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Social Sciences
2024, Vol. 13, No. 5, pp. 143-154
https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20241305.12
*Corresponding author:
Received: 1 May 2024; Accepted: 22 May 2024; Published: 26 September 2024
Copyright: © The Author(s), 2024. Published by Science Publishing Group. This is an Open Access article, distributed
under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which
permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Research Article
The Role of Traditional Social Institution “Mada'a” in Afar
Region in Crime Prevention - The Case of Asaita Woreda
Kedir Ali Alo* , Efa Tadesse Debele
Department of Sociology, Samara University, Semera, Ethiopia
Abstract
The role of traditional social institutions in maintaining social order in general and crime prevention in particular is very
indispensable. Despite the importance of the role of traditional social institutions in crime prevention, academic attention to this
issue is still being determined. This study was conducted on the role of the traditional social institution "made" a" in afar region
in Crime prevention. Mada'a is Afar customary law practiced around all Afar communities and does not limit law in some areas.
mada'a is Afar customary law that plays a crucial role in preventing deviance and crime in the Afar community. Moreover,
mada'a classified criminal acts into five types, namely: 1) crime against life, 2) crime against the body, 3) crime against the
property, 4) crime related to adultery, and 5) crime of insult. For this reason, Asaita woreda was selected because it is the center of
Ausa sultanet, where steadily practiced the Afar Mada "a particularly around Hinnale and Barga Kebels. Ausa sultanate is a form
of indigenous governance system where power is vested in or leader of remaining Afar sultanates. The study employed only a
qualitative research method and used purposive sampling. The researchers used 100 participants (43 people for in-depth
interviews, 38 people for Focus Group Discussion, and 19 people for Key Informant Interview) from Asaiyta Woreda. The
researchers employed data collection methods and used a meticulously prepared interview checklist, Focus Group Discussion
guide, and key informant questions as the key instruments. The study explored the various roles and functions, which are mada'a,
Xinta, and cello, which can play a significant role in Ausa communities, and mada'a is a fundamental rule to prevent crime and
deviance in the community. The study also found out the various unwritten social rules and norms and considered that there are a
lot of unwritten social rules and norms. One of is afkaaqik maqaadih madqa, which is ausa sultan. The study recommended that
the people and government strongly support mada'a and must be linked to institutional support, capacity building, and structural
arrangements.
Keywords
Afar, Traditional Social Institution, “mada
‟
a”, Deviance, Crime Prevention
1. Introduction
Mada‟a is a customary law practiced around all Afar
communities and does not limit law in some areas. Mada‟a is
Afar customary law, which plays a crucial role in the Afar
community to prevent deviance and crime. Preventing crime
is one of the functions of mada‟a. Mada‟a has many benefits
for the Afar community. Mada‟a, governing set of value sys-
tems Qadda and the practice of both Mablo. Save for slight
differences and interpretations, five Mada‟a have jurisdiction
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over territories and clans in the Afar-Horn but abide by the
same general set of principles.
The customary mada‟a passes from generation to genera-
tion orally. The makaban and elders elected to prevent crime,
deviance, resolve disputes are expected to know the mada‟a
and how it is applied. The late Fitwarari Yasin Mohammad
made efforts to put these laws in writing; the Afar Customary
Law is based on information he collected from the memories
of the Afar elders to preserve the mada‟a for future genera-
tions [30]. The mada‟a classified criminal acts into five types,
namely: 1) crime against life, 2) crime against the body, 3)
crime against the property, 4) crime related to adultery, and 5)
crime of insult. Besides, the mada‟a mentions vengeance and
compensation as remedies or penalties for offenses committed.
Disputes are resolved without reference to written rules and
rely on memories of previous decisions (precedents) and
knowledge of Afar mada‟a.
Koch asserts that crime prevention includes all federal
criminal justice agencies, social, educational, and moral
training, and policies to prevent crime [28]. Mthandeni states
that traditional leadership regulates and controls relationships
and social behavior within a traditional community [32].
According to Schaefer, social control refers to the techniques
and strategies for preventing deviant human behaviors in any
society [36]. Social control formation reflects strong social
bonds/relationships with parents, teachers, and other sources
of conventional socialization who positively affect lives [20].
When these solid social relationships are absent, then society
is ridden with social deviants and juvenile delinquents.
Moreover, social control might become a self-desire for a
power bloc to achieve a goal [21].
In order to implement rules, values, norms, and customs, it
is seen as a role model that every member of the community
must obey [18]. One of the social control mechanisms, such as
customs, traditions, beliefs, attitudes, and values, is taught
through interactions between individuals over a long time [29].
Social control is also seen as a form of effort used by someone
to invite, influence, and even force an individual or group to
comply with social norms and values that apply in society
[14].
It is hoped that social control can strengthen members of
society who are involved in deviant behavior issues [38]. In
this case, norms can be seen as self-control. In other words,
social control is a process that teaches people not to enter the
process of becoming deviants [37]. Social conflicts usually
revolve around everyday life events, for example, land own-
ership, prestige, marriage, differences between young and old,
and problems between men and women. Considering the
above issues and other equally necessary matters, this article
tried to analyze and develop a concise research finding on the
role of the traditional social institution “mada‟a” in crime
prevention in the Afar region in Asaita woreda.
In Ethiopia, much research has been conducted on the role
of traditional social institutions in conflict resolution mecha-
nisms. Most of these studies have yet to be conducted on
crime prevention. According to Afar Regional Justice Bureau
[3]. Bur‘uliMada‟ a
1
is the oldest and the only written cus-
tomary law to govern matters of disagreement amongst clan
that existed 350 years ago. However, the study above was lim-
ited only to Bur‘uli customary law, which is practiced in the
northern part of the Afar region (kilbattiRasu or Zone two) of
the Afar region,(AwsiRasu) the one zone of the Afar region,
where the current study was done. The two zones have a few
different customary laws. The former zone practices Bur„uli
customarily law (Burqulimadqa) and later practices Afkaaaqik
maqaadih Customary law (Afkaaaqik maqaadih madqa). An-
yacho and Ugal argued that principles and values guided tradi-
tional social control mechanisms during conflict management,
which includes fairness and impartiality [5].
The recognition offered to Mada'a and Mablo of The Afar
or Customary System of Conflict Transformation by the vast
majority of the grassroots is incomparably high to the state
system in communities, as in Afar, which indicates the im-
perative to integrate CCTs into the former for the meaningful
existence of the former, ensuring societal peace and security
[31]. Traditional crime control, indeed the prevention and
control of criminal behavior in Nigerian communities, has its
roots in kinship and the extended family systems. Within the
lineage group, the leader, usually the eldest male person,
provides examples as he is the model of conduct [5].
Dispute resolution mechanisms among the Afar People of
Ethiopia and their contribution to the Development Process
[27]. This paper reveals that the dispute-resolution practices
of the Afar people of Ethiopia significantly contributed to the
development process. The article reveals that it is only pos-
sible to attain development by developing dispute resolution
practices. It also shows that it is difficult, though not impos-
sible, to resolve disputes without assuring development by
eliminating poverty. In this article, disputes, crime, and de-
viance can be prevented before they happen, so the author
focuses only on resolving disputes, but disputes can be pro-
tected before they happen. In Ethiopia, the studies conducted
by Tesfamariam Mebratu on the different dimensions of ju-
venile delinquency focused on the juvenile justice system,
juvenile court, the link between family factors and delin-
quency, and the effectiveness of delinquency treatment [39].
Customs for the Malay community, especially Riau Malays,
play a very central role in social life. Customs as a value
system, throughout the history of their existence, have expe-
rienced various forms as a result of changes in the beliefs held
by the people in this area [17]. Moreover, customary sanc-
tions commonly applied to existing problems are rewarded by
paying certain fines. Ideally, in every case, there should be a
sanction on the form and gravity of the crime committed [33].
The authors use various references to see the extent of re-
search that previous researchers have carried out. Several
studies have been done on the various dimensions of mod-
ernization and traditional methods of social control and youth
1
Bur‘uli customary law is One Afar customary law which is practiced in the
northern part of the Afar region and has old age.
Social Sciences http://www.sciencepg.com/journal/ss
145
delinquency in different countries [11]. However, very few
studies have been conducted on the role of traditional social
institutions in preventing crime. Therefore, this article carried
the role of the traditional social institution "Mada' a" in crime
prevention in the Afar region. In general, none of the above
studies focused on the role of the traditional social institution
"Mada" a" in crime prevention in the Afar region. Instead,
they focused only on the treatments of delinquent behavior
and conflict resolution mechanisms.
2. Literature Review
2.1. Introduction
In this chapter, the study reviewed literature on the issues
considered in the study. The literature review deals with
studies on the role of traditional social institutions in the Afar
region in dealing with crime. This literature is organized and
analyzed chronologically based on literature review and
knowledge organization. Thus, researchers put the oldest
literature first, followed by the most recent or theoretical
evidence.
2.2. The Concept of Crime
Crime is quite complex – in that it is perceived differently
in different quarters and is relative to time and spatial con-
texts. The functionalists (like Emile Durkheim), for instance,
perceive crime as acts that depart from the value consensus
of the society, which strongly offend the 'collective con-
science' [23]. To them, criminal laws and control agents like
the police, the court, etc., play legitimate roles in society as
they translate shared values into action. On the contrary,
those of the Marxian tradition/conflict perspective (like Wil-
liam Chambliss, Frank Pearce, and John Young, etc.) per-
ceive crime and its social control agencies as reflecting and
serving the ruling class's interests [25]. The political class
will define any behavior that does not serve their vested in-
terests as a crime.
Notwithstanding the nuanced views of crime, the concept
of crime connotes the intentional commission of an act usu-
ally deemed socially harmful or dangerous and is expressly
prohibited and punishable under criminal law. By criminal
law, we refer to a body of laws that define criminal offenses
and fix punishment for convicted persons. That is, an act
cannot be said to constitute a crime except if it is contained
in a state's criminal codes.
2.3. Theoretical Perspectives of the Crime
Theoretical perspectives were essential for this study be-
cause they support the researcher in bringing together opinions
and ideas. Above and beyond, it helps researchers frame re-
search questions, design and conduct research and analyze their
results. In addition, the theoretical perspective in this study
helped explain the role of traditional social institutions made
plays in Crime. In this study on traditional social control
mechanisms, it should be noted that the social control patterns
involved attachment to norms, commitment to the social envi-
ronment, involvement in social activities, and belief in the
values system [24]. Under this, three sociological theories are
identified: The control theory of Crime, the Strain theory of
Crime, and the Functionalist Theory of Crime.
2.3.1. Control Theory of Crime
Social Control Theory was developed by Travis Hirschi
[22]. It states that an individual's behavior is bonded by soci-
ety, and the extent to which an individual feels the bond or
commitment to society determines their deviance from con-
ventional societal norms [23]. Usually, an individual in soci-
ety would be involved in many social networks starting from
childhood, such as school, work, and family. From early on
in life, an individual is bonded to society, so their behavior
conforms to what is expected in society [6]. On the other
hand, macro social institutions such as religion, law, and the
education system work together to maintain order in society
[4].
The common conception is that individuals are less likely
to commit a crime when they feel a strong bond with society
[8]. As the social bonds become more robust, the costs of
committing a crime also increase, and when the individual's
bond to society weakens, delinquent behaviors surface [35].
This article strongly argues Schreck et al. that committing a
crime with a strong social bond can decrease crime. For ex-
ample, In Mada'a (Afar customary law), there are strong so-
cial bonds and social control through the clans' processes.
These processes encourage the community and prevent and
minimize crime [12]. Social control theory in sociology and
criminology posits that people's relationships, commitments,
values, norms, and beliefs encourage them not to break the
law [34]. Thus, if moral codes are internalized and individuals
have a stake in conformity, they voluntarily limit deviant
behavior [7]. This article supports Mcleod's idea that when an
individual respects his culture, values, norms, and customary
law, there is less chance of committing a crime.
The Control theory of crime emphasizes why people do not
commit crimes. Prominent here are Travis Hirschi and Mi-
chael Gottfredson [26]. According to their thesis, people
refrain from committing crimes because of the con-
trols/restraints placed on them, which prevent them from
committing crimes even when they may have the urge or
temptation to do so. To Hirschi, these controls placed on them
may be of 3 dimensions:
a) Direct control
b) Stake in conformity
c) Internal control
The direct control mechanisms may involve sanctions
placed by societal social control institutions like the police
arrest, courts, and the prison system or control from family
members. The second type, stake in conformity control, may
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146
involve the level of achievement one may have attained in life.
For example, a university Professor may recognize that he has
attained a high social status and may not like to engage in rape
for fear of reputation risk. The third type, the internal control
measure – entails the internalization of normative values by
an individual over time as a result of undergoing a socializa-
tion process under the tutelage of one's significant others
(family and friends), which helps to shape one's conscience
always to conform and refrain from deviant behavior. Thus,
control theory focuses on the methods or measures by which
crime can be controlled [20].
2.3.2. The Strain Theory of Crime
According to the Strain theory, people engage in criminal
behavior because they experience strain or stress; as a result,
they become upset and engage in a criminal act as an escape
route [2]. For example, they may engage in violence to end
harassment from others; they may steal to reduce financial
stress; they may engage in crime to seek revenge against
those who have wronged them, or they may engage in drug
abuse to feel better from their strain. Agnew, in his thesis,
described two main types of strain that could lead people to
commit crimes, namely, 1 [2]. When others prevent you from
achieving your goals, and 2). When others take from you
things you value, for instance, in terms of money, society
approves people “to make it” and be rich but does not pro-
vide equal opportunities to achieve the goal of making mon-
ey; such strain imposed by others (societal structure) may
lead the unfulfilled individual to actions of crime like steal-
ing, kidnapping in order to “make it.” In the second case,
some may value respect or recognition, but others may take
it away from them by belittling them – this strain may lead
them into the crime of drug abuse to feel better from their
rejection.
2.3.3. Functionalist Theory of Crime
The structural perspective was the dominant understanding
in the sociology literature of the first half of the twentieth
century. Durkheim, whose writings have played a central role
in understanding deviance, argued that a small number of sick
individuals does not create crime and deviance, nor are these
situations unnatural in any way; instead, they are an essential
part of society. Durkheim stresses that not all members of
society can commit to shared norms, values, and beliefs and
that exposure to different experiences or circumstances makes
them different. As a result, some end up breaking the law.
Social regulation is one of the functions that societal struc-
tures carry out in managing public interests like the envi-
ronment, health, education, etc. By punishing someone for
their crimes this way, law enforcers warn the rest of society
that such deviant behavior will not be tolerated.
Durkheim indicated that, after all, crime plays a construc-
tive role in society through its bond forging influence among
the non-criminal population; for example, this may occur
when a crime strengthens the collective conscience through
the creation of boundaries for human conduct, such as the
approving of deviants. Durkheim alleged that crime is a
normal functioning force behind the social order and moral
parameters and that crime is essential and inevitable in every
society [15].
Edward Ross argued that social institutions foster social
control. Like Durkheim, Ross emphasized social institutions
such as religion, public opinion, and, specifically, education
[13]. Ross perceived that these social institutions applied to
everyone in society, not just to the criminal who violates
normative expectations 1 [13]. The study of social control in
Ross‟s analysis is developed against awareness of social
problems such as urbanization, poverty, alcoholism, and
prostitution [13].
Durkheim acknowledged that the division of labor had
economic benefits [16]. However, it had another function
beyond increasing economic success, production of goods,
and affluence. Further, elaboration of the notion of multiple
functionalisms is noted in the publication entitled “The Divi-
sion of Labor,” where Durkheim underlines that punishment
does not only serve to “correct the guilty person or to scare off
any possible imitators”; but it also functions to “maintain
inviolate the cohesion of society” (p. 62) [16].
3. Research Methodology
3.1. Description of the Study Area
The study was conducted in Asaita woreda, one of the
woreda in the Afar region of Ethiopia. The woreda has a
latitude and longitude of 11°34′N 41°26′E and an elevation of
300 m (980 ft). In the woreda, pastoral and agro-pastoral
livestock production systems are the dominant practice. The
mean temperature is between 30ºC and 45ºC per annum.
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Figure 1. Map of study area from Afar regional state.
Therefore, woreda is the center of Ausa sultan, and they
practice pastoralist and agro-pastoral livestock production
systems, among others. The researchers selected Asaita
Woreda as a research site because they practiced Afar madaa
more than other locations, and Asaita Woreda is the center of
the Awsa Sultanate, so the sultanate working based on madaa
or Afar customary law called afkaaqik maadih madaa.
2
3.2. Research Design
The study employed a qualitative research design. Data
collection for qualitative data with analysis. The analytical
design of qualitative research concerned the interpretation,
analysis, and identification of qualitative themes from the
collected data [9]. Based on its scientific merits, an explora-
tory case study strategy is used. Creswell stated that inquiry
strategies provide specific direction for procedures in a re-
search design [10]. Since the research aims to explore and
provide new insight into the issue of traditional social insti-
tution Mada
‟
a. Moreover, the researcher utilized a case
study in the sense that it was bounded by time and activity,
and the researcher collected detailed information using a
variety of data collection procedures over a sustained period.
2
Afkaqik maqaadih mada’a means one of mada’a practicing Afar community, and
this mada’a first has been made in the place called Ausa rasu (Asaiyata) also the
one who made this mada, called Aydaahis Hanfade. The age of the Afkaqik
maqaadih old and started during the Aydahis Hanfade. Afakaqik maqaadih mada’a
is a powerful mada’a/law among one of five mada’a, which is practiced in the
almost whole Afar/ kalo communities and the Afkaqik maqaadih madqa some
different those remain four mada’a as it is center of Ausa sultan and ausa sultanet
respecting still all afar community horn Africa and also the origin of ausa sultanet
is asaita. The owner/leader of this mada’a Ausa sultan and the name chair is
Aydahis qarkayto.
3.3. Sample Size and Sampling Technique
Purposive sampling is most successful when data review
and analysis are done with data collection. To this end, re-
searchers used a purposive sampling method to collect the
necessary data. The participants come from different back-
grounds, and some have locally recognized positions. A total
of 100 participants were selected as the sample for the
in-depth interview, of which 43 participants were interviewed.
For the in-depth interviews, 43 community members. For the
focus group discussions, the researchers played the role of a
facilitator. For the FGD, the participants included 32 com-
munity members from two kebels. A study was taken from
Hinnale Kebels 8 men and eight women, and Barga Kebels 8
men, eight women, and 6 Religious fathers. A total of 38
participants participated in the FGD. Moreover, for key in-
formants, the researcher interviewed 12 makaabon leaders, 3
Fima Abba and 4 imams, key informants with a reputation in
Asaita woreda.
3.4. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
The inclusion criteria were IDI and FGD male females
from community members (who had at least participants
between 18-60 years old). In KII, the only men were
Makaabon, Fiama abba, and Imams.
Exclusion criteria were: The IDI and FGD, male and female
from community members between 1-17 years old) and In KII
were omitted women‟s b/c they cannot be Makaabon, Fiama
abba, and Imams.
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148
3.5. Data Collection Techniques and
Instruments
3.5.1. In-Depth Interviews
The researcher used face-to-face in-depth interview with
community members to generate detail information. The
researchers were creating good rapport and interviews were
make based on their interest and made intensive interview
with each 43 interviewees. The entire interview conducted by
the researcher.
3.5.2. Focus Group Discussion
Focus group discussion is a method in which a number of
people are asked to come together to discuss a certain issue,
such as people„s reaction to their attitudes toward a prevention
program – for research. Focus group discussion is facilitated
by a moderator who asks questions, probes for more detail,
ensures the discussion does not digress, and ensures that
everyone has input and that no one person dominates the
discussion. In this research, the researcher employed intensive
face-to-face interviews. Interview guides were prepared for
the community members, religious fathers, and key inform-
ants, and a secondary data collection checklist was used as an
instrument of data collection.
3.5.3. Key Informant Interview
Makaabon
3
leaders, Fima Abba
4
, and imams
5
asked using
this technique to get different insights about the role of the
traditional social institution of mada’a. Colton and Covert
(2007) called this observation method information about an
individual is obtained by someone external.
The researchers believe these informants were provided
detailed information due to their attachment to the issue un-
der the study. Semi-structured interview guiding questions
were prepared, and a key informant interview guide was used.
3.6. Data Analysis and Validation
The researchers were employed thematic analysis, in which
the data as describe above, the collected data arranged based
on the similarity of ideas. Data transcribed from interviews
and FGD and taken from key informant‟s tentative category
of related themes. The researchers transcribed the tape records
into English using Microsoft word. Each written transcript
3
Makaabon is the word of the Afar language. Makaabon is a decision-maker or
Clan leader. Most of the time, the makaabon is the clan leader. But sometimes,
knowledgeable and honorable elders in the community can be makaabon. In every
decision makaabon make based on Afar customary law/madaa in Afar communi-
ties.
4
Fiema Abba is a leader of the council of peers, and all the youths under his age set
are under his command. Fiqqima (an age-set or council of peers) and its leader,
Fiqqimaabba, are executive organs that act as enforcers of decisions regarding the
dispensation of traditional justice.
5
Imams are mosque leaders/religious leaders. Imams have crucial role in pro-
tecting crime and maintaining peace and order in their community, working side by
side with clan leaders/makaabon.
had read several times while listening to the corresponding
original audiotape to ensure the accuracy of the transcribed
data.
The transcribed passages were coded for in-depth inter-
views, Focus Group Discussions, and key informants. The
coded passages with common elements grouped to form sig-
nificant themes and sub-themes were compared and coded.
These themes and supporting passages will continuously be
revised through the transcripts. Data is scrutinized to ascertain
its suitability within and across the category in a way that
gives meaning and answers to the research questions. All the
transcription, translation, coding, and categorization pro-
cesses are conducted manually.
3.7. Data Management
Data management has become more complicated and re-
quires that the researchers develop a plan before collecting
data. By providing a road map, 'organized qualitative data
allows the researchers to answer specific research questions.
The data collected for this study consists of recordings of
interviews, FGD, and key informants. Besides the data above
management techniques, the researchers uploaded the audio
recordings on the researchers‟ personal computer and saved
them on an external hard disk as a backup. Afterward, for
every interview and group discussion, the audio was tran-
scribed by typing directly on the researchers laptops using
Microsoft Word and then translated into English. The rec-
orded in-depth interview and focus group discussion were
played back to cross-check the typed transcripts for errors or
omissions and then corrected. A soft copy is saved on the
external hard disk and to the researchers email as a backup.
The researcher assigned an identification number to each
participant's file for easy identification and to assure the con-
fidentiality of the participants. The researchers used IDI for an
in-depth interview, FGD for a focus group discussion, and KII
for a key informant's interview.
4. Results and Discussion
4.1. Demographic Characteristics of the Study
Participants
As shown in Table 1 below, the study participants were 65%
male and 35%. In terms of religion, all the participants were
Muslim. About half of the participants did not have formal
education, 86%, while 10 were religious educators. A total of
43 respondents were for in-depth interviews. Out of the total
participants, 24 community members were male, and 19
community members were female. A total of 38 participants
participated in the [u1] Focus Group Discussions. Out of them,
six participants were religious leaders (and 32 community
members participated in the study. About the marital status of
respondents, 76 participants [u2] were married, three were
Social Sciences http://www.sciencepg.com/journal/ss
149
divorced, and 21 were single. From the table above, it can be
concluded that most respondents were married because, in the
study area, people have experienced that both males and fe-
males prefer to marry early in their twenties.
The economic status of respondents looks as follows.
Therefore, 30 respondents have types of housing; nine re-
spondents are Asset owned, 49 Goat sheep, and also 12 re-
spondents are Landowners. From the table, it can be con-
cluded that most respondents are Goats and sheep because the
Afar people are pastoralists. The role of respondents in the
community looks like 100 respondents from IDI 43 and 32
FGD were community members, six respondents are religious
fathers 12 respondents were makaabon leaders, 4 respondents
were imams as well and 3 respondents were fiema abba. From
the table, it can be concluded that the majority of the re-
spondents were community members.
Table 1. Socio-demographic characteristics of study participants.
No
Socio-Demographic Characteristic
In-depth Interview
FGD
KII
Total
No.
%
No.
%
No
%
No.
%
1.
Age
Range
15-80
-
24-75
-
30-80
-
-
-
Mean
46
-
39
15
-
100
-
2.
Sex
Male
24
100%
19
100%
19
100%
65
100%
Female
19
100%
16
100%
0
0
35
100%
3.
Religion
Muslim
43
100%
38
100%
19
100%
100
100%
Christian
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
4.
Education
No formal Education
43
100%
32
84%
15
78.9%
90
90%
Religious Education
0
0
6
13.9%
4
21
10
100%
Elementary
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
College
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
5
Marital status
Married
33
76.7%
24
55.8%
19
100%
76
76%
Windowed
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Divorced
2
4.6%
1
2.6%
-
-
3
3%
Single
8
18.6%
13
34.2
-
-
21
21%
6
Economic
status
Types of housing
14
32.5%
10
26.3%
6
31.5%
30
30%
Asset owned
4
9.3%
2
5.2%
3
15.7%
9
9%
Goats, sheep
20
46%
21
55.2%
8
42.1%
49
49%
Land ownership
5
11.6%
5
13%
2
10.5%
12
12%
Religious fathers
-
-
6
15.7%
-
-
6
6%
Imams
-
-
-
-
4
21.0%
4
4%
Makaabon leaders
-
-
-
-
12
63.1%
12
12%
Fiema abba
-
-
-
-
3
15.5%
3
3%
Community members
43
100%
32
84.2
-
-
81
81%
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4.2. The Role and Functions of Traditional
Social Institution “Mada‟a Is Dealing with
Deviance
First, this section was discussing and explains the roles and
functions of traditional social institutions, such as mada'a, in
preventing deviance/crime. It was also included the IDI, FGD,
and KII.
According to the participants, functions of mada'a pre-
venting crime in Asaiyatworeda, all participants agreed that
the mada'a is a very important rule which has been practiced
in Afar and also mada'a have central power and role to prevent
deviance or crime more than the government written rules.
Mada'a is practiced daily in the Afar community and it is an
instrument that prevents people. Mada'a means xinta. xinta is
the rule for practicing the community to be stable, prevent
crime, conflict, and war, and stay peaceful in society. Also,
mada'a has three parties.
Mada'a (unwritten customary law), mada'a is Afar cus-
tomary law practiced around all Afar communities and does
not limit law in some areas. Afar people have five madam
horns of Africa, but those five have little differences. Manda
is Afar customary law, which plays a significant role in pre-
venting crime in the Afar communities. Preventing crime is
one of the functions of mada'a.
Xinta (in Afar language) means making the community live
together). Xinta is the rule that make agreement of small
people (specific location). They make (edde xinta) live to
gather, and these rules are not for all communities, but those
are based on the interest/agreement of some societies, which
conform to the living conditions of their people and envi-
ronment.
Ceelo (in Afar language, which means color/new things),
Weelo is another part of the rules that give judgment based on
happing conditions. It is a new condition; when some cases or
problems happen, it is part of mada'a and, judging crime on
based on the situation.
According to the Afar, crime is the perpetration of an act
forbidden by the Afar customary law. Though the existing
literature does not reveal whether there was an external in-
fluence, crime acts are divided by this customary law into five:
Killing, body injury, looting, adultery and insults [19]. Since
there was no executive or police to enforce the rulings of the
Mada, the responsibility of the criminal is shared by all
members of the clan or the tribe since crime is a collective
responsibility. Mada'a is playing crucial role every corner of
the Afar community, especially in local community. Mada'a
is a powerful weapon that protects the community from any
problem and is the pillar of peace in the Afar. It is an almost
omnipresent experience with different degrees of impact on
human life/day-to-day activities. Deviances categorize mores,
folkways, and crime, so these things happen in every society,
considering communities made mada'a to prevent these
problems. Regarding the roles and functions of mada'a pre-
vention in Asaiyatworeda, almost half the participants agreed
that the mada'a is a very important rule practiced in Afar. Also,
mada'a have greater powerto prevent deviance or crime than
the government's written rules.
The types of crimes that Mada’a is preventing
1) Qiido (in the Afar language, which means killing), Qiido
is killing someone, so if he/she killed someone,
makaabon gives a decision according to mada'a rather
than judiciary or sharia court. The government cannot
interfere in the case; this case is only for mada'a because
Afar people have many clans, and all those clans depend
on madaa and accept the decision of makaabon. Every-
thing is guided based on mada'a through the elders and
clan leaders who are the members of makaabon in the
area. For example, if Hussien killed Edris, this case
gives for clans. Among the Hussien clan and Edris clan,
enter another clan as mediation. The makaabon and clan
leaders‟ judge based on madaa. However, if the gov-
ernment interferes and takes the killer to prison. In that
case, it will create big problems among the clans, and
also, whatever the government stays him/her 20 years in
prison, they will kill his family for revenge or after
staying to come out prison then will kill a person in the
form of caane (revenge, if it not solve based on madaa).
2) Garqino (in Afar language, which means theft) can be
either individual or group theft.
3) Carbi kee Qeebi (in the Afar language) means war and
dispute. Conflict (qeebi) is disputes/disagreements be-
tween people; it divided into qeebi and carbi. Qeebi
means disputes/conflicts between individuals or per-
sonal conflicts. Carbi means war, the conflict between
clans, woreda to woreda, etc.
4) Raado (in Afar language, which means taking by force).
Raado means taking something by force, like a robber,
and raado is divided into two parts: seelabu (taking in-
struments) and Dannaba (taking an animal). Seelabu
means taking from others, instruments/tools such as
knives, sticks, guns, and any material people use to
protect themselves from enemies. Dannaba means tak-
ing animals from others by force, like goats, sheep, cows,
camels, etc.
5) Sayyo xago (in the Afar language, it means women ab-
duction). Sayyo xago is an Afaric word that relates to
women's violence or any crime that faces women from
the community and is divided into two Caylisiyya
(women abduction) and kalto (taking persuaded).
Caylisiyya means abducting girls by force, and it is a
form of Crime that is prevented in mada'a. Also, kalta
means taking someone's wife from her husband by per-
suading her to leave her husband and taking her far away
from her husband and also without her family's permis-
sion.
6) Dafu (Insults to elders) insulting respected people are
forbidden in mada'a and it is considered one form of
Crime in mada'a. In mada'a, insulting elders, the vio-
lence of norms and values, robbers, theft, and ignoring
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151
the wards of makaabon are Crimes. Violence of norms
and values is one type of deviance, and members of so-
ciety violate society's norms and values. It leads to social
ignorance, so if someone ignores society, it is one kind
of punishment permitted by customary law.
KEY STRENGTHS OF MADA'A
The key strength of the mada'a system is preventing Crime.
Mada'a is made to prevent problems like Crime, deviance,
and conflict, so it is a pillar of peace and security and unwit-
ting rules that protect the community. Mada'a is a complete
and equal system for all Afar because there is no difference
between them. If someone commits a crime, they made equal
decisions without discrimination, which makes them strong.
Second mada'a is highly focused on stability; it has power
control and contributes to stability in the community. Third,
madaa has the advantage of socialization and integration pro-
cess of communities. When we say stable, this law makes a
stable society and advises integration community.
4.3. The Various Unwritten Social Rules and
Norms of the Traditional Social Institution
"Mada" a
This study section shows the various unwritten social rules
and norms of the traditional social institution "Mada" a. The
study participants in the IDI, FGD, and key informants inter-
viewed mentioned that various unwritten social rules and
norms of the traditional social institution "Mada"in crime
prevention. The finding related to the various unwritten social
rules and norms of the traditional social institution Mada" a.
There is various unwritten social rules and norms under the
mada'a institution. Those institutions are the Fiema Institution,
Maro Institution Malla, and Mablo.
Fiema institution: The fiema institution is guided by fiema
abba, and the fiema abba decides everything in fiema based on
Afar mada. The Fiqqima (an age-set or council of peers) and
its leader, the Fiqqimaabba, are executive organs that act as
enforcers of decisions regarding the dispensation of tradi-
tional justice (Ibid, 14). In fiema, the same peer group has
their process of leading and crime prevention methods.
Maro institution: In Afar people, Maro is one part of madaa,
and when happen some problems, it protect before happens.
Makaabon and elders make a circle under a tree. The makaban
is a clan leader (at the confederation level) who knows the
customs. A makaban (judge), the elders, the disputants, wit-
nesses, and observers sit in a circle (from which the term maro
derives). Depending on the gravity of the case, the number of
makaban may vary from one to ten. Besides, the makaban
may select elders with a good community reputation to assist
him. Although many of those elected as elders are aged people,
a young person who has good integrity and has won the re-
spect of his people may be elected to give such service.
Women, such as makabans and elders, are excluded from
giving services. The makaban and elders are not required to
have formal training. They give this service to their commu-
nity without any payment.
Malla: Malla is another part of madaa. Malla is a legislative
meeting of clan leaders and Knowledgeable elders that protect
the unprecedented cases. When such a case appears to the
Keddoabba or Makaabon in the Maro court, social or political
status constitutes a great offense. Despising Remark that
refers to one's lineage, clan, or family, as the Afar proverb has
it that a beheaded head symbolic of a clan said, "If the tongue
were not in me, I would not have been cut off. "This implies
silent recognition of severe response that may also result in
death. In addition to the prestige of a clan, which is everything
in Afar society, the high value accorded to personal honor has
set a regulatory mechanism for verbal aggression that gave
mutual recognition of honor to breach is a grave offense.
Every Mada'a has its referent of appeal; it takes two forms,
either directly to a keddoabba-individual-or to a clan or
sub-clan: in Burquli Mada'a to Ledidu Damohoyta clan, in
Debine kee Weqima and Afkihe kee Ma'adih Mada'as to
Abilek Ayiros clan, in Budihito Badih to a person called
Qunda Ali Abdu, and in Badihto Mela to Ali Humed member
of the sub-clan of Badihto Mela [1].
This article focuses more on Afkaqik maqaadih madaa. The
genesis of Afkaqik maqaadih madaa (customary law). Af-
kaqik maqaadih mada'a means one of mada'a/Afar costumary
law practicing in Afar community, and this mada'a first has
been made in the place called Ausa rasu (Asaiyata) and also
the one who made this madaa, called Aydaahis Hanfade. The
age of the Afkaqik maqaadih mada, a old and started during
the Aydahis Hanfade and Afakaqik maqaadih mada'a is very
strong mada'a/law among the one of five mada'a, which is
practiced in the Ausa kalo and half of Afar community and the
Afkaqik maqaadih madqa different from those remain four
mada'a as it is center of Ausa sultan and ausan sultan was
honored of all afar community horn Africa and also ausa
sultanate is still have great respection in Afar. The own-
er/leader of this mada'a Ausa sultan and the name chair is
Aydahis qarkayto.
Mablo: Mablo also another part of madaa. Mablo is as-
sembly and process of Wagrisiyya (mediation) that convenes
to protect or resolve small/minor issue participating physical
damage, minor insult theft and any other crimes that fall be-
low/under the clan leaderr and its assembly. This issue is
controlled by elders or any higher age people with knowl-
edgeable persons recognized for justice and experienced in
mediating local problems.
Implementers (decision makers) in Madaa: the responsible
body for implementing madaa is makaabon or keedoh abba.
Makaabon is the most responsible body for implementing
mada'a mada'a in the community, and makaabon are com-
munity keepers. When makaabon implements" these rules,
they sacrifice their time to protect society from crime or any
problems that affect their community. makaabon constitutes
mada'a and discusses making circles the current and future
issues, so those discussions help the community protect itself
from the problems. The makaabon constitutes mada'a based
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on the gravity of the case, the number of makabon may vary
from one to ten.
Techniques makaabon use to prevent crime: Those are
Umaane obbal horanama (prevent crime as it is heard) and
according to mada'a, if someone make minor crime, they give
high punishment for a small crime because it can be education
for other people and afraid to make crime. For example, in
Mada'a, shutting the gun on someone more than killing those
guys. If Kedir tried to shoot a gun at Hussein but failed, his
target passed near to Hussein. Another person shot a gun at
someone and then killed him/her. These two cases were
brought to makaabon according to mada'a. Makaabon will
give significant unlimited punishment to Kedir because they
do not know if he will die or not so makaabon judge as a died
person. However, if shut, that person will judge according to
mada'a because it knows how much pay if someone is injured
in mada'a. Another crime prevent technique is to collect in-
formation from the community by distributing it. If they hear
some disputes/disagreements between people, they go to see
the case before developing a big problem. The makaabon and
elders give responsibility to the people at each level, like the
fiama, fiama Abba, village leaders, etc. Therefore, these peo-
ple work at each level to prevent crime in their community,
but if the case comes to more than them, they call to makaa-
bon/kedoh abba. Makaabon have good communication with
community members/their members to get information be-
cause it is one of the pre-preventing criteria, so having good
communication with local members is of excellent value in
protecting against crime.
Punishments: Seelabo is the one form of crime that pre-
vents mada'a; if someone takes by force (seelabu) either
material or animal, it has 12 cows punishment; before bring-
ing 12 cows, the makaabon will make a meeting and not
return the things that taken by force.
Baatil in Afar language (mistake) is making mistakes on
somebody, or it is an intra-conflict between two people. They
fight without any material in hand, and this kind of fighting is
called baatil. If two persons come to attack each other, then
one of them calls for a witness as he insults or comes to him.
Makaabon will punish one cow for those who made mistakes,
but if both start fighting without any witness, then Makaabon
will take one one cow from both sides for punishment.
First, killing people is the one kind of crime that has its
punishment in mada'a, so, according to afkaaqik maenadic
media, killing a person has 100 goats punishment, and second,
beating someone is another form of crime that has its values in
mada'a, and third robbing or take by force from someone
types crime which has its punishment mada'a and fourth theft
also has kind of punishment as well as fifth burning is also
final types of crime.
The financial cost for makaabon/Income source of makaabon
Makaabon has no income source or monthly income, but
money is collected from clan members. That money is not
collected for kedo abba/makaabon; it is for the security of
clan members and emergence for any challenges face in their
clan. Clans are insurance for accidents; considering this, they
collect money from their members every time.
5. Conclusion
The study's objective was to assess the role of traditional
social institution mada'a in the Afar region dealing with crime
prevention based on the study's findings. In order to address the
research questions, the researchers interviewed 100 respond-
ents. To achieve the stated objectives, the study only employed
qualitative study methods, including the use of IDI, FGD, and
KII. The researcher concludes the following significant points
based on the information obtained through the analysis and
interpretation of the interview questionnaire. The results of this
study explored the various roles and functions of traditional
social institutions in mada'a crime prevention. mada'a is Afar
customary law practiced around all Afar communities and does
not limit some areas, but five madaa have little differences.
Mada'a is effectively practiced in Afar, and people obey
mada'a more than the government written law. The law has
practice a time of rise conflict, Crime, and intra-disputes. Xinto
and weelo help to strong madaa. Xinta is the rule which makes
the agreement of small people (specific location) and weelo
based on the situation, but they apply context of madaa. The
types of Crime preventing madaa, qiido is killing someone,
Garqino is theft, conflict, and war, and also raado taking by
force and women abduction ( sayyo dago) as well as insult
honorable elders, ignore norms and values. Moreover, the main
strengths of the mada'a system are preventing Crime, the
madaa concern for peace & security, and no discrimination
decision time. Further madaa focus socialization and integra-
tion process as well as stability in society.
The results of this study revealed the various unwritten
social rules and norms of the traditional social institution
"Mada" a. There are many unwritten social rules and norms
under the mada'a institution. The institution in madaa, fiema
institution those institutions are fiema institution, which,
guided by fiema abba, and the fiema abba decides everything
in fiema based on Afar mada'a and, maro, mablo as well as
Malla. This article selects Afkaaqik maqaadih madqa from
five madaa for study. Afkaqik maqaadih mada'a means one of
mada'a practicing Afar community, and this mada'a first has
been made in the place called Ausa rasu (Asaiyata) and also
the one who made this mada, called Aydaahis Hanfade. The
technique that makaabon use to prevent crime is Umaane
obbal horanama. Umaane obbal horanama means (to prevent
Crime as it is heard) and according to mada, having makaabon
smooth communication with community members is one of
the crime prevention techniques. makaabon has no monthly
salary, while free service.
6. Recommendation
As the objective was set out earlier, it was to explore the
Social Sciences http://www.sciencepg.com/journal/ss
153
role of the traditional social institution mada'a in the Afar
region crime prevention, AsaytaWoreda. In broad terms, the
solutions are linked to institutional support, capacity building,
and structural arrangement.
At the regional level, the Bureau of Peace and Security
should support the Afar mada'a in preventing Crime. The
government should also give more support for makaa-
bon/kedo abba, and the government should encourage the
Afar customary justice in particular by providing capaci-
ty-building training for judges, personal development for clan
leaders, makaabon, elders, clan, retraining on the deviance
and crime prevention in traditional institution.
The government should focus on judges (Makaabon), the
clan chief (Kedoh Abba), the council of elders, and Fiema
Abba. The government should teach the young generation the
advantage of customary law in general and the systems of
deviance and Crime in particular because the more significant
their capacity is, the greater they will transfer, keep the ex-
isting culture, and guarantee the nation's security.
It is a universally recognized fact that the role of traditional
social institutions in preventing deviance and Crime is inevi-
table to keep peace and security for any society. As a result of
this situation, the government should change the current in-
formal structure into a formal legal justice system, applying
side by side with the formal justice system.
7. Recommendations for Further
Research
Based on the scope and limitation of the study, the fol-
lowing broad areas are pointed out for further research interest.
Hence, future studies should concentrate on:
1) The role of the traditional social institution mada'a is to
prevent deviance.
2) Comparative studies on the role of mada'a afar custom-
ary law in preventing Crime.
3) The attitude of the youth toward traditional social insti-
tutions is mada'a preventing deviance.
Abbreviations
FGD
Focus Group Discussion
IDI
In Depth Interview
KII
Key Informant Interview
CCT
Customary System of Conflict Transformation
Acknowledgments
The authors thank the Staff of the Sociology Department at
Mekelle University for their insightful reviews and constructive
comments. This article was only possible to complete with the
genuine support and guidance provided by Henry Mohanraj
(Ph.D) and Addis Zena Birru (As.profesor). We greatly benefited
from the cooperation and participation of many individuals in the
Asaiyat Woreda. We are grateful for their invaluable contribu-
tions to the accomplishment of the thesis.
Author Contributions
Kedir Ali Alo: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal
Analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration,
Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation, Visualization,
Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing
Efa Tadesse Debele: Conceptualization, Data curation,
Formal Analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project ad-
ministration, Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation,
Visualization, Writing – review & editing
Funding
This research work was not funded. Researchers managed
all necessary costs associated with this research work.
Data Availability Statement
Authors declare to attach data upon request.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
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