu ile dikkat çekmiştir. Bu düzen karşıtı tutum sadece kendi ülkesi ile sınırlı kalmamış, aynı zamanda uluslararası ilişkiler ve hukukun yerleşik pratik ve kurallarına savaş açacak bir noktaya varmıştır. “Önce Amerika” sloganında hayat bulan Amerikanizm, Trump yönetiminin politikaları ile çok taraflılık karşısında güçlü bir zemin kazanmıştır. Bu çalışmada, Trump yönetiminin uluslararası hukuk sistemine yönelik düzen karşıtı eylemleri ele alınmaktadır. Bu itibarla çalışma iki ana bölüme ayrılmıştır. Birinci bölümde, Trump yönetiminin ABD’nin menfaatlerine uymayan antlaşmalardan veya örgütlerden rahatlıkla çekilebildiği, çekilme tehdidi ile kendi lehine düzenlemeleri zorunlu kıldığı, bu örgütlere yaptığı finansal katkıları bir silah olarak kullandığı ve uluslararası katılım ve “soft law” araçlarını kendi menfaatine aykırı olan her durumda reddettiği örneklerle gösterilmektedir. İkinci bölümde ise, Trump yönetiminin uluslararası hukukun temel kurallarından bazılarını doğrudan ihlal ettiği, ihlal edilmesine göz yumduğu ve uluslararası kurumlara yönelik söylem ve eylem düzeyinde saldırılar gerçekleştirdiği örneklerle ele alınmaktadır. Çalışmada üç temel iddia ileri sürülmektedir. Birincisi, Trump yönetimi, uluslararası hukukun temel ilkelerini ihlal etmekle ABD’nin üzerine kurulu olduğu çok taraflılık ve enternasyonalizm düşüncelerine ciddi şekilde zarar vermiştir. İkincisi, Trump’ın yaklaşımı modern uluslararası hukukun temelini oluşturan evrensel haklara değil, kendi ulusal çıkarlarına dayanmaktadır. Üçüncüsü, Trump yönetimi ABD’nin çıkarları gerektirdiğinde sadece uluslararası hukuku ihlal etmekle kalmayıp, uluslararası hukuka ve kurumlarına meydan okuyarak onu zayıflatmaktadır.
White Supremacists Loved President Trump's Latest Comments on Charlottesville
- Katie Reilly
Reilly, Katie. "White Supremacists Loved President
Trump's Latest Comments on Charlottesville." Time
Magazine, 15 August 2017, Web.
http://time.com/4902308/white-nationalistssupremacists-donald-trump-charlottesville/
How Donald Trump is Splitting the Republican Party in Two
- Carrie Dann
- Mark Murray
- Chuck Todd
Dann, Carrie, Mark Murray and Chuck Todd. "How
Donald Trump is Splitting the Republican Party in
Two." NBC News Online, 22 Sept. 2017, Web.
https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/first-read/howdonald-trump-splitting-republican-party-two-n803746