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Unraveling narratives Chinese official party media's representation of Inner Mongolia amid reforms

September 2024
Newspaper Research Journal 45(1)

DOI:10.1177/07395329241280278

Authors:

Xiaojuan Zhao

University of Malaya

Md Azalanshah Md Syed

University of Malaya

Rosya Izyanie Shamshudeen

University of Malaya

This article examines narrative construction in the Chinese official Party newspaper Inner Mongolia Daily (IMD), analyzing narratives within the context of bilingual education reform among Mongolians. Three key frames emerge: collective development and prosperity under the Chinese Communist Party's leadership, Inner Mongolia as a model of ethnic unity, and the integration of minority religions into socialist society. This study reveals how IMD portrays Inner Mongolia during education reforms using media framing theory.

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Original Manuscript

Unraveling

narratives

Chinese official party

media’s representation

of Inner Mongolia amid

reforms

By Xiaojuan Zhao, Md Azalanshah Md Syed,

and Rosya Izyanie Shamshudeen

Abstract

This article examines narrative construction in the Chinese official

Party newspaper Inner Mongolia Daily (IMD), analyzing narratives

within the context of bilingual education reform among Mongolians.

Three key frames emerge: collective development and prosperity

under the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership, Inner Mongolia as

a model of ethnic unity, and the integration of minority religions into

socialist society. This study reveals how IMD portrays Inner Mongolia

during education reforms using media framing theory.

Keywords

media narratives, Inner Mongolia, Inner Mongolia Daily, education reforms,

national unity

Xiaojuan Zhao is a doctoral student, Md Azalanshah Md Syed is an

associate professor and Rosya Izyanie Shamshudeen is a senior lecturer. All

are in the Department of Media and Communication Studies at the University

of Malaya. Md Syed is the corresponding author: azalan@um.edu.my.

1280278NRJXXX10.1177/07395329241280278Newspaper Research JournalZhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen

research-article2024

2 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

Introduction

The autonomous region of Inner Mongolia, situated in northern China, holds para-

mount significance for the nation across various dimensions. Home to a substantial

population of ethnic Mongols, the region’s traditional nomadic Mongolian culture fur-

ther amplifies China’s cultural diversity, underscoring the importance of preserving

and managing relations with ethnic minorities, including Mongols, to maintain social

harmony (Bulag, 2002). However, Inner Mongolia has not been immune to occasional

tensions, concerning ethnic identity and cultural preservation. These tensions pose

challenges to the imperative of maintaining stability in the region, which is not only

crucial for China’s overall political stability but also aligns with the Chinese Communist

Party’s (CCP) overarching goal of national unity. The strategic geographic location of

Inner Mongolia, sharing borders with Mongolia and Russia, adds another layer of

significance, as it contributes to China’s geopolitical considerations and plays a role in

shaping its relationships with neighboring countries (Tighe, 2021).

Within this intricate landscape, Inner Mongolia stands as an illuminating case study

in the evolution of China’s education policies toward ethnic minority groups (Yan &

Vickers, 2024). In August 2020, the Inner Mongolia Education Department, in col-

laboration with the National Education Department, unveiled a new policy: the

“Implementation Plan for National Standardized Chinese Language Textbooks in the

First Grade of Elementary Schools and the First Grade of Junior High Schools in

Ethnic Language Teaching Schools.” In the first semester of 2020 to 2021, Mongolian-

language teaching schools for the first grade of elementary schools and the first grade

of junior high schools used the nationally standardized Chinese Language textbook.

According to this policy, during the years 2020, 2021, and 2022, the subjects of

“Chinese Language,” “Ethics and Rule of Law,” and “History” underwent a gradual

transition from instruction in the Mongolian language to instruction in Mandarin

Chinese (Baioud, 2023; Baioud & Khuanuud, 2023). The rationale behind this policy

extends beyond linguistic considerations. The adoption of Mandarin Chinese as the

medium of instruction, replacing Mongolian in specific subjects, is designed not only

to enhance interethnic communication but also to integrate ethnic minorities more

effectively into mainstream society, thereby contributing to the broader goal of ethnic

unity and social cohesion. Concurrently, it seeks to cultivate a shared Chinese national

identity by imparting uniform ideologies through the nationally standardized Chinese

language textbook. This policy shift, however, has upset certain Mongolian educators

and communities, who are concerned about the Mongolian language’s potential mar-

ginalization and the deterioration of the cultural heritage it symbolizes (Baioud, 2023;

Sato, 2022; Wu et al., 2022; Yan & Vickers, 2024). The repercussions of this educa-

tional policy are not confined to Inner Mongolia’s borders but resonate internationally,

drawing criticism and discontent from neighboring Mongolia (Bandeira, 2020; Sato,

2022). Language, considered by many Mongols as the last vestige of their unique cul-

tural identity, takes center stage in this discourse (Uradyn, 2003, 2020). In addition,

Mongolia officially announced its decision to fully restore the traditional Mongolian

script, used in Inner Mongolia before its abolition in 1946 (Sato, 2022). This move, set

to commence in 2025, signifies a cultural shift and has implications for linguistic and

cultural connections between Inner Mongolia and Mongol (Bandeira, 2020; Sato,

2022).

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 3

Thereby setting the stage for a nuanced exploration of the narratives constructed by

Chinese official Party media, particularly the “Inner Mongolia Daily (IMD)” in the

wake of these transformative reforms (Baioud & Khuanuud, 2023). This article focuses

on the intricate dynamics underlying Inner Mongolia’s educational reforms and the

demonstrations that followed. The investigation centers on the role of Chinese official

Party media in crafting narratives aligned with the objectives of fostering a cohesive

Chinese national identity and promoting unity during this sensitive period of education

reform. As mentioned above, the main purpose of this education reform is to promote

and strengthen the common Chinese national identity. Advocates for promoting a

shared Chinese national identity, such as Ma Rong and Hu Angang, support this per-

spective (Millward, 2022; Tobin, 2022; Weiying, 2023). They propose a shift in

China’s approach to ethnic relations, moving away from emphasizing distinctions

between ethnic groups to showcase China’s diverse ethnic and cultural landscape. In

2004, scholar Ma Rong argued for a more nuanced perspective of ethnic relations,

emphasizing the significance of breaking down ethnic boundaries while upholding a

sense of common Chinese national identity (Ma, 2014; Qi & Ya, 2022; Tagirova, 2023;

Wang, 2016). Building on this, Hu Angang expanded the idea in 2011, urging a down-

playing of citizens’ distinct ethnic consciousness and encouraging the perception of

China’s various ethnic groups through the lens of a shared Chinese identity (Angang

& Shaojie, 2022; Hu, 2023; Millward, 2022). President Xi Jinping further solidified

this stance during the Second Xinjiang Work Forum in 2014, endorsing a united

Chinese nation comprising its 56 ethnic groups (Chaudhuri, 2014; Elliott, 2015; Kam

& Clarke, 2021; Klimeš, 2018; Steenberg & Rippa, 2019; Zhou, 2019). This education

reform represents a timely policy shift in alignment with these trends. Consequently, it

is crucial to take note of the specific narratives emerging in Inner Mongolia following

these reforms. This study aims to illuminate the narratives through media framing

presented by the IMD within the context of education reforms in Inner Mongolia. The

findings of this study contribute to the understanding and application of media framing

theory in a new context, specifically focusing on Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region

in China. The research reveals how media framing theory operates in depicting Inner

Mongolia region following the 2020 education reform, with a particular emphasis on

the “Inner Mongolia Daily.” This examination of how this official Party newspaper

uses media framing during education reforms provides valuable insights into the por-

trayal of ethnic minority areas, enriching the existing literature on media representa-

tion of ethnic minority regions in China. Moreover, the study addresses a research gap

by delving into the post-2020 education reform period in Inner Mongolia, an area that

has not been extensively studied. Scholars and researchers interested in media studies,

ethnic minority issues, and government communication stand to benefit from the out-

comes of this research. In addition, the study contributes new knowledge by offering

insights into the media’s role in shaping perceptions and narratives, especially within

the context of ethnic minority regions undergoing education policy changes.

Issues related to ethnic minorities hold considerable significance within China’s

diverse socio-cultural landscape (Gustafsson et al., 2020; Hansen, 2011; Heberer,

2017; Mackerras, 2011; Qingsheng, 2020; Zang, 2016; Zhiyu, 2002). Despite consti-

tuting approximately 9% of the population, the five major ethnic minority autonomous

areas in China span 45.6% of the total land area (Xiaowei, 2015). These regions are

distinguished by their geographical distributions, languages, cultures, and socioeco-

nomic characteristics (Maurer-Fazio & Hasmath, 2015). In bridging the historical

4 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

overview with contemporary developments, this study aims to unravel the nuanced

narratives propagated by the CCP in the case of Inner Mongolia, shedding light on

evolving strategies and representations amid the latest reforms. Consequently, under-

standing how minority groups are portrayed in Chinese official Party media is crucial

for social stability and national development. It reflects official attitudes toward ethnic

affairs and reveals how the CCP mitigates potential protests and conflicts during sensi-

tive education reforms through media framing and a crafted propaganda framework

(Hao, 2018). Moreover, delving into how the IMD portrays Inner Mongolia could

serve as inspiration for other countries, illustrating how a multicultural and diverse

society can unite together under a common Chinese national identity.

Newspaper Landscape in Inner Mongolia

In 1905, the first modern newspaper, “Yingbao,” was founded in Chifeng City,

Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, marking the beginning of modern journalism in

the Inner Mongolian region (Runsheng, 2005). “Yingbao” covered important domestic

and international news, scientific knowledge, and local dynamics, and provided short

commentaries on current affairs (Runsheng, 2005). It employed a combination of

Mongolian and Chinese languages, reflecting the unique linguistic and cultural land-

scape of the Inner Mongolia region (Runsheng, 2005). Subsequently, newspapers like

“Inner Mongolia Daily,” “Ordos Daily,” and “Xilin Gol League Daily” adopted a simi-

lar bilingual format (Junhao, 2012). “Yingbao” was disseminated extensively, espe-

cially in densely populated villages, often distributed for free (Liping, 2012). However,

this newspaper is no longer in existence (Junhao, 2012). On January 1, 1948, the earli-

est provincial Party newspaper established in China’s ethnic minority areas, “Inner

Mongolia Daily,” was officially launched in Ulanhot City, Inner Mongolia region

(Zhang et al., 2022). Currently, there are two types of newspapers: Party newspapers

and urban newspapers in the Inner Mongolia region (Zhang et al., 2022). Initially, the

newspaper industry was dominated by the Party newspapers, which were the mouth-

piece of the CCP, serving as a crucial tool for the CCP to convey its ideologies and

policies (Ping, 2018). However, with the process of marketization in China, urban

newspapers emerged, reflecting market demands (Huang, 2018). Both Party and urban

newspapers are socialist media under the leadership of the Party, subject to strict cen-

sorship in China (He, 2008). Nonetheless, they have different emphases: Party news-

papers serve the party’s interests by disseminating the Party’s voice and government

policies (Angela, 2022), while urban newspapers primarily cater to the masses, reflect-

ing their daily lives and interests (Scotton & Hachten, 2010). Consequently, Party

newspapers target mainstream readers with political news and in-depth reports, while

urban newspapers target the general public with entertaining and community-focused

content (Scotton & Hachten, 2010). Notably, Party newspapers are the dominant

media with absolute authority. They are considered the primary and most influential

media outlets, and their authority is not subject to challenge or dispute (Hoddie, 2006).

Party newspapers often serve as platforms for disseminating official information,

viewpoints, and policies to the public (Bosen, 2023). The most typical representative

of Party newspapers in the Inner Mongolia region is “Inner Mongolia Daily,” which

also includes “Hohhot Daily,” “Ordos Daily,” and “Hongshan Evening News”

(Patterson, 1922). The most typical urban newspapers in the Inner Mongolia region

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 5

include “Northern New Post,” “Inner Mongolia Morning Post,” and “Hongshan

Evening News” (Patterson, 1922). The largest circulation among Party and urban

newspapers is “Inner Mongolia Daily,” with a circulation of about 80,000 copies, cov-

ering various league cities, party and government agencies, and enterprises and institu-

tions in the Inner Mongolia region, possessing authority (Daily, 2020).

Framing Theory

Media Framing Theory has its roots in the field of communication studies and

gained prominence in the latter half of the 20th century. Goffman’s (1975) work on

“frame analysis” laid the groundwork for understanding how individuals interpret

information within a structured frame. Entman (2009) and Vultee (2022) in the early

1990s further contributed to the development of Media Framing Theory, particularly

in the context of news coverage and its impact on public perception. Media Framing

Theory explores how media outlets select, emphasize, and present certain aspects of

an issue or event, influencing how audiences interpret and percept information. It

asserts that the way information is framed can significantly impact public opinion,

shaping the cognitive understanding of the subject (D’Angelo & Kuypers, 2010).

Framing theory hinges on a core assumption: the selective presentation of information

and its direct impact on perception. According to this theory, media outlets deliber-

ately choose specific aspects of an issue to emphasize, simultaneously downplaying

others. This selective process serves to frame the narrative in a distinct manner, ulti-

mately shaping how audiences perceive and interpret the information (Entman, 2009).

Media framing theory is characterized by several key features that illuminate its role

in shaping public perception and discourse.

One prominent characteristic is the concept of “Frame Selection.” Media outlets

actively choose specific frames or perspectives through which they present informa-

tion (Bryant et al., 2002). These frames can emphasize certain aspects of an issue,

such as its economic, political, or social dimensions, shaping the narrative in a way

that aligns with the editorial stance or agenda of the media organization (Fourie,

2001). This characteristic underscores the intentional and strategic nature of how

information is presented to the audience, highlighting the notion that framing is not

a neutral process, but a deliberate choice made by media professionals (Bryant et al.,

2002). Another essential characteristic is “Frame Building.” Beyond selecting exist-

ing frames, media organizations engage in the construction of frames by actively

defining issues and making connections between various elements of a story

(Johnson-Cartee, 2005). Frame building involves the editorial decisions made dur-

ing the news production process, including the selection of language, visuals, and

contextual information (Yan, 2020). This characteristic emphasizes the role of media

outlets in not only choosing how to present information but also in actively shaping

the narrative itself (Fourie, 2001). As a result, media organizations wield significant

influence in determining what aspects of an issue become salient in the public’s

understanding, contributing to the framing of public discourse (Raab, 2022). These

characteristics collectively underscore the dynamic and deliberate nature of media

framing, highlighting its impact on shaping the narrative and influencing public

opinion (D’Angelo, 2018).

6 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

Within the scholarly discourse surrounding Media Framing Theory, there exists

both consensus and divergence on key aspects. Scholars generally find agreement on

the theory’s fundamental premise that media framing plays a pivotal role in shaping

public discourse (Wei, 2019). There is widespread acknowledgment that media outlets

have the power to select and emphasize specific frames, influencing how audiences

perceive and interpret information (Robert, 2004). In addition, there is agreement on

the idea that media framing can impact the salience of certain issues in public con-

sciousness (Robert, 2004). However, the extent of media power and the passivity of

audiences remain areas of ongoing debate. Some scholars argue that audiences are not

mere recipients of framed messages but can actively resist or reinterpret information

based on their existing beliefs, values, and cognitive processes (DeFleur & DeFleur,

2016). This perspective introduces a more nuanced understanding of the interaction

between media framing and audience reception. For example, critics posit that the

theory might not fully capture the cognitive diversity among audience members,

neglecting the fact that individuals bring their own perspectives, experiences, and

biases to the interpretation of framed information (Orlik, 2015). This criticism under-

scores the need for a more nuanced understanding of the audience’s role in the framing

process.

Another line of criticism targets the power dynamics within media organizations

(DeFleur & DeFleur, 2022). While Media Framing Theory acknowledges that media

outlets actively select and construct frames, it may not adequately address the internal

power structures and biases that influence these decisions (Wyatt, 2007). Some schol-

ars argue that editorial decisions are shaped by organizational interests, political affili-

ations, and economic pressures (Reese et al., 2001). The criticism suggests that

framing analysis should extend beyond the surface level of content selection and delve

deeper into the institutional influences that contribute to the framing process (Xu et al.,

2023). By doing so, a more comprehensive understanding of the complexities inherent

in media framing can be achieved (Bryant et al., 2002). In addition, there is criticism

related to the cultural variations of framing effects (Berry & Theobald, 2006). Critics

argue that the theory might not fully account for the diversity in how different cultures

interpret and respond to framed messages (Cunningham, 1992). Cultural nuances, val-

ues, and societal norms can significantly impact the reception and effectiveness of

media frames, suggesting that a more culturally sensitive approach is necessary for a

comprehensive understanding of framing effects on a global scale (Johnson-Cartee,

2005).

In conclusion, Media Framing Theory has evolved from foundational works in

sociology and communication studies, offering valuable insights into how media

influences public perception (Fourie, 2001). While widely accepted, ongoing debates

and criticisms highlight the need for a nuanced understanding of its applicability and

limitations. Therefore, this article aims to delve into the practical application of the-

matic analysis in understanding and operationalizing frames. By employing thematic

analysis, this article seeks to deepen understanding of how media not only chooses and

presents information but also actively shapes the narrative itself (Fourie, 2001). This

includes examining how frames are constructed and the interplay between frames and

organizational interests and political affiliations (Goffman, 1975). Through this

approach, this study endeavors to offer insights into the framing process and the

dynamic interplay between framing and media institutions, thus contributing to a more

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 7

comprehensive understanding of the framing process within the context of the Inner

Mongolia region.

Literature Review

In the realm of media studies, the emphasis on media framing as a theoretical lens

is particularly relevant when examining how ethnic minority issues are represented in

the media (Xu et al., 2023; Zhu, 2017). Past research has demonstrated that media

framing influences not only how audiences perceive minority communities but also

how these communities perceive themselves within the larger societal context (Entman,

2006; Reese et al., 2001).

For example, the previous studies examining media framing in ethnic minority

areas have explored how newspapers, as influential agents, actively contribute to the

construction and dissemination of narratives surrounding ethnic minority groups

(Ch’ng et al., 2022; Nyanoti et al., 2021; Ncube, 2022; Sari et al., 2021; Tahat & Tahat,

2019). Whereas, few scholars explored the portrayal of ethnic minority groups in the

Chinese media. Hoddie (2006) focused on the People’s Daily newspaper to analyze

changes in government attention to minority populations in China. Findings indicated

that acts of protest and rebellion by minority groups predict an increase in official

propaganda addressing their interests. Rather than using its media monopoly to isolate

these groups, the government opts for a strategy of emphasizing the economic and

social benefits provided by the CCP to minorities to limit sympathy among the major-

ity and reduce grievances among minorities. The reviewed study and this study are

related as both studies focus on newspaper framing of ethnic minority groups in China

but differ in the objectives and scope. Baioud and Khuanuud (2023) study delved into

the extensive dissemination of “national unity and development” discourses within

Mongolian and Chinese language propaganda texts shared on the WeChat official

accounts of IMD and Inner Mongolia Education Department. This analysis followed

the 2020 Inner Mongolian protest against bilingual education reform. The specific

focus was on Mongolian language news reports related to the bilingual education

reform found on IMD’s WeChat accounts. The research findings revealed a broader

assimilationist desire embedded in the chronotropic representation, intimately con-

nected to China’s ethnic policy shift. This shift seeks a transformation from a state

with many nationalities to a nation predominantly consisting of one people. This study,

though aligned with the same Mandarin Chinese policy context and addressing the

same ethnic minority group, differed in its objectives and scope compared to the

reviewed study.

Zhao and Postiglione (2010) investigated the portrayal of ethnic minorities in China

by reviewing campus newspapers from three universities attended by minority stu-

dents. Using content analysis and discourse analysis, the study identified distinct dis-

cursive practices shaping images of ethnic groups as either “Others” or “Us.” The

findings highlighted that minority groups are depicted as distinctive, potentially sepa-

ratist, and visible, while the Han people are framed as normative, patriotic, and invis-

ible, respectively. This media representation aligns with an ideology of “state

multiculturalism,” offering a reflexive depiction of the relationship between the major-

ity and minority populations. The reviewed study and this study are related as they

both focus on the portrayal of ethnic minority groups in China but differ in objectives

8 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

and scope. Zhu (2017) sought to comprehend U.S. media coverage of China’s relation-

ship with its predominantly Muslim Uighur minority during a period marked by deadly

attacks by Uighur ethnic group members. Analyzing articles from the New York Times

and the Washington Post and employing news framing and narrative theories, the

study revealed a distinct narrative depicting China’s Uighur unrest. The media con-

structed a narrative featuring a repressive government and a persecuted intellectual,

Ilham Tohti, embodying the mythical elements of a repressive villain and a persecuted

hero. Articles consistently assigned blame to government control and policy, using a

resentment frame to portray China’s ethnic relationships, while simultaneously mini-

mizing the severity of the actual attacks. Both the reviewed study and this study are

related as they hinge on newspaper framing. The difference is in the objectives and

scope. Lin and Jackson (2022) employed a critical multicultural, constructivist

approach to investigate how the Chinese government represents minority cultures in

its official discourse. The study found that government documents and discourse,

available on the official website, tend to emphasize traditional and stereotypical cul-

tural aspects related to minorities, such as “just singing and dancing.” This approach

essentializes minority cultures, obscures their dynamism and contributions, reinforces

power hierarchies, and discourages critical reflexivity. The reviewed study and this

study are related as both center on the media portrayal and framing of ethnic minority

groups but differ in objectives and scope.

In addition, this study, specifically within the intricate terrain of educational

reforms in Inner Mongolia, necessitates a rigorous exploration of potential counter-

frames and counter-narratives that may challenge the narratives propagated by the

Chinese official Party media (COPM). Counter-narratives, rooted in critical race

theory, emerge as a valuable tool for challenging dominant discourses, particularly in

the context of racism and racial equity (Berrett-Abebe et al., 2023). Employing the

technique of storytelling, counter-narratives elevate the lived experiences of margin-

alized individuals and communities, inviting critical reflection on prevailing, privileged

discourses (Ramdeholl & Jones, 2023). While the COPM holds significant sway over

public opinion, projecting narratives of collective development and ethnic unity, it is

imperative to recognize the existence of diverse perspectives offering alternative narra-

tives that either challenge or present nuanced interpretations of the official discourse

(Barabantseva, 2012). This review also emphasizes the significance of attending to

counter-frames within COPM’s representation. Counter-frames, in this context, provide

valuable insights into perspectives that challenge or offer alternatives to officially sanc-

tioned narratives (Feagin, 2013; Lueg & Lundholt, 2020; Tormey & Whiteley, 2020).

Last but not least, within establishing a comprehensive understanding of the media

coverage of Inner Mongolia amid ongoing reforms cannot overlook the important tra-

dition of how ethnic affairs was often portrayed in CCP news discourse. The CCP is

actively engaged in shaping a narrative that underscores ethnic harmony in China,

strategically downplaying any conflicts by maintaining carefully control over public

information and dedate about ethnic affairs (Brady, 2012). Gallelli (2022) delves into

the CCP’s narrative construction on the Xinjiang issue within the broader context of

Xi Jinping’s China. The study concludes that the CCP’s handling of Xinjiang revolves

around promoting a shared Chinese national identity, albeit one that is Han-centric,

and justifying repressive measures as essential for economic development and improv-

ing the non-Han population’s “quality.” Brady (2012) exploring events in Tibetan

areas and Urumqi, identifies a shift in ethnic propaganda tactics. Unlike the Mao years,

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 9

contemporary efforts target the masses with soft propaganda messages, such as regular

“ethnic unity” campaigns, aimed at fostering social unity and political stability.

Notably, the use of name-calling as a propaganda technique, as discussed by the

Institute for Propaganda Analysis, is an integral part of the CCP’s repertoire, selec-

tively employed against high-profile figures like the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai

Lama. In the realm of ethnic issues, the CCP uses propaganda selectively, with a focus

on positive messaging in domestic contexts, as contrasted with the negative foreign

propaganda employed to isolate dissident forces (Warren, 2008). This literature review

lays the groundwork for a nuanced understanding of the diverse narratives propagated

by the CCP in the case of Inner Mongolia. Building upon these foundations, it is cru-

cial to delve into the research that specifically addresses the representation of Inner

Mongolia post the 2020 education reform, with a particular emphasis on scrutinizing

the “Inner Mongolia Daily.” This brings us to the central research question: How does

the “Inner Mongolia Daily,” functioning as the Chinese official Party newspaper in

ethnic minority areas, use media framing to depict Inner Mongolia in the context of

education reforms?

Methodology

The IMD serves as a pertinent focal point for examining the Chinese government’s

stance toward ethnic minority communities, particularly in the context of education

reforms in Inner Mongolia. Published by the CCP, this newspaper consistently propa-

gates the Party’s ideology and is distinctly different from Western-style newspapers

(Hoddie, 2006). Notably, its editorial team comprises unwavering CCP loyalists who

meticulously align the publication with party perspectives (Baioud & Khuanuud,

2022). Given its subservient affiliation with the CCP, the IMD becomes a valuable

tool for gauging the political values and viewpoints of the Chinese government on

minority-centered issues. Another compelling rationale for selecting the IMD as the

research object is its dual role as an ethnic minority newspaper (Daily, 2020). As the

inaugural ethnic minority newspaper in China, it assumes a crucial position in preserv-

ing and promoting Mongolian languages, histories, and cultures to both internal and

external audiences (Zhao & Postiglione, 2010). This unique role positions the IMD to

shape and guide public perceptions of Inner Mongolia, contributing to the discourse

surrounding the region. Moreover, ethnic minority media, exemplified by the IMD,

play a pivotal role in showcasing the cultural diversity within China, acting as a repre-

sentation of the nation’s rich tapestry of ethnicities (Ncube, 2022). Recognizing its

significance in disseminating propaganda related to ethnic minorities, the research

anticipates that the newspaper holds the potential, whether through direct or indirect

means, to influence public perceptions and behaviors regarding issues centered around

ethnic minorities. This pivotal role in shaping public attitudes toward minority-focused

topics constitutes the primary rationale for choosing the IMD as the research object.

Besides, this study used the digital version of the IMD as the database instead of

relying on the printed version. This decision is grounded in practical considerations

that enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the research methodology. The breadth

of the search, encompassing a diverse range of news articles, including conventional

pieces, newsletters, and commentary articles, is facilitated by the features offered by

the online digital version. This platform not only streamlines the search process but

10 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

also allows for a comprehensive exploration of content that contributes to a more

nuanced understanding of Inner Mongolia’s representation. It means the choice of the

digital version is particularly advantageous in terms of search efficiency. Using a

Boolean search strategy (Boole, 1854) with keywords like “Inner Mongolia,” “Ethnic

minority,” and “Mongolian ethnic minority” is more seamless in the digital environ-

ment. The keyword searchability of the digital version plays a crucial role in enabling

a focused retrieval of relevant articles directly related to the research focus, specifi-

cally the portrayal of Inner Mongolia in the context of ongoing education reforms.

Importantly, the justification notes that there is no discernible difference between the

digital version of IMD and the original printed version (Daily, 2020). This assurance

addresses concerns related to authenticity and content integrity, emphasizing that this

study does not compromising the reliability of the data by opting for the online ver-

sion. Therefore, the subsequent references in this article will simply use “IMD” with-

out explicitly mentioning the online database.

Thematic Analysis

Thematic analysis is a method for identifying, analyzing, and reporting patterns

(themes) within data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It minimally organizes and describes

your data set in (rich) detail (Braun & Clarke, 2021). However, it also often goes fur-

ther than this, and interprets various aspects of the research topic, such as the newspa-

per framing of various topics (Teixeira & Martins, 2021; Turchi & Melton-Fant, 2022).

For example, Lefere et al. (2023) used an inductive thematic analysis of 26 U.K. and

12 U.S. newspaper articles to explore the newspaper framing of bariatric surgery in

adolescents. Fountaine (2017) also undertook a thematic analysis of tweets sent by

young women politician and identified one dominant frame and two subsidiary frames

of politicians’ self-framing on twitter. Besides, through a text-based, qualitative the-

matic analysis of the news articles in 11 most popular British newspaper, Parry et al.

(2023) also identified five dominant media frames of women’s association football

during the coronavirus pandemic. Therefore, this article used thematic analysis to

explore IMD’s news framing of Inner Mongolia admits education reforms. A thorough

search of the IMD’s published articles (including various forms of news stories, opin-

ions and interviews, except pictures) about representation of Inner Mongolia on IMD

online database was conducted. Using a Boolean search strategy,1 the terms “Inner

Mongolia” “Ethnic minority,” and “Mongolian ethnic minority” were investigated

within the time frame specified—from September 1, 2020, the start of China’s new

bilingual language instruction policy in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, to

September 1, 2021, the end of the inaugural academic year and the commencement of

a further policy alteration (Baioud & Khuanuud, 2023; Uradyn, 2021).

A totally corpus of 604 articles related to Inner Mongolia between 01 September

2020 — 01 September 2021 was collected. Subsequently, a purposive sampling

method was employed, involving the selection of articles considered representative or

informative based on their relevance to the research topic (Patton, 2023). Although

purposive sampling is more commonly associated with studies involving human sub-

jects through data collection techniques, it is also used by scholars for content analy-

sis (Göbekli et al., 2019; Morton et al., 2022; Silveirinha et al., 2020). Therefore, a

manual curation process was undertaken by the authors to review all the articles

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 11

discerning those aligning with the research focus, which involves the portrayal of

Inner Mongolia admidst ongoing reforms. Besides, building on insights from the lit-

erature review, particularly referencing Brady’s (2012) work, the authors directed

their attention to news stories that construct a narrative emphasizing ethnic harmony

while downplaying conflicts. Simultaneously, following insights from the Hoddie

(2006), the authors focused on news stories highlighting economic and social benefits

experienced by minority groups. The lens of positive news stories in the context of

Inner Mongolia was also influenced by Warren’s (2008) perspective. Following the

removal of duplicate and irrelevant articles, the search yielded a total of 112 relevant

articles, detailed in the appendix. The selected subset of news articles, deemed ger-

mane to the study’s thematic purview, constituted the study sample for subsequent

analysis. This sample size aligns with comparable research endeavors exploring news

coverage of minority ethnic groups, ensuring methodological consistency (Baioud,

2023; Baioud & Khuanuud, 2023; Cai, 2021; Hoddie, 2006).

The methodology of this article adhered to the systematic six-phase approach of

thematic analysis as delineated by Braun and Clarke (2006). A comprehensive exami-

nation of each article was conducted to attain a nuanced understanding of the entire

corpus. Subsequently, the 112 news articles underwent coding procedure guided by

the open-study question: How and in what ways does the newspaper portray Inner

Mongolia? This coding process was also informed by insights from the existing litera-

ture, particularly regarding established patterns in the representation of ethnic minor-

ity groups, such as prevalent discourses of “national unity and development” (Brady,

2012). Given the exploratory nature of the research question, an inductive coding

approach was adopted. Criteria for coding categories were collaboratively reviewed

by both authors to ensure consistency. The coded extracts, intentionally sustained as

extended segments of news and opinion pieces following Macphail et al. (2016),

aimed to preserve contextual richness. Subsequently, initial codes were interpreted

and amalgamated to construct themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006) deemed significant or

pertinent to the representation of Inner Mongolia. This iterative coding process yielded

36 initial codes, which, over a 2-week period, were synthesized and refined by the

authors into three overarching themes. These themes, subsequently reviewed for

coherence, provided the foundation for the frames. The example of news article

excerpts and initial codes are outlined in Table 1 in the appendix and discussed in the

following section.

Findings and Discussion

Collective Development and Prosperity of All Ethnic Groups

Based on the research findings, IMD strategically employs positive frames to

address opposition from ethnic-based organizations. The preferred media framing

involves highlighting the economic development and social benefits that ethnic

minorities have experienced under the leadership of the CCP. This aligns with the

overarching goals of the CCP, emphasizing stability, national unity, and a positive

global perception. A central focus of IMD’s strategy is the maintenance of social and

political stability, achieved through emphasizing economic development and its asso-

ciated social advantages. This identified media framing resonates with the general

12 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

CCP propaganda framework mentioned earlier, which emphasizes accentuating the

economic and social benefits enjoyed by minority groups under CCP leadership

(Hoddie, 2006). It serves as a strategic response to counter opposition narratives and

assert control over the narrative surrounding ethnic relations in China. Consequently,

efforts to alleviate poverty in ethnic minority areas wield a considerable influence on

media agenda formulation and receive significant attention in the media landscape.

This finding underscores the deliberate efforts to shape a frame that reinforces the

positive impact of CCP leadership on ethnic minority communities, contributing to

the broader goals of stability and national unity.

Under this narrative, IMD endeavors to project the CCP as a catalyst for prosperity

and progress, extending these benefits to all segments of society, including ethnic

minority populations. This strategy serves the dual purpose of mitigating unrest while

reinforcing the perception that under CCP leadership, improved living conditions

become a reality. As such, the newspaper introduced dedicated columns titled “Poverty

Alleviation” and “Prosperous Vision.” The news articles under these two columns dis-

seminated narratives that primarily emphasized the socio-economic conditions in

underprivileged areas within ethnic minority regions, highlighting CCP’s efforts

toward achieving improved living standards. These narratives were often accompa-

nied by local government support and targeted poverty alleviation programs tailored

to ethnic minority communities. For instance, one article introduced Sun Xiulan, she

tearfully expressed,

“It is solely due to the commendable policies of the CCP that our lives have

witnessed significant improvements. We have transitioned to modern housing

and gained access to a reliable water supply. The CCP has remained steadfastly

alongside us; without the CCP, our present contentment would not have been

attainable.” (“Always follow the party,” IMD, 20 July 2021)2

Likewise, the narrative of Bao Dagula, a herder, showcased the transformative

impact of government-supported training centers focused on teaching individuals the

art of producing dairy-based products. The CCP’s policies aimed at alleviating poverty

bolstered his enterprise (“Bao Dagula: Embarking on the road to prosperity through

integrated crop-livestock farming,” IMD, 03 June 2021).

Furthermore, narratives emerged from remote pastoral and rural regions in which

ethnic minorities struggled with poverty but ultimately triumphed because of the

CCP’s investments in local infrastructure and transportation. In the news, the meta-

phor of the CCP as “the front locomotive of a train” and the expression “the train runs

fast thanks to the locomotive” is often used to convey the idea that the CCP is the driv-

ing force behind China’s rapid development and progress (“The sound of bagpipes

brings a happy life,” IMD, 17 December 2020). The media framing is skillfully crafted

to divert the focus away from education reforms and toward constructive narratives of

development and prosperity. IMD attempts to generate a sense of optimism and social

stability by highlighting the positive improvements resulting from poverty alleviation

efforts. This media frame underscores the pivotal role-played by CCP in enabling eth-

nic minority groups to escape poverty. However, this media framing exhibits a distinc-

tive political context by emphasizing the intricate relationship between economic

development in ethnic minority regions and the robust support of the CCP. Despite

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 13

highlighting success stories, there is a notable tendency in the selection and emphasis

of poverty and primitiveness in Inner Mongolia, shaping the audience’s interpretation

to perceive Inner Mongolia as backward and the Mongols as objects in need of help

and rescue within the broader socialist construction. This form of media framing

reveals a clear inclination to portray minority groups as indebted to the CCP. As dis-

cussed earlier, this representation characterizes ethnic minorities as primitives, empha-

sizing pathologies such as poverty (Lin & Jackson, 2022; Zhao & Postiglione, 2010).

Such framing serves a dual purpose by presenting minorities as both curiosities and

reinforcing the perceived superiority of the Han majority, thereby contributing to the

ongoing marginalization of ethnic minorities.

Simultaneously, within the media frame emphasizing collective development and

prosperity across ethnic groups, IMD constructs a “sub-frame” centered on “ethnic

unity” by actively linking it to narratives of “collective development.” This framing

strategy serves to promote ethnic unity and cooperation. By highlighting the intercon-

nectedness between ethnic unity and collective development, the narrative underscores

the idea that cooperation among diverse ethnic groups can foster community-wide

progress and prosperity. Thus, the narrative suggests that by actively fostering unity

and breaking down ethnic barriers, individuals can contribute to collective develop-

ment. For instance, Figure 1 illustrates government servants in uniform positively

assisting a local Mongolian farmer dressed in traditional Mongolian attire during the

crop harvest (“Forging a strong sense of the Chinese national community and drawing

a concentric circle of national unity,” IMD, 17 December 2020). This embedded ethnic

unity discourse, situated within the overarching frame of collective development and

prosperity for all ethnic groups, aligns with the CCP propaganda framework on ethnic

minority issues (Brady, 2012).

In summary, the news stories analyzed in this study illustrate how the Chinese

official Party media, IMD, strategically frames controversial CCP policies regarding

ethnic minorities. This media framing approach involves downplaying conflicts,

fostering unity among ethnic minority groups, and redirecting the focus from con-

tentious issues to showcasing the socioeconomic achievements realized by the peo-

ple of Inner Mongolia under the leadership of the CCP. The systematic construction

of narratives, with a central focus on poverty alleviation, interethnic unity, and soci-

etal growth, serves the dual purpose of strengthening the CCP’s legitimacy and miti-

gating potential sources of tension. It also contributes to presenting an image of a

harmonious and forward-moving country. This intricate interplay between media

narratives, Party reforms, and sociopolitical goals provides insights into the com-

plex dynamics involved in representing Inner Mongolia amid the backdrop of ongo-

ing education reforms.

Depiction of Inner Mongolia As a Model of Ethnic

Unity and Shared Commitment

The findings underscore that IMD employs distinctive propaganda framework,

emphasizing civic responsibility and national devotion to foster dedication and patrio-

tism. This approach aligns with the CCP’s general propaganda tactic, which places

emphasis on collective progress and social cohesion, particularly in the context of

14 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

Inner Mongolia’s unique historical significance. Established in 1947, a year prior to

the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Inner Mongolia played a pivotal role

during the Chinese Civil War, supporting the CCP against the Kuomintang (KMT)

(Liu, 1999). It contributed significantly to the CCP’s victory in 1949 and the subse-

quent establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Being the first minority auton-

omous region, Inner Mongolia became a model for ethnic minority groups’ autonomy

under the leadership of the CCP (Tighe, 2021). Therefore, unlike other ethnic minority

regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia has consistently served as a model

autonomous region. As a result, the news narratives within IMD consistently revolve

around portraying the Inner Mongolia as an exemplary model for addressing ethnic

tensions and effectively implementing China’s ethnic regional autonomy system.

These media frame instances, as presented within the newspaper, highlight Inner

Mongolia’s role as a model autonomous region, contributing to the overarching narra-

tive of a harmonious and united multiethnic China.

For instance, Figure 2, published in IMD portrays the concept of “National

Children,” representing approximately three thousand Han Chinese orphans raised

within Inner Mongolia. The recurring narrative of the “Three Thousand Orphans

Adopted by Inner Mongolia,” which is frequently featured in IMD, consistently

emphasizes the selfless support provided by Mongolian herders Duguima as Figure 3

shows. Despite facing numerous challenges, Mongolian individuals like Duguima

played a crucial role in nurturing Han Chinese orphans This narrative highlights Inner

Mongolia as a symbol of cross-ethnic solidarity (“Continuing the Red Bloodline:

Writing a New Chapter in Inner Mongolia’s Development,” IMD, 25 August 2021).

Figure 1

Government Officials, Identifiable by Their Uniforms, are Helping a Mongolian

Farmer Who Is Wearing Traditional Mongolian Clothing During the Harvest of

Crops (“Forging a Strong Sense of the Chinese National Community and Drawing a

Concentric Circle of National Unity,” Inner Mongolia Daily, 17 December 2020)

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 15

Figure 2

Duguima, a Mongolian Mother, Is Offering Joyful Companionship to Han Orphans

Whom She Adopted (“Continuing the Red Bloodline: Writing a New Chapter in

Inner Mongolia’s Development,” Inner Mongolia Daily, 25 August 2021)

Figure 3

Mongolian Mother Duguima Is Praised As a Role Model Who Has Committed

Herself to the Country (“Continuing the Red Bloodline: Writing a New Chapter in

Inner Mongolia’s Development,” Inner Mongolia Daily, 25 August 2021)

Similarly, stories like “Grassland Hero Sisters” commemorate the gallant actions of

Mongolian sisters who valiantly protected a community’s communal flock, even at

great personal risk. Likewise, stories like “Best Pasture for Aerospace” highlight the

patriotic commitment of Mongolians residents in Ejina, who migrated three times in

support of the country’s aerospace endeavors (“Enhancing Centripetal Force, Drawing

the Circle of Unity—Interview with Li Wenge, Executive Deputy Director of the

16 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

Propaganda Department of Hohhot Municipal Committee and Director of Hohhot

News, Publication, and Copyright Bureau,” IMD, 16 May 2021).

Collectively, the narratives within IMD frequently portray the Inner Mongolia as a

“model autonomous region” that exemplifies a profound sense of selfless devotion to

the nation. This media frame is consistent with the main propaganda framework of the

CCP, which prioritize ethnic harmony and social cohesion. This media framing reso-

nates with the CCP’s emphasis on unity and commitment to the nation by prominently

presenting stories of ethnic solidarity (Brady, 2012). These portrayals are further rein-

forced by IMD quoting President Xi Jinping’s speech to the Inner Mongolia

delegation:

“As the earliest ethnic autonomous region established in our country, Inner

Mongolia has a tradition in promoting ethnic unity and has long held the title of

‘model autonomous region.’ This honor should be cherished and upheld.”

(“Writing a New Chapter in Development Under the Strong Leadership of the

CCP,” IMD, 30 August 2021)3

By emphasizing Inner Mongolia’s recognition as a model autonomous region, the

IMD aims to send a message of stability. By highlighting the region’s achievements in

promoting ethnic unity, the news reinforces a message of stability and harmony within

Inner Mongolia, which can be important during the education reforms. As displayed in

Figure 4, Mongolians are depicted showcasing their loyalty to the CCP. This portrayal

further enhancing the region’s image as an exemplary autonomous state. Similarly, as

depicted in Figure 5, Mongolians dressed in traditional ethnic attire play traditional

instruments while expressing their allegiance to the CCP, solidifying Inner Mongolia’s

role as an exemplary autonomous region.

Moreover, the media narrative highlights prominent individuals as exemplars

within this media frame, with Comrade Ulanfu, the initial chairman of the Inner

Mongolia, serving as the definitive embodiment. This stands in contrast to the previ-

ously mentioned use of name-calling propaganda technique in Tibetan areas and the

repressive measures in Urumqi (Brady, 2012), underscoring Inner Mongolia’s unique

role model position. The news narratives specifically highlight the contributions and

steadfast dedication of these esteemed Mongolian figures. For instance, Ulanfu is por-

trayed in IMD as a seasoned socialist fighter and sturdy leader, highly regarded for his

dedication to the CCP (“Ulanfu’s Journey to Negotiations on His Own,” IMD, 29

March 2021). In addition to Ulanfu, IMD represents the experiences of individuals

such as Jia Ligeng, Duo Songnian, and Rong Yaoxian, who were among the first batch

of young Mongolian CCP members to adopt socialist revolutionary views. This media

framing centers on their unwavering commitment to communism and their efforts in

the pursuit of national unity and ethnic solidarity (“Forerunners of the Revolutionary

Movement in Inner Mongolia,” IMD, 06 April 2021).

In conclusion, IMD’s media framing regarding Inner Mongolia revolves promi-

nently around the framework of patriotism and unwavering loyalty to the CCP. News

articles under this frame are carefully crafted to align seamlessly with the larger politi-

cal agenda of promoting national unity and ethnic harmony within the diverse fabric

of China. By consistently depicting Inner Mongolia as a role model, there is a pro-

nounced emphasis on instilling a willingness to make sacrifices for the greater good of

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 17

Figure 4

The Mongolian Community Voluntarily Displays the National Flag on Their

Mongolian Yurts (“Striving for Unity and Dream-Building Together,” Inner

Mongolia Daily, 27 April 2021)

Figure 5

Herders Are Singing Praises for the CCP (“Striving for Unity and Dream-Building

Together,” Inner Mongolia Daily, 27 April 2021)

the nation-state and compatriots. The role of IMD as a Party newspaper is particularly

noteworthy, as it strategically positions itself to effectively employ framing strategies.

This provides the CCP and the government’s oversight media with a valuable platform

for the dissemination of specific ideologies. In essence, IMD presents Inner Mongolia

18 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

as an exemplary region, emblematic of the CCP’s adept leadership in navigating the

intricacies unique Inner Mongolia’s approach to addressing the multifaceted chal-

lenges. This portrayal not only serves to bolster the party’s image but also holds the

potential to counteract negative perceptions, particularly in regions marked by the

potential ethnic tensions in the context of education reforms.

Facilitate the Integration of Minority Religions

Into the Broader Socialist Society

Religious issues have important ramifications for a country’s stability, growth, and

ethnic cohesion, which is also true in China (MacInnis, 1989; Schmidt-Leukel &

Gentz, 2013). China’s ethnic minorities exhibit a wide range of religious beliefs, fur-

ther underscoring the complexity of the issue. IMD’s media framing on religious

affairs is subject to strict censorship, asserting that any religion in China should con-

form to the country’s societal norms, adhere to Chinese laws, and actively progress in

a manner consistent with Chinese characteristics. The portrayal of religions is framed

to depict a more seamless integration into the mainstream of Chinese society, aiming

to mitigate potential tensions and misunderstandings arising from diverse religious

beliefs. While previous studies have viewed this strategy as a religious suppression

(Fenggang, 2011; Harrell, 2012; Wellens, 2009).

In this media frame, religious Sinicization is described as a process that combines

patriotic values with religious devotion. It entails integrating religious beliefs with

elements of Chinese culture and steering all religious activities and developmental

paths with the principles of socialism. This procedure promotes the concept referred to

as the “Five Identifications” within religious contexts. These “Five Identifications”

include a connection to the Chinese nation, alignment with Chinese culture, affiliation

with the CCP, and commitment to Chinese socialism. These “Five Identifications” are

consistently emphasized in news reports. Simultaneously, IMD’s narratives convey

that national laws hold precedence over religious regulations. This perspective under-

scores that religious believers are, first and foremost, citizens who are subject to the

same legal obligations as any other individuals or entities, without any exemptions.

This perspective, endorsed by IMD, mirrors the government’s focus on religions align-

ing with the principles of a socialist society. It emphasizes the commitment to the

Sinicization path for Chinese religions (“To unite and lead religious figures to contrib-

ute to the construction of modern Inner Mongolia,” IMD, 24 December 2020). In

addition, IMD actively encourages representatives from the religious sector to conduct

comprehensive censorship of their respective faiths’ tenets and regulations, to identify

elements conducive to societal harmony, national unity, and interethnic cooperation.

These proactive postures strive to foster novel interpretations of religious concepts

that are consistent with China’s contemporary media framing of unifying all ethnic

groups and forging a common, integrated Chinese nation (“Hand in Hand, Building

the Dream of Snow Land Plateau,” IMD, 19 August 2021).

In summary, IMD steers the trajectory of religious development in China through

top-down policy propaganda and the advocacy of ideological perspectives that empha-

size ethnic unity, social stability, adherence to Chinese culture, and alignment with the

socialist society. Through this media frame, the IMD seeks to influence public percep-

tions and comprehension of religion, aspiring to establish a harmonious Chinese nation

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 19

characterized by religious coherence, social harmony, and interethnic unity. This rep-

resentation of Inner Mongolia by the IMD extends beyond previous studies, showcas-

ing a shift from the exclusion of practices like religious rituals to an assimilation

approach, aiming to integrate ethnic minority religions into the broader socialist soci-

ety. This approach injects the spirit of socialism into religious practices. Through

IMD’s carefully crafted media framing, it becomes evident that the CCP is endeavor-

ing to guide regional practitioners toward socialist ideologies while strategically

molding the landscape of religion in China.

However, it is noteworthy that despite the data analysis yielding the three main

media frames, all of which are positive in the context of education reform, the

authors observed a counter-narrative in the IMD. Owing to the stringent censor-

ship by the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television

(PRC), finding any counter-narratives or counter-frames in the official Party

printed newspaper is challenging (Uradyn, 2020). The sole news article discov-

ered focused on an art exhibition aimed at promoting Chinese culture. In reporting

on the exhibited works, the article introduced a painting by Saihantala, a post-90s

Mongolian artist raised on the grasslands. The painting depicted Saihantala’s pro-

found emotional ties to his hometown and inherent Mongolian cultural heritage,

reflecting his ongoing contemplation of the relationship between modern society

and nomadic culture. Through symbolic representations of ethnicity, such as “The

flock of sheep is walking on the railway tracks with difficulty and confusion,” the

artwork underscored the conflicts between nomadic Mongolian culture and mod-

ern society, providing insight into the artist’s reflections on the survival environ-

ment of ethnic culture (“Embracing the old and embracing the new, promoting

diverse development,” IMD, 28 January 2021). By showcasing this painting, IMD

raised concerns about the further marginalization of Inner Mongolian languages

and cultures. The ongoing education reform in Inner Mongolia exacerbates the

challenges of safeguarding and preserving ethnic minority languages and cultures,

especially considering the dominance of Mandarin due to the majority Han popu-

lation. This news article challenges the positive narratives promoted, offering

alternatives to officially sanctioned narratives.

Conclusion

This study brings a focus to the intricate landscape of education reform in Inner

Mongolia region, marked by the widespread promotion of Mandarin Chinese and the

adoption of nationally standardized Chinese language textbooks. In this context, this

study aims at unraveling narratives, specifically examining how the Chinese official

Party media, IMD, represents Inner Mongolia amid reforms. Its findings unveil a

politically sensitive portrayal of ethnic minorities within the IMD, encapsulated in

three main media frames. The first frame emphasizes the collective development and

prosperity of all ethnic groups, the second depicts Inner Mongolia as a model of ethnic

unity and shared commitment, and the third aims to facilitate the integration of minor-

ity religions into the broader socialist society.

First, the media framing employed by IMD strategically accentuates collective eco-

nomic development, portraying ethnic minority areas as thriving under the help of the

20 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

CCP and the local government. The daily lives of ethnic minority individuals are

depicted as uplifted, transitioning into modern society due to preferential ethnic poli-

cies. This media frame positions the CCP and local government as saviors and heroes

in the ethnic minority regions, preventing potential complaints amid the controversial

education reform. This strategy mirrors the findings of a previous study by Hoddie

(2006) on People’s Daily, another official Party newspaper, which emphasized eco-

nomic and social benefits to defuse ethnic tensions. Unlike Zhu (2017)’s findings on

U.S. media, Chinese official Party media, such as IMD, employs a grateful frame to

represent China’s relationship with its ethnic minorities instead of a resentment frame.

Within this frame, IMD embeds the representation of “ethnic unity and cooperation,”

highlighting that such cooperation fosters collective development, which aligns with

Brady’s (2012) research on social cohesion. However, on the contrary, this media

framing, particularly portraying Inner Mongolia as backward and primitive (Gladney,

1994; Yan & Vickers, 2024). Herders are depicted as dependent on the economic and

social support provided by the CCP. This framing positions the CCP as the savior of

Inner Mongolia, aiming to mitigate potential conflicts amid the education reform

(Baioud & Khuanuud, 2022). Simultaneously, the media framing sidesteps negative

narratives related to the 2020 Inner Mongolia protests and the complaint from neigh-

boring Mongolia (Bandeira, 2020; Sato, 2022). This aligns with previous literature

findings, reflecting the consistent positive messaging in CCP propaganda and the

stringent political censorship applied to official party media addressing ethnic minor-

ity affairs (Brady, 2012).

Second, in contrast to prior studies like Zhao and Postiglione (2010), Inner

Mongolian minority groups depicted in IMD are not portrayed as distinctive, poten-

tially separatist, and visible. Instead, Inner Mongolian minorities are presented as

patriotic and almost invisible. This different “patriotic” media framing aligns with

the recently embraced ideology of “constructing the common Chinese nation iden-

tity” (Baioud & Khuanuud, 2022; Sato, 2022) as opposed to the previous stance of

“state multiculturalism” (Lin & Jackson, 2022). This shift is substantiated by the

Gallelli’s (2022) study, which highlights the CCP’s emphasis on promoting a shared

Chinese national identity, particularly evident in the implementation of the Mandarin

Chinese policy. In this second media framing, where Inner Mongolia is portrayed as

a role model, the emphasis is on the patriotic and loyal nature of ethnic minority

groups, downplaying their distinctive languages and cultures. This framing shapes

the image of ethnic minority groups as loyal members of the collective “us” rather

than distinct “others.” Unlike COPM’s name-calling propaganda used in other eth-

nic minority regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang, marked by numerous instances of

violent ethnic conflicts (Dalton, 2011; O’Brien, 2011), Inner Mongolia has main-

tained stability due to decades of Han migration, intermarriage, and cohabitation

with Mongols (Han, 2011). In addition, Inner Mongolia’s special historical contribu-

tions contribute to this stability as pointed out in the findings. Consequently, COPM

in Inner Mongolia adopts a promotional strategy characterized by a positive and

exemplary image, encouraging Mongols to cherish the title of a model autonomous

region and actively align with the country and party’s policies. This strategic

approach aims to evoke a strong sense of patriotism, self-restraint, and self-commit-

ment among the ethnic minority group.

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 21

The third frame, which aims to facilitate the integration of minority religions

into the broader socialist society, represents a novel finding in this article that the

previous literature has not addressed. This media framing highlights China’s active

efforts to eliminate the religious identity of peripheral minority groups. It seeks to

assimilate ethnic minority groups into socialist society and gradually shape the

spiritual aspects of ethnic minority religions to align with Chinese culture. The

frame is consistent with the national encouragement mentioned earlier, emphasiz-

ing a common Chinese national identity. Scholars such as Ma Rong and Hu Angang,

as mentioned earlier, propose the gradual blurring of differences among ethnic

minorities, erasing boundaries, and fostering unity through ideological and cultural

homogeneity (Angang & Shaojie, 2022; Ma, 2007, 2014, 2017). This strategy seeks

to unite all ethnic minorities under the common identity of the Chinese nation,

contributing to greater stability and cohesion in Chinese society. Similar to Baioud

and Khuanuud’s (2022) study, which revealed a broader assimilationist desire

embedded in the chronotropic representation of Inner Mongolia’s ethnic minority

group, this frame contradicts China’s foreign propaganda portraying the Chinese

nation as diverse and comprising multiple ethnicities (James, 2020; Taotao & Faure,

1996). In conclusion, these three media frames align with the COPM’s positive

domestic propaganda framework while overlooking potential negative impacts and

risks associated with reforms. Only one article serves as a counter-narrative,

expressing concerns about the preservation of inherent ethnic minority languages

and cultures (Bandeira, 2020; Sato, 2022).

Building on the analysis of media framing within the context of COPM’s repre-

sentation of Inner Mongolia, this article makes theoretical contributions by applying

and analyzing communication theories, namely media framing, within the intricate

context of COPM’s representation of Inner Mongolia during educational reforms.

Through its findings, the paper illuminates the strategic use of media framing to

construct positive narratives that align with the COPM’s overarching goals, accen-

tuating stability, national unity, and overall economic development. In the realm of

Media Framing Theory, this study advances comprehension by showcasing how the

COPM strategically molds media frames to depict Inner Mongolia in the context of

the ongoing educational reforms. The findings reveal three main frames used by the

COPM when confronting the potential tensions and conflicts in ethnic issues. These

three structured frames present positive aspects of the CCP and local government’s

help to the ethnic minority areas, depicting Inner Mongolia area as a rescued back-

ward area, a loyal follower of the CCP and supposed to integrate their ethnic minor-

ity religious with the Chinese culture, simultaneously downplaying the negative

consequences and the criticisms of this education reform. This article shows how

media framing theory is characterized in the COPM, it means IMD deliberately

chooses positive aspects of an issue to emphasize, shaping the narrative in a way that

aligns with the broader China’s propaganda framework about ethnic affairs, provid-

ing insights into the complex dynamics involved in shaping narratives to achieve

specific sociopolitical outcomes (Fourie, 2001). This nuanced application proved

the notion that framing is not a neutral process, but a deliberate choice made by

media professionals (Bryant et al., 2002).

In addition, this study fills a gap in the existing literature by delving into narra-

tives about Inner Mongolia within COPM. This is essential in contemporary China,

22 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

as it asserts itself as a global power committed to consolidating unity among its 56

ethnic groups and nurturing a diverse yet harmonious Chinese national community.

The study timely exposes how COPM, such as IMD, depicts and portrays the Inner

Mongolia minority area. By underscoring three main positive frames of “grateful,”

“patriotic” and “integration,” this study reveals, beyond selecting existing frames,

the newspaper engages in the construction of frames by actively defining issues,

which is another essential “Frame Building” characteristic of media framing theory

(Johnson-Cartee, 2005). This article contributes to a richer understanding of the

essential characteristic of media framing theory, that is, media not only choosing

how to present information but also in actively shaping the narrative itself (Fourie,

2001). And this specific narrative is shaped by organizational interests and political

affiliations (Reese, Gandy). In summary, this article’s theoretical contributions lie in

its insightful application of media framing to the unique case of Inner Mongolia. By

framing the social benefits and support provided by the CCP and local government

to ethnic minority groups, coupled with an emphasis on their moral role modeling,

COPM can appease and unite all minority groups, potentially reducing the need for

coercion against its own populace. By offering nuanced insights into the strategic

media frames employed by COPM, such as IMD, this article enriches our under-

standing of how narratives are crafted to shape perceptions, manage dissent, and

advance political objectives, particularly in the context of Inner Mongolia educa-

tional reforms.

Moreover, it is essential to consider the methodological limitaions of the quali-

tative approach employed in this study, which confines the generalizability of the

findings to the specific case of Inner Mongolia. These findings may not be directly

applicable to other regions or situations due to the contextual nature of qualitative

research, which prioritizes in-depth insights and meanings over generalizable

results. While the in-depth analysis yields rich insights into the specific context

of Inner Mongolia during this unique period, therefore a qualitative approach

was needed to explore the nuances of media representation of Inner Mongolia

comprehensively.

However, the authors acknowledge the potential for a quantitative approach to

offer a broader understanding of patterns and trends in the representation of ethnic

regions in a wide range of media. To address this limitation in future studies, a

mixed-methods approach is proposed. Integrating quantitative methods alongside

qualitative ones could provide a more comprehensive understanding of the subject.

This may involve supplementing in-depth qualitative analyses, such as the one con-

ducted in this study, with quantitative content analyses or surveys to capture a more

nuanced perspective on media representations. In addition, another limitation of this

study is its exclusive focus on the IMD as the sole medium of analysis. A future

research recommendation is to consider alternative media platforms, such as social

media, which possess distinct characteristics from Party newspaper print media.

Investigating other media outlets in Inner Mongolia could offer a more comprehen-

sive understanding, potentially revealing counternarratives to those presented in the

Chinese official Party newspaper regarding the portrayal of Inner Mongolia amid

ongoing education reforms.

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 23

Table 1

Open Coding Categories: Example of News Article Excerpts and Initial Codes

Example of news article excerpts Initial codes

Theme 1: Collective development and prosperity of all ethnic groups

“It is solely due to the commendable policies of the CCP that our lives

have witnessed significant improvements. We have transitioned

to modern housing and gained access to a reliable water supply.

The CCP has remained steadfastly alongside us; without the CCP,

our present contentment would not have been attainable” (authors’

translation, 20 July 2021)

Commendable Policies of the CCP,

Improvements in Inner Mongolians’

Lives,

Transition to Modern Housing,

Access to Reliable Water Supply,

Contentment Attribution to the CCP

“Bao Dagula is an ordinary Mongolian woman from the Tongliao

City, Inner Mongolia. [. . .] Later, she attended a dairy product

training class organized by the local government, gained production

experience, and began making dairy products after milking cows

that had given birth. She would then ride a motorcycle to nearby

markets to sell the products. [. . .] In 2009, village cadres from the

local government noticed Bao Dagula’s proactive efforts. They

helped her contact a credit cooperative, coordinated a loan, and she

bought 12 calves. In 2010, they sold all 12 calves, repaid the loan,

and used the earnings to buy several basic breeding cows. By now,

the herd has grown to more than 70. [. . .] In recent years, with the

implementation of national poverty alleviation policies in Inner

Mongolia, her family has been able to raise more cattle, and their

economic conditions have improved. ” (authors’ translation, 03 June

2021)

Government Support,

Credit and Loan Coordination,

Livestock Development,

Preferential Poverty Alleviation

Policies in Inner Mongolia,

Economic Improvement

“China Railway Hohhot Bureau deeply understands the crucial

significance of transportation infrastructure in lifting the masses out of

poverty and promoting prosperity in Inner Mongolia. Addressing the

actuality of an underdeveloped and incomplete railway network in Inner

Mongolia, improving the road network structure has been identified

as a top priority. Since the 18th National Congress of the CCP, a

cumulative investment of 105.4 billion RMB has been completed, with

the construction of 37 railway projects, propelling Inner Mongolia into

the era of high-speed railways. [. . .] During the railway construction

process, there has been comprehensive prioritization of material

procurement and employment of labor from impoverished areas,

effectively promoting the improvement of local poverty conditions.

[. . .] Through a series of popular programs such as songs, dances, skits,

and folk performances, the Hohhot-Iron-Wulan Riding Troupe conveys

the Party’s favorable policies to every villager’s heart. With the sound

of bagpipes, the sons and daughters of the grassland sing and dance all

the way to a moderately prosperous society.” (authors’ translation, 17

December 2020)

Substantial Financial Investment in

Inner Mongolia,

Promotion of Local Employment,

Improvement of Local Poverty

Conditions,

Cultural Propagation for Party

Policies,

Collective Journey to Prosperity

(continued)

Appendix

24 Newspaper Research Journal 00(0)

Example of news article excerpts Initial codes

“Especially in the successful fight against poverty, Xing’an League

firmly believes in “ethnic unity supporting poverty alleviation,

people of all ethnicities joining hands for common prosperity.”

Consolidating the achievements of the “Thousands of Enterprises

Helping Thousands of Villages” poverty alleviation initiative,

actively exploring economic mutual assistance models, supporting

various enterprises to actively participate in ethnic unity and progress

initiatives, guiding and supporting mutual assistance among ethnic

farmers and herders, establishing entrepreneurial cooperatives,

forming a stable economic community of shared interests in

collective production and living. This promotes common prosperity

and integrated development among people of all ethnic groups.”

(authors’ translation, 25 September 2020)

Ethnic Unity Supporting Poverty

Alleviation,

Promotion of Economic Mutual

Assistance,

Formation of Economic

Community,

Promotion of Common Prosperity

and Integrated Development

Theme 2: Depiction of Inner Mongolia as a Model of ethnic unity and shared commitment

“With concerted efforts, the construction of Baogang Steel witnessed

the unity and broad-mindedness of the sons and daughters of all

ethnicities in Inner Mongolia, as lamas and herders relocated their

sacred mountain, offering it to the nation and supporting the noble

cause of national development. [. . .] ‘If a mother adopting an

orphan only signifies her kindness, then if a grassland raises over

3,000 orphans, it undoubtedly represents the culture of a nation’.

Behind the national responsibility flows the great love of the ethnic

groups. The inclusion of three thousand orphans into Inner Mongolia

bears witness to the selfless dedication and broad-mindedness of

the Northern Frontier to the nation and its people. Since the 1950s,

Inner Mongolia has consciously shared the concerns of the Party

and the country, selflessly assisting disaster-stricken provinces

nationwide. Inner Mongolia has consistently shouldered the historical

responsibility of supporting the national revolution, construction,

and reform and opening up, serving as an exemplary model of

selfless dedication and support for national development. ” (authors’

translation, 25 August 2021)

Historical Contributions of Inner

Mongolia,

National Responsibility and Great

Love,

Consistent Support for National

Causes,

Exemplary Model of Selfless

Dedication

“Ulanfu first met with Buyandala and pointed out straightforwardly

that the establishment of the ‘Inner Mongolian Republic Provisional

Government’ was an act of splitting the country. Simultaneously,

he emphasized the Party’s ethnic policies. Under Ulanfu’s unified

command, everyone quickly had more extensive contact with

members of the ‘provisional government’ and engaged in empathetic

conversations with them. This approach proved to be very effective,

as the majority of individuals soon changed their thinking. They

expressed their willingness to accept the proposals of the Chinese

Communist Party in resolving the ethnic issues in Inner Mongolia.”

(authors’ translation, 29 March 2021)

Endorse the Party’s Ethnic Policies,

Willingness to Accept CCP’s

Proposals

Table 1 (continued)

(continued)

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 25

Example of news article excerpts Initial codes

“Inner Mongolia is located in the northern frontier of our motherland

and is the birthplace of China’s ethnic regional autonomy system. It

serves as an important window for Western countries to understand

and evaluate China’s ethnic issues and ethnic work. For more than

70 years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China,

Inner Mongolia has comprehensively implemented the Party’s

ethnic policies, providing experience and setting an example for the

revolution and construction of other ethnic autonomous regions. It has

also offered China’s wisdom and solutions for solving ethnic issues to

other countries and regions worldwide. The system of ethnic regional

autonomy, as a fundamental political system in China, has been

successfully practiced in Inner Mongolia. [. . .] Over the past 70 years,

Inner Mongolia has received high praise from several generations

of central leaders. In the 1950s, Comrade Zhou Enlai praised Inner

Mongolia as a ‘model autonomous region’. [. . .] In 2018, Xi Jinping

praised Inner Mongolia for winning and long cherishing the honorable

title of a ‘model autonomous region’.” (authors’ translation, 09

September 2020)

Birthplace of Ethnic Regional

Autonomy System,

International Window for Western

countries to understand and

evaluate China’s ethnic issues,

Contribution and Exemplary Model,

Success of Ethnic Regional

Autonomy System,

Receive Praise from CCP’s Leaders

Theme 3: Facilitate the integration of minority religions into the broader socialist society

“Religious groups throughout the region should carry out the theme of

‘forging a strong awareness of the Chinese national community and

adhering to the Sinicization direction of our country’s religions’.

Guided by the core socialist values and immersed in the traditional

Chinese culture, actively guide religions to adapt to socialist society.

[. . .] Focus on the ‘two major tasks’, strengthen the concept that

national laws take precedence over religious rules, and that religious

believers are first and foremost citizens. Deepen the understanding

that there is no place, person, or religion beyond the law, unite

and lead religious personnel and believers, and contribute to the

construction of a modern Inner Mongolia.” (authors’ translation, 24

December 2020)

Sinicization of Religions,

Alignment of Religion with Socialist

Society,

Priority of National Laws Over

Religious Rules

“It is necessary to adhere to the direction of Sinicization of religions

in our country, manage religious affairs in accordance with the law,

and promote the adaptation of religion to socialist society. [. . .] The

development principle of religion is ‘harmony’. The survival and

development of any religion must be in harmony with the society in

which it exists; this is a universal rule in the development and spread

of world religions. The development of Tibetan Buddhism should be

conducive to improving people’s lives and promoting social stability.

Religion should be harmonious, society should be in harmony, and

ethnic relations should be harmonious. I hope that Tibetan Buddhism

follows the correct development path, and I believe this path will

become wider and better as we proceed. [. . .] At the National Religious

Work Conference, President Xi Jinping further emphasized the need

to thoroughly explore the teachings and rules that contribute to social

harmony, progress in the era, and a healthy civilization. He called for

interpretations of religious doctrines that align with the contemporary

development and progress requirements of China and are consistent with

the outstanding traditional culture of China. ” (authors’ translation, 19

August 2021)

Legal Management of Religious

Affairs,

Principle of “Harmony” in Religious

Development,

Alignment of Religion with the

Chinese Culture

Table 1 (continued)

Table 2

112 Articles as the Unit of Analysis

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

1 Always follow the party Zhang, Kui IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 20 5 Feature Stories

2 Bao Dagula: Embarking on the road to prosperity through

integrated crop-livestock farming

Guo, Hongshen IMD Journalist 2021, Jun. 03 8 Feature Stories

3 The sound of bagpipes brings a happy life Zuo, Weiqing &

Li, Mingzhe

IMD Journalists 2020, Dec. 17 4 Feature Stories

4 Forging a strong sense of Chinese national community and

drawing a concentric circle of national unity

Fu Qingbai,

Zhou Yan,

Yu Yue

IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 17 8 Feature Stories

5 Continuing the Red Bloodline: Writing a New Chapter in Inner

Mongolia’s Development

Gao, Xiaoxi Deputy Researcher at the

Inner Mongolia Academy

of Social Sciences

2021, Aug. 25 5 Soft News

6 Enhancing Centripetal Force, Drawing the Circle of Unity—

Interview with Li Wenge, Executive Deputy Director of the

Propaganda Department of Hohhot Municipal Committee and

Director of Hohhot News, Publication, and Copyright Bureau

Liu, Yang IMD Journalist 2021, May 16 2 Interview

7 Writing a New Chapter in Development Under the Strong

Leadership of the CCP

Chang, Wenqing Inner Mongolia Academy of

Social Sciences, Marxist

Research Institute, and

Research Center for the

Theory of Socialism with

Chinese Characteristics

in Inner Mongolia

Autonomous Region

2021, Aug. 30 5 Soft News

8 Striving for Unity and Dream-Building Together Su, Yongsheng IMD Journalist 2021, Apr. 27 5 Soft News

9 Ulanfu’s Journey to Negotiations on His Own Zhao, Na IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 29 2 Feature Stories

10 Forerunners of the Revolutionary Movement in Inner Mongolia Li, Cunxia &

He, Zhiqiang

IMD Journalists 2021, Apr. 06 2 Feature Stories

11 To unite and lead religious figures to contribute to the

construction of modern Inner Mongolia

Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 24 2 Hard News

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

12 Hand in Hand, Building the Dream of Snow Land Plateau Li, Jian,

Wang, Zehao

Fan, Si’ang

IMD Journalists 2021, Aug. 19 4 Soft News

13 Policies into the hearts of the people Menghe, Chaolu IMD Journalists 2020, Sep. 25 2 Hard News

14 Basic guidelines for united front work in the new era IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Jan. 06 2 Interview

15 CPC Central Committee issues Regulations on the Work of the

Unified Front of the Communist Party of China

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2022, Jan. 06 1 Hard News

16 To unite and lead the religious community to contribute to

building a modern Inner Mongolia

Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 24 2 Hard News

17 Complete and Accurate Implementation of the Party’s Strategy

for Governing Xinjiang in the New Era

IMD Reprinted from People’s

Daily Commentator

2020, Sep. 28 3 Opinion

18 Adhere to the rule of law, unity and stability of the frontier,

cultural embellishment of the frontier, enrichment of the

people and long-term construction of the frontier, and

endeavor to build a new era of socialism with Chinese

characteristics in Xinjiang

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2020, Sep. 27 1 Hard News

19 Firmly establish a Marxist view of religion IMD

Commentator

IMD Commentator 2020, Sep. 22 1 Hard News

20 Outline of the Fourteenth Five-Year Plan for the National

Economic and Social Development of the People’s Republic

of China and the Vision 2035

IMD IMD 2021, Jan. 31 2 Hard News

21 Speech at the Closing Session of the Fourth Session of the

Thirteenth National People’s Congress of the Inner Mongolia

Autonomous Region

Shi, Taifeng Vice-Chairman of the

CPPCC National

Committee

2021, Jan. 31 3 Opinion

22 Measures for the Management of Religious Clergy published IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Feb. 10 7 Hard News

23 Autonomous Region People’s Committee Deploys Month of

National Unity and Progress Activities

Li, Cunxia IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 25 2 Hard News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

24 Strengthening and improving the Party’s overall leadership of

ethnic work

IMD

Commentator

IMD Commentator 2021, Sep. 01 3 Opinion

25 CCP Central Committee issues Regulations on the Work of the

Unified Front of the Communist Party of China

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Jan. 06 1 Hard News

26 Speech at the Conference to Celebrate the 70th Anniversary of

the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Aug. 20 3 Hard News

27 Hand in Hand, Building China’s Dream on the Snowy Plateau Shen, Hongbing

& Lin, Hui

IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 19 4 Soft News

28 The need to strengthen the unity of the Chinese people Gao Lei,

Wang, Qi

Fan, Sixiang

IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 04 3 Soft News

29 Drawing on the Wisdom of Party History Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2021, Jun. 19 2 Hard News

30 Religious circles issued a joint initiative to carry out education

on the theme of “Love the Party, love the country and love

socialism”

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Apr. 13 3 Hard News

31 Outline of the Fourteenth Five-Year Plan for the National

Economic and Social Development of the People’s Republic

of China and the Vision 2035

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Mar.

12 Hard News

32 Forging a strong sense of community among the Chinese nation

and writing a new chapter on national unity and progress in

the new era

IMD IMD 2021, Sep. 01 2 Opinion

33 Fostering a firm sense of Chinese national community throughout

the entire process of the Party’s ethnic work

IMD Reprinted from People’s

Daily Commentator

2021, Aug. 31 3 Opinion

34 More than 1.4 billion Chinese people are united in their

determination to continue on the road of socialism with

Chinese characteristics

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Aug. 27 1 Soft News

35 Implement the new development concept and carry forward the spirit

of the Sehanda Dam, and strive to complete the annual economic

and social development of the main objectives and tasks

IMD Reprinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Aug. 26 1 Feature Stories

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

36 Sharing the great glory of national rejuvenation Wang, Xiaodong IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 25 7 Soft News

37 Sons and daughters of the Northern Border are devoted to the

Party, and work together to build the Chinese dream

IMD Political Research Office

of the Municipal Party

Committee of Ulaanchabu

2021, Aug. 25 5 Feature Stories

38 People’s Livelihoods New Article, Concentrate on Running to a

Prosperous Life

Li, Yongtao IMD Journalist 2021, July. 04 2 Soft News

39 Achievement and Happiness Zhao, Hong IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 23 6 Soft News

40 Scenery under the Sun—Selected Excellent Works on the Theme

of Poverty Eradication in Inner Mongolia released

Chai, Siyuan IMD Journalist 2021, Jun. 23 2 Hard News

41 Continuing the red bloodline to stimulate the power of progress

in the new road to catch up with the examination to deliver

qualified Xing’an answer sheet

Hu, Richa IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 23 2 Soft News

42 Falling in Love with Inner Mongolia: Achievements in Poverty

Alleviation from Multiple Perspectives

IMD Journalist IMD Journalist 2021, Feb. 25 12 Hard News

43 To grasp the new stage, where does Inner Mongolia’s confidence

come from?

Ding yan,

Feng Xueyu,

Xue lai

IMD Journalist 2021, Jan. 26 5 Soft News

44 Sing a sonorous melody that focuses your heart and soul Guo, Junlou &

Ji, Qingling

IMD Journalist 2021, Jan. 20 3 Feature News

45 Talking about the past and present to talk about the well-being

of the people

Zhao, Na IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 27 6 Feature News

46 Poverty alleviation look at the benchmark to get rich to learn

from the typical

Han, Xueru IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 24 2 Feature News

47 Xing’an League: “13th Five-Year Plan” handed over new

answers to high-quality development

Hu, Richa &

Gao, Minna

IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 24 4 Feature News

48 “Grassland Cloud Valley” has a modern style Shi Jiali,

Huangpu

Meixian &

Han Xueru

IMD Journalist 2020, Dec. 13 6 Feature News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

49 The economic performance of our region has stabilized and

improved in the first three quarters, and market entities are

confident in the economic development throughout the year

Feng, Xueyu &

Liang, liang

IMD Journalist 2020, Oct. 28 4 Soft News

50 China Development Bank Inner Mongolia Branch: Fulfilling

responsibilities and mission to win the battle against poverty

IMD Journalist IMD Journalist 2020, Oct. 17 2 Soft News

51 The autonomous region party and government delegation went to

Beijing for study and inspection

Zhang, Kui IMD Journalist 2020, Sep. 27 2 Hard News

52 Cooperation between Beijing and Mongolia has yielded fruitful

bonuses, helping each other and becoming closer

Han, Xueru IMD Journalist 2020, Sep. 26 5 Feature News

53 Make good use of the power of consumption in poverty

alleviation

Bai, Jianghong IMD Journalist 2020, Sep. 04 4 Soft News

54 Slin Flower Day: Life changes drastically after opening Mujiale Tugusi, Bilige IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 15 6 Feature News

55 Meng Lan: Skillful hands “embroider” a tasteful life Huricha & Gao

Minna

IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 07 5 Feature News

56 Baodagula: Embark on the road to wealth by “taking into account

both grain and feeding, and combining planting and breeding”

Guo Hongshen

& Zhao

Wenjia

IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 03 8 Feature News

57 Horqin Grassland is accessible and vast, and Inner Mongolia’s

granary is prosperous

Tumenhexige

& Chen

Chunyan

IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 02 6 Feature News

58 Unite and work hard to build dreams together Su, Yongsheng IMD Journalist 2021, Apr. 27 5 Soft News

59 Defend the border and ensure peace in northern Xinjiang Ji Qingling

& Liu

Hongzhang

IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 31 3 Soft News

60 Alxa High-tech Zone: Continue to increase investment in

people’s livelihood so that the masses can enjoy the fruits of

development

Liu, Hongzhang IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 24 4 Feature News

61 Gacha, which the Prime Minister visited, is rich and beautiful Hu Richa & Gao

Minna

IMD Journalist 2021, Feb. 19 3 Feature News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

62 “Post-90s” party members become the “new force” in poverty

alleviation

Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2020, Sep. 05 4 Feature News

63 Inner Mongolia over the past hundred years Wang, Hao IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 26 8 Hard News

64 Convey and study the spirit of the Central Ethnic Work

Conference and deploy implementation work

Dai, Hong IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 31 2 Feature News

65 Resolutely safeguard the lofty honor of Inner Mongolia’s “Model

Autonomous Region” with the main line of building a strong

sense of community for the Chinese nation

Song, Shuang IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 26 2 Interview

66 Promote the use of nationally compiled teaching materials and a

special promotion meeting in the central region was held

Liu, Zhixian IMD Journalist 2021, Aug.2 6 2 Hard News

67 Feel the power of thought, draw on the strength of progress, and

strive to create a new situation in the district’s petition work

Li Han & Yang

Liu

IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 14 1 Hard News

68 Focusing on building a strong sense of community for the

Chinese nation as the main line, we will consolidate and

develop the great situation of unity and progress among people

of all ethnic groups

Li, Cunxia IMD Journalist 2021, Aug. 04 1 Hard News

69 Work hard and move forward with determination, rush for the

exam and write a new chapter

IMD

Commentator

IMD Commentator 2021, Aug. 02 1 Opinion

70 We must strengthen the great unity of the Chinese sons and

daughters

Feng, Xueyu IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 30 5 Soft News

71 Strive to write a new chapter in Bayannur’s modernization

construction in the new era

Tugusi Bilige IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 29 1 Interview

72 Create new glories in united struggle IMD

Commentator

IMD Commentator 2021, Jul. 11 1 Opinion

73 Peace on the border and happiness for the people Chen, Chunyan IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 01 35 Soft News

74 Take the pulse and steer the ship Bai, Dan IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 01 29 Soft News

75 Keep the original intention of serving the country through education

and shoulder the mission of cultivating people with virtue

Liu, Zhiyu IMD Journalist 2021, Jun. 21 5 Soft News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

76 Consistently protect the lofty honor of the “Model Autonomous

Region”

Sa, Ren IMD Journalist 2021, Jun. 10 4 Soft News

77 “A nation is united and one family is a family”: a moving song

that will be sung forever

Hu, Buqin IMD Journalist 2021, Jul. 07 6 Soft News

78 Thoroughly implement the enforcement regulations and continue

to maintain the high honor of “Model Autonomous Region”

in the new era

IMD IMD 2021, May. 30 8 Hard News

79 Build a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation and

protect the noble honor of the “Model Autonomous Region” in

the new era in accordance with the law

Nashun, Menghe Executive Deputy Director of

the Standing Committee

of the People’s Congress

of the Inner Mongolia

Autonomous Region

2021, May. 31 2 Opinion

80 The mind thinks in one place and the energy goes in one place Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2021, May. 30 2 Interview

81 Effectively strengthen the “Five Identities” and build a solid

sense of community for the Chinese nation

Li, Xiu IMD Journalist 2021, May. 17 5 Soft News

82 Strive to write a new chapter in the development of Inner

Mongolia on the new journey

IMD Reprinted from People’s

Daily

2021, May. 11 1 Opinion

83 Strengthen the “Three Bulls” spirit and continue the glorious

chapter of the times

Ding, Ruixue School of Marxism, Inner

Mongolia University of

Finance and Economics

2021, May. 10 5 Soft News

84 Protect the northern border of the motherland and create a better

life together

Byinsi, Guleng IMD Journalist 2021, May. 05 2 Interview

85 Carry forward the glorious tradition of national unity and always

unswervingly follow the party

Bai, Dan IMD Journalist 2021, May. 04 2 Interview

86 Efforts to promote harmonious coexistence and harmonious

development of all ethnic groups

Su, Yongsheng IMD Journalist 2021, May. 03 2 Interview

87 Build a better home together and create a better future together Li, Xinjun IMD Journalist 2021, Apr. 25 2 Interview

88 Manage ethnic affairs in accordance with the law and consolidate

and develop the overall situation of ethnic unity

Du, Haiying IMD Journalist 2021, Apr. 26 5 Soft News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

89 Cherish it more and continue to maintain the high honor of the

model autonomous region

Bao, Siqin IMD Journalist 2021, Apr. 21 3 Hard News

90 Resolutely and consciously guard the “Northern Gate” of the

motherland

Bai, Jianghong IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 31 3 Soft News

91 The Propaganda Department of the Autonomous Region Party

Committee awarded Comrades Jinhua and Alatancang the

honorary title of “Models in Northern Xinjiang”

Guo, Junlong IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 25 2 Feature News

92 Effectively build a strong sense of community for the Chinese

nation and consolidate and develop the overall situation of

national unity

Ji, Qingling IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 23 2 Hard News

93 Uphold and strengthen the party’s leadership and do detailed and

practical ethnic work

Wei, Wenfang IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 15 7 Soft News

95 Be a good leader and cultivate outstanding talents for a great

cause

Bayinsi, Guleng IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 15 6 Feature News

96 Unite and forge ahead together to write a new chapter Li Han, Zheng

Xueliang, Hu

richa, Gao

Minna

IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 11 2 Soft News

97 Be a good “model student” of national unity IMD

Commentator

IMD Commentator 2021, Mar. 11 1 Opinion

98 Build a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation and

protect the noble honor of the “Model Autonomous Region”

Su Yongsheng,

Zhang Kui &

Ji, Qingling

IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 10 Soft News

99 Build a solid sense of community for the Chinese nation Zheng, Xueliang IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 09 1 Soft News

100 Keep in mind the instructions and work together to paint a bright

new picture of Inner Mongolia

Bao, Yinshan IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 08 6 Feature News

101 Work hard to write new glory IMD Reprinted from People’s

Daily

2021, Mar. 08 2 Soft News

Table 2 (continued)

(continued)

Article

number Headline Author Author affiliations Date Page Section

102 Implement new concepts and forge ahead on a new journey Zhang Kui, Dai

Hong, Guo

Junlou & Ji

Qingling

IMD Journalist 2021, Mar. 07 3 Soft News

103 Unite and work together to develop and prosper together IMD Repinted from Xinhua News

Agency

2021, Mar. 06 4 Soft News

104 Protect the lofty honor of the “Model Autonomous Region” Zhang, Kui IMD Journalist 2021, Feb. 23 10 Interview

105 Thoroughly implement the “Regulations on Promoting National

Unity and Progress” and protect the lofty honor of the “Model

Autonomous Region”

Alatansang IMD Journalist 2021, Feb. 09 2 Hard News

106 Make better use of the advantages of the regional ethnic

autonomy system

Yang, Lijie IMD Journalist 2021, Jan. 25 5 Soft News

107 Concentrate on doing a good job in national work in the new era Li, Xiu IMD Journalist 2021, Jan. 25 5 Soft News

108 Continue to write a new chapter in the model autonomous region

in the new era

Wang, Qicai IMD Journalist 2021, Jan. 21 6 Soft News

109 Resolutely achieve “two safeguards” and build a strong sense of

community for the Chinese nation

IMD Party Leadership Group of

the General Office of the

People’s Government

of the Inner Mongolia

Autonomous Region of

the Communist Party of

China

2020, Oct. 07 2 Soft News

110 We want to be rich together Zhe, Yilin IMD Journalist 2020, Oct. 19 5 Hard News

111 Continue to maintain the high honor of a model autonomous

region

Hu, Huiqing IMD Journalist 2020, Sep. 09 12 Soft News

112 Promote the national common language education and resolutely

safeguard the lofty honor of the Inner Mongolia Model

Autonomous Region

Duan, Zhiqiang Member of the Standing

Committee of the

Autonomous Region Party

Committee and Minister

of the United Front Work

Department

2020, Sep 23 3 Opinion

Table 2 (continued)

Zhao, Md Syed, and Shamshudeen 35

Acknowledgments

The authors thank the reviewers and editor for their very detailed and constructive feedback on the initial

draft.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Notes

1. Footnote: The Boolean search strategy employed the logical operators “AND,” “OR,” and “NOT”

to combine the keywords “Inner Mongolia,” “Ethnic minority,” and “Mongolian ethnic minority” in

various combinations. In addition, the search used quotation marks to ensure exact phrase matching

and parentheses to group related terms.

2. Footnote: The news article was translated by the authors.

3. Footnote: The news article was translated by the authors.

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Modernization with Chinese Characteristics and Great Power

Book

Full-text available

Jan 2023

Angang Hu

From Diversity to Homogeneity: Vacillating Signifieds in Propaganda Texts in Inner Mongolia

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Gegentuul Baioud

This article explores the shifting connotations of two key terms in propaganda texts on bilingual education policy in Inner Mongolia. The two terms are dumdadu-yin ündüsten (Ch.: Zhonghua minzu , Chinese nation) and ulus-un neidem hereglehü üge hel (Ch.: guojia tongyong yuyan , national common language). I examine how the meanings of these key terms have begun to shift as China strives to shed its multinational character and build a linguistically homogenous Chinese nation-state. The new prominence given to the term dumdadu-yin ündüsten (Chinese nation) and the gradual substitution of the terms neitelig hel (Ch.: putonghua ) and khitad hel (Han language) with the term ulus-un neidem hereglehü üge hel (national common language) in propaganda texts in Inner Mongolia reflect and shape China’s changing policies on its borderlands. In this brief exploratory article, I underline how the Mongolian terms referring to the Chinese nation and national common language undergo shifts in their meanings as what sits at the very core of these terms – the Han – irrepressibly exposes itself and subsumes other meaning potentials.

‘A radical operation’ – a thematic analysis of newspaper framing of bariatric surgery in adolescents

Article

Full-text available

Mar 2023
BMC PUBLIC HEALTH

Background Obesity in adolescents is a growing public health issue. Bariatric surgery is an effective, yet controversial treatment option for adolescents. The moral acceptability of this procedure by health-care professionals as well as the general public can be influenced by its portrayal in the news media. Our objective was to analyze how newspaper articles portrayed adolescent bariatric surgery, with attention to the language used and moral arguments made. Methods Using an inductive thematic analysis approach, we analyzed 26 UK and 12 US newspaper articles (2014–2022) on adolescent bariatric surgery for implicit or explicit moral evaluations and use of normative language. Coding was performed after immersive reading, assisted by NVivo. Themes were identified and refined iteratively through consecutive auditing cycles to enrich the depth and rigor of our analysis. Results The major themes identified related to (1) defining the burden of adolescent obesity, (2) sparking moral outrage, (3) sensation-seeking, and (4) raising ethical issues. The articles employed moral language, specifically non-neutral and negative discourse regarding surgery. Blame was attributed to adolescents or their parents. Sensationalist wording often reinforced the normative content, drawing the attention of the reader and contributing to stigmatization of adolescents with severe obesity as lacking will power and being lazy. Further moral issues that stood out were the challenges in obtaining an informed consent, and the unequal access to surgery for socially disadvantaged groups. Conclusions Our findings provide insights into how adolescent bariatric surgery is represented in the print news media. Despite frequent citing of experts and studies on the efficacy, safety and unmet need for bariatric surgery, obesity and surgery in adolescents are often stigmatized and sensationalized, with (prospective) patients depicted as looking for an easy way out in the form of a solution brought by others (health systems, society, tax payers). This may increase the stigma surrounding adolescent obesity, and therefore limit the acceptability of specific treatments such as bariatric surgery.

Han-Nationalism Throughout the Ages

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Jan 2023

Weiying Wu

Beginning in the 1980s, a trend of traditional studies known as “guo xue,” (国学) meaning national studies, proliferated in the wake of socioeconomic changes in China. In particular, it encompassed the revival of Confucianism, giving rise to related activity such as the establishment of “national studies institutes” (国学院) and “Han study centers”. Yet despite its popularity, the legitimacy of “national studies” came under the critical scrutiny of historians who argue that that contemporary “national studies” have either consciously or subconsciously co-opted Han traditions and practices over other ethnic cultures that made up the social fabric of past and present China, thus reinforcing the idea of “Chinese-ness” as a Han-centric and exclusionary one. This article contextualizes the discursive terrain in which Han-centricity in national studies has been conceptualized and incubated, and seeks to add nuance to the conventional wisdom, official narratives and assumptions that have guided popular discourse on present-day Chinese nationalism, ethnic policies and challenges.

China's Tibet?: Autonomy or Assimilation

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Warren W. Smith

This groundbreaking book explores China's efforts to assimilate Tibet, in the process rewriting Tibetan history to conform to Beijing's goals. Warren W. Smith Jr. provides the historical context for understanding the current situation through an overview of China's actual—as opposed to its promised—policies toward Tibet over time. His clear-eyed appraisal of Chinese policy convincingly shows that the PRC's ultimate intention is assimilation rather than autonomy. The author argues that Beijing fears that any genuine autonomy or dialogue with the Dalai Lama will fuel renewed nationalism in "China's Tibet," as the Chinese leadership calls its possession. The book highlights China's past and current propaganda on Tibet to demonstrate China's sensitivity and defensiveness regarding the legitimacy of its rule. It traces the history of Sino-Tibetan dialogue to show how China has tried to use it to defuse Tibetan exile and international criticism, while making no concessions in regard to Tibetan autonomy. In the absence of any solution, Smith advocates the promotion of Tibet's right to self-determination as the most viable strategy for sustaining international attention and maintaining the most essential elements of Tibetan national identity. Smith's thoroughly informed work will be valuable not only to Tibet experts and students, but also to the larger world of Tibet activists, sympathizers, and others attempting to understand China's policies.

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Utilizing excerpts from the recently published Confronting Institutionalized Racism in Higher Education: Counternarratives for Racial Justice (Ramdeholl & Jones, 2022), the authors engage Critical Race Theory (CRT) and more specifically, counternarratives as a strategy for centering the voices and experiences of racialized faculty in Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). Counternarratives also provide space for these faculty to interrogate their everyday lived realities and struggles, and demonstrate how they actively resist silencing and erasure through collective action. NB: The authors capitalize Black, Asian, Brown, and Latinx and not white, when referring to racialized groups to center the collective sense of identity among BIPOC communities.

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Although China’s social credit system (SCS) is widely portrayed by Western media as repressive surveillance, recent studies show that it receives high levels of support among Chinese citizens. Previous research suggests that people support the SCS because they lack knowledge about the system. This study further examines the roles of media framing (Western vs Chinese framing) and monitored behaviors (financial vs social behaviors). The results from a survey experiment conducted in China ( N = 1600) demonstrate that when exposed to Western framing, public support for the SCS is lower, but only when participants are informed that the SCS monitors social behavior. By contrast, when people are told that the SCS focuses on financial behavior, Western framing exposure is not associated with low levels of public support. The findings suggest that an expansion to social domains and exposure to Western media framing will likely result in decreased support for the system.

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Media portrayal of people with autism spectrum disorder in an official Chinese newspaper

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News media play a potentially vital role in promoting how people perceive and evaluate people with autism spectrum disorder. While there is an extensive literature on verbal texts of media representations of people with autism spectrum disorder, there is little on the way that such discourses are realized and disseminated visually. This study, based on the framework of multimodal critical discourse analysis, examines the features of images in media coverage of people with autism spectrum disorder within an official Chinese newspaper from 2008 to 2019. The findings indicate that people with autism spectrum disorder are portrayed in the corpus as deficient in communication, deviating from the norm, pathological, and in need of medical intervention and family assistance, as well as having somewhat special talents. The findings also demonstrate that images in the corpus seem to reinforce stereotypes of people with autism spectrum disorder to a greater or lesser extent.

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SOC WORK

Given renewed attention to racial equity in the social work profession, the authors suggest the use of counternarratives, an established tool of critical race theory, as an accessible method to challenge racism and examine privilege in social work education, practice, and research. Counternarratives use the technique of storytelling to elevate the lived experiences of marginalized individuals and communities and invite the listener into critical reflection about dominant, privileged discourses. The ultimate goal of counternarratives is the achievement of racial equity. The authors provide context about how counternarratives can align with social work education, practice, and research, and then use specific, illustrative examples from their own work to bring this method and its application to life. The authors also share their own processes of reflection and dialogue across disciplines and social locations in the use of counternarratives. The reflections of an experienced social justice educator provide additional insights on the use of counternarratives in the field of social work.

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