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This paper aims to explain potential psychological effects of algorithmic management (AM) on human-centered task design and with that also workers' mental well-being. For this, we link research on algorithmic management (AM) with Sociomaterial System Theory and Action Regulation Theory (ART). Our main assumption is that psychological effects of sociomaterial systems, such as AM, can be explained by their impact on human action. From the synthesis of the theories, mixed effects on human-centered task design can be derived: It can be expected that AM contributes to fewer action regulation opportunities (i.e., job resources like job autonomy, transparency, predictability), and to lower intellectual demands (i.e., challenge demands like task complexity, problem solving). Moreover, it can be concluded that AM is related with more regulation problems (i.e., hindrance demands like overtaxing regulations) but also fewer regulation problems (like regulation obstacles, uncertainty). Based on these considerations and in line with the majority of current research, it can be assumed that the use of AM is indirectly associated with higher risks to workers' mental well-being. However, we also identify potential positive effects of AM as some stressful and demotivating obstacles at work are often mitigated. Based on these considerations, the main question of future research is not whether AM is good or bad for workers, but rather how work under AM can be designed to be humane. Our proposed model can guide and support researchers and practitioners in improving the understanding of the next generation of AM systems.
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Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 01 frontiersin.org
Algorithmic management and
human-centered task design: a
conceptual synthesis from the
perspective of action regulation
and sociomaterial systems theory
CarstenRöttgen
1*, BrittaHerbig
2, TobiasWeinmann
2 and
AndreasMüller
1
1 Institute of Psychology, Work and Organizational Psychology, University of Duisburg-Essen, Essen,
Germany, 2 Institute and Clinic for Occupational, Social and Environmental Medicine, LMU University
Hospital, LMU Munich, Munich, Germany
This paper aims to explain potential psychological eects of algorithmic
management (AM) on human-centered task design and with that also workers’
mental well-being. For this, welink research on algorithmic management (AM)
with Sociomaterial System Theory and Action Regulation Theory (ART). Our
main assumption is that psychological eects of sociomaterial systems, such
as AM, can beexplained by their impact on human action. From the synthesis
of the theories, mixed eects on human-centered task design can bederived:
It can beexpected that AMcontributes to fewer action regulation opportunities
(i.e., job resources like job autonomy, transparency, predictability), and to lower
intellectual demands (i.e., challenge demands like task complexity, problem
solving). Moreover, it can beconcluded that AMis related with more regulation
problems (i.e., hindrance demands like overtaxing regulations) but also fewer
regulation problems (like regulation obstacles, uncertainty). Based on these
considerations and in line with the majority of current research, it can beassumed
that the use of AMis indirectly associated with higher risks to workers’ mental
well-being. However, wealso identify potential positive eects of AMas some
stressful and demotivating obstacles at work are often mitigated. Based on these
considerations, the main question of future research is not whether AMis good or
bad for workers, but rather how work under AMcan bedesigned to behumane.
Our proposed model can guide and support researchers and practitioners in
improving the understanding of the next generation of AMsystems.
KEYWORDS
digitalization, artificial intelligence, work design, Job Demands-Resources Model,
work stress, motivation, self-determination
1 Introduction
Intelligent technological systems that have the capability to learn and to make autonomous
decisions through algorithmic pattern detection permeate and fundamentally transform our
work life (Cascio and Montealegre, 2016). Such systems are also increasingly used to take over
decision-making in organizations from human actors such as managers (Benlian etal., 2022).
ese types of technological systems that overtake managerial decisions at work are referred
OPEN ACCESS
EDITED BY
Federica Caaro,
Roma Tre University, Italy
REVIEWED BY
Monica Molino,
University of Turin, Italy
Andreia de Bem Machado,
Federal University of Santa Catarina, Brazil
*CORRESPONDENCE
Carsten Röttgen
carsten.roettgen@uni-due.de
RECEIVED 31 May 2024
ACCEPTED 23 August 2024
PUBLISHED 25 September 2024
CITATION
Röttgen C, Herbig B, Weinmann T and
Müller A (2024) Algorithmic management and
human-centered task design: a conceptual
synthesis from the perspective of action
regulation and sociomaterial systems theory.
Front. Artif. Intell. 7:1441497.
doi: 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
COPYRIGHT
© 2024 Röttgen, Herbig, Weinmann and
Müller. This is an open-access article
distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The
use, distribution or reproduction in other
forums is permitted, provided the original
author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are
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which does not comply with these terms.
TYPE Hypothesis and Theory
PUBLISHED 25 September 2024
DOI 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 02 frontiersin.org
to as data-driven or algorithmic management systems (AM) (Lee
etal., 2015). So far, AMare mainly used to manage work in the
so-called platform economy (e.g., Uber, Amazon MTurk) (Rosenblat
and Stark, 2016), or in warehouse logistics (Schmierl etal., 2022) with
rather low skilled jobs. However, AMis also beginning to transform
traditional organizations and higher qualied jobs, such as engineering
(Bakewell et al., 2018) or healthcare (Mashar et al., 2023).
Consequently, one can predict that AMwill bean important factor for
the design of future workplaces which deserves a broad attention of
I-O psychology concerned with humane work design.
e increasing shi in agency from people to technology by the
introduction of AMat work is seen as a fundamental new quality of
work (Benlian etal., 2022; Gagné et al., 2022; Kellogg etal., 2020;
Parker and Grote, 2022). For example, AMis considered to radically
recongure the “contested terrain” of organizational control as one of
the most fundamental aspects of the employer – employee relation
(Kellogg etal., 2020). As the ability to inuence one’s own work is one
of the key job resources for workers, AMis also expected to impact
the mental well-being in future work places (Kinowska and
Sienkiewicz, 2022).
Although comprehensive I-O psychological research in the last
decades has expanded our understanding on the design of a
meaningful and healthy work environment (e.g., Parker etal., 2017a),
the psychological understanding of AMand its possible consequences
for workers’ well-being is only just beginning. With this conceptual
paper webuild on empirical and descriptive studies of AMpractices
to complement and extent recent psychological knowledge about the
impact of AMon work design (Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022)
and workers motivation (Gagné etal., 2022) by looking at AMfrom
action regulation theory (ART) (Frese and Zapf, 1994; Hacker, 2003;
Zacher, 2017), and sociomaterial-system perspective (Cascio and
Montealegre, 2016; Landers and Marin, 2021; Orlikowski and Scott,
2008). Webelieve that by integrating both theoretical perspectives
new I-O psychological insights about the human centered design of
algorithmically managed workplaces can bederived:
(1) So far, the starting point for the consideration of AMhas
mainly been its managerial functions. e perspective of ART will
additionally contribute to identify psychologically important
functions of AMfrom the perspective of involved workers. ART will
help to further reveal the underlying mechanisms through which the
functions of AMwill aect the design of work tasks, work behavior,
and nally also workers’ well-being and vice versa. us, the
perspective of ART allows to further systematize the psychological
understanding of AMfunctions across a wide range of jobs and
industries. (2) I-O psychological research on work design has oen
been criticized to neglect that psychological and social phenomena
in organizations are related with material aspects of technologies
(Landers and Marin, 2021; Orlikowski and Scott, 2008; Parker etal.,
2017b). e sociomaterial-system perspective highlights that AMis
a fusion of material aspects (e.g., computer networks, mobile digital
devices, or the interface of a soware program) as well as
psychological/social aspects (e.g., goals and values of involved
organizations and workers) (Orlikowski and Scott, 2008). Taking the
sociomaterial-system perspective will therefore contribute to deepen
our theoretical understanding about which “objectiable”
characteristics and functions of AMaect workers’ actions and well-
being. (3) From a practical perspective, this understanding of the
interrelation between the material and psychological/social aspects
of AMis one important precondition to name and substantiate
concrete starting points for the human-centered design of modern
digitalized workplaces. us, our approach helps to better
understand the eect of technology on humane work design, an
issue that is rarely the focus in existing I-O research so far (Parker
etal., 2017b).
In the following sections, wewill rst describe what organizational
research to date understands by AM. Wethen give a brief overview of
the main assumptions of ART as well as of the conception of
technologies as sociomaterial congurations. In a next step,
wedevelop a new theoretical founded denition of AMbefore nally
deriving propositions about the eects of AMon human-centered
work design.
1.1 Algorithmic management
e term AM refers to learning algorithms that carry out
automated data-driven coordination and control of workers without
explicit involvement of human managers or other human agents at
work (Benlian etal., 2022; Gagné etal., 2022; Möhlmann etal., 2021;
Noponen etal., 2023; Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022). AMtakes
over typical functions and responsibilities of lower and middle managers
like assigning tasks, scheduling work, monitoring task
accomplishment, evaluating workers performance, providing rewards
or sanctioning, and even making human resource management
decisions, like termination of work (Benlian etal., 2022; Gagné etal.,
2022; Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022).
e implementation of AM is tied to interconnected digital
technologies that enable the collection, storage, processing, and
transmission of data: Basically, learning algorithms are informed by
large quantities of data that are continuously recorded by digital
devices (e.g., cell phones, tablets, or handhelds) of involved
stakeholders like workers and customers. Depending on the job, a
multiplicity of data of varying depth and magnitude is recorded, such
as behavioral data of workers (e.g., movement data), their active inputs
(e.g., about completed tasks), but also physiological reactions (e.g.,
galvanic skin response) (Cram and Wiener, 2020). e data are
transferred via internet connections and stored on digital platforms
where they are processed, and from where algorithmically generated
instructions and feedback are sent back to the digital devices
of workers.
From an economic perspective, AMparticularly oers enormous
growth opportunities and adaptability of business models, by
facilitating the exible on-time coordination of large numbers of
on-demand tasks, like food delivery or transport of passengers
(Benlian et al., 2022; Möhlmann et al., 2021). One prototypical
example is the globally operating platform company Uber that
operates a smartphone app which connects mainly independently
operating drivers with passengers to provide “ridesharing” services
(Rosenblat and Stark, 2016). Uber is an impressive example that
AM can operate global companies that have a shareholder value
comparable to large traditional corporations, such as Volkswagen,
with a comparatively small amount of material resources and regularly
employed workers. With the development of this so called “gig
economy,” AMhas opened a whole new labor market providing the
opportunity to earn money with a very low entry threshold (Wu and
Huang, 2024).
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 03 frontiersin.org
From the perspective of workers, these potentially tremendous
entrepreneurial advantages seem to be outweighed by an array of
drawbacks. Recent initial reviews indicate that current applications of
AM have predominantly negative eects on the quality of work
(Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022), as well as on individual
outcomes such as motivation (Gagné etal., 2022) and other aspects of
mental well-being (Kinowska and Sienkiewicz, 2022). For example,
similar to traditional eciency-driven Taylorist management systems,
it is suspected that AMmight berelated to higher workload and
reduced job autonomy (Kellogg etal., 2020; Parent-Rocheleau and
Parker, 2022); a combination that is well-known to bea signicant
psychosocial health risk for workers (Karasek, 1979; see also eorell
etal., 2015). Even more signicant, AMis also suspected to possess
entirely new qualities compared to traditional management
approaches particularly by replacing important social agents at work
like human managers, thus literally contributing to a “dehumanization”
(Lamers etal., 2022) of work, and by making work more opaque and
unpredictable compared to repetitive but predictable traditional work
systems (Noponen etal., 2023).
However, AMcan bedesigned and implemented in quite dierent
ways, so that the psychosocial eects of AM are not necessarily
predetermined (Benlian et al., 2022; Cram and Wiener, 2020;
Noponen etal., 2023). One of the few available simulation studies
indicates, that single aspects of AM can also be designed in a
supportive and motivating way if psychological needs of workers are
taken into account (Sailer et al., 2017). From a psychological
perspective, it is therefore important to better understand the
opportunities for and limitations of the human-centered task design
under the conditions of AM.
1.2 Action regulation theory
Human action like taking care of a person, delivering a good,
repairing a car is (still) the core of work (Hacker, 2003). Action
Regulation Theory (ART; Frese and Zapf, 1994; Hacker, 2003)
captures the cognitive processes of human action regulation and
explains its relation to desirable individual outcomes, such as
workers’ well-being, personal growth, intrinsic motivation, and
good performance. ART assumes that these desirable individual
outcomes are closely intertwined with the extent to which the
work environment either promotes or impedes autonomous
actions of workers with scope for decision making and high levels
of personal control. With that, ART ties together task
characteristics, like job autonomy, with psychological processes
and states, like motivation and well-being. Therefore, ART can
beuseful to deepen our psychological comprehension of AMas
part of the work environment, and to better understand the
potential psychological effects of AM.
Basically, ART illuminates human action from two perspectives
(Frese and Zapf, 1994; Hacker, 2003): On the one hand, the theory
considers action as cyclical sequences of action phases with a certain
logical order: goal development, planning and orientation, executing
and monitoring, and feedback. In addition, the theory distinguishes
three hierarchical organized cognitive levels of action regulation
(Hacker, 2003): On the sensumotor level actions are automated and
regulated without conscious attention (e.g., riding a bicycle). On the
knowledge-based level well-practiced actions are executed that are
based on plans stored in memory and that must be adapted to a
specic situation. Actions on that level can but do not have to
beconsciously regulated (e.g., navigating the bicycle on the well-
known route to work). Action regulation on the highest, the
intellectual level, is characterized by a conscious development and
activation of goals and plans for the regulation of complex activities.
is takes place when no ready-to-use pattern of activity exists, that
is, when non-routine actions are regulated (e.g., nding a way in an
unknown town).
ART particularly emphasizes the importance of goals, in the sense
of the mental representation of a future outcome, for human action
(Hacker, 2003). Goals trigger actions, direct attention during action,
and are the benchmarks to evaluate the progress of action. us, goals
align the complete action sequence. Goals also integrate cognitive as
well as motivational processes of action regulation (Frese and Zapf,
1994): From a cognitive perspective, the iterative self-regulated
development of adequate goals is for example an integral demand of
intellectual level action regulation in non-routine problem-solving
tasks (Hacker, 2003). From a motivational perspective, specic and
dicult goals increase the perseverance and eort of workers during
task accomplishment (Locke and Latham, 2016). Moreover, self-set
and internalized goals contribute to self-determined and intrinsically
motivating work (Deci etal., 2017).
From these basic assumptions ART derives normative
standards for the humane design of work tasks, that are in
accordance with well-known theories about health-related work
design, like the Job Demands-Resources Model (JD-R, Bakker
and Demerouti, 2017), that distinguishes between job demands,
i.e., working conditions that require physical and mental energy
from the employee and are mainly related to strain processes, and
job resources, i.e., working conditions that directly or indirectly
satisfy basic human needs and might therefore trigger
motivational and salutogenetic processes. Basically, the JD-R
model (Bakker and Demerouti, 2017; Bakker et al., 2023;
Demerouti, 2020) distinguishes between two kinds of working
conditions that are related with two kinds of health related
psychological mechanisms: (a) Job demands require the use of
physical and mental energy. Mediated through stress-related
mechanisms, they can represent risk factors for mental health.
Health risks exist, for example, when job demands are
experienced as uncontrollable (Karasek, 1979) or when they
hinder or complicate the accomplishment of work tasks (LePine
et al., 2005). (b) Job resources can strengthen mental health
through motivational mechanisms. In this context, job resources
are those working conditions that directly correspond to basic
human needs or that are instrumental in satisfying these basic
needs [e.g., latitudes at work that correspond to the basic need
for autonomy and self-determination (Deci etal., 2017; Hackman
and Oldham, 1976)]. Job resources can also mitigate the
potentially negative effects of work demands (Karasek, 1979).
Accordingly, health risks arise when job resources are not
available to a sufficient extent (Lesener etal., 2019). Due to its
good empirical evidence (Lesener etal., 2019), its high degree of
generalization and its compatibility with other central
psychological theories of work design (Hacker, 2003; Hackman
and Oldham, 1976; Karasek, 1979), the JD-R model is suitable to
explore and classify potentially novel conditions of digitalized
work (Demerouti, 2020).
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 04 frontiersin.org
1.2.1 Job resources from the perspective of ART
From the perspective of job resources, which in ART are referred
to as regulation opportunities, ART suggests the concept of complete
tasks and activities as a gold standard for work design (Hacker, 2003):
Work tasks are sequentially complete when their design oers
latitude about the action sequence described above, particularly
having the opportunity to develop self-set goals as well as to plan the
action steps and measures to reach these goals. Moreover, tasks are
hierarchically complete when they require all levels of action
regulation, i.e., automated sensumotor regulated actions, as well as
knowledge-based and intellectual regulated actions. A typical
example of an incomplete task in a “traditional” job would be a
partialized routine task on an assembly line in the automobile
production, where a narrowly dened action step (such as attaching
a car body part) simply must beperformed over and over again,
without requiring any specic goal development or planning. A more
complete task would be the automobile production by semi-
autonomous groups that can co-determine and plan their own work
processes, as was found in some Volvo plants until the 1990s
(Sandberg, 1993).
Complete tasks contain specic job resources that are well-known
from other established work design-models like the Job Demand-
Control Model (Karasek, 1979) and the Job Characteristics Model
(Hackman and Oldham, 1976; Humphrey etal., 2007): e main
characteristic of complete tasks is a high level of job autonomy that
oers the worker leeway to develop goals and exert control about the
complete sequence of action (Frese and Zapf, 1994; Hacker, 2003).
Complete tasks should also be related with further intrinsically
motivating task characteristics such as task identity, i.e., employees’
perception that they contribute to a complete piece of work (Hackman
and Oldham, 1976; Humphrey etal., 2007). Another important job
resource included in complete tasks is feedback, that provides workers
with helpful information about their progress toward reaching goals
and thus with learning opportunities (Zacher, 2017).
According to the Job Demand-Control Model (Karasek, 1979),
complete tasks should therefore help to avoid chronic stress and
associated health risks because particularly the higher job autonomy
or decision latitude increases the internal control of workers to adjust
their work tasks according to their personal abilities and skills (Hacker,
2003). Moreover, according to the Job Characteristics Model
(Hackman and Oldham, 1976; Humphrey etal., 2007) the perception
of job autonomy, task identity and helpful feedback should increase
workers’ perceptions of psychological states like responsibility,
meaningfulness, and accomplishment in their work, which altogether
should contribute to intrinsic motivation.
ART also suggests that transparency and predictability of work
tasks are further important job resources that enable workers to take
control over work processes (Frese and Zapf, 1994). ey both
somewhat go beyond the characteristics of the specic work task and
also relate to the design of the work organization and the wider work
environment. Transparency refers to the knowledge about the
meaning of relevant task related information (e.g., the meaning of a
specic work object, like a tool or a working material) and allows the
worker to develop an adequate operative image system, i.e., an
adequate mental model, of its work task (Hacker, 2003). A lack of
transparency makes it dicult to interpret information appropriately
and limits the possibilities to develop adequate task goals and action
plans. Whereas transparency refers to the present work situation,
predictability refers to the possibility to foresee future work tasks,
changes, or problems. Predictability is an essential prerequisite for
forward-looking action planning that goes beyond a mere reaction to
action stimuli and has been shown to bea further important health
relevant job resource for employees (Väänänen etal., 2008).
1.2.2 Job demands from the perspective of ART
In ART, job demands are conceptualized as regulation
requirements that are related to properties of the hierarchic-sequential
organization of action (Frese and Zapf, 1994). In accordance with the
Challenge-Hindrance Stressor Framework (LePine et al., 2005),
regulation requirements are primarily seen as motivating and
learning-promoting intellectual demands (i.e., challenge demands).
On the one hand, coping with these intellectual demands requires
individual mental and physical resources. ese individual resources
will beexhausted at some point and must therefore beregenerated in
order to avoid impairment of well-being (Sonnentag etal., 2022). On
the other hand, they are motivating, as the accomplishment of
challenging demands meets our basic need for competence (Deci
et al., 2017). Human-centered work should therefore not aim to
reduce such challenging task demands, but to design demands in such
a way that they correspond to the skill level of the employees.
Complete tasks not only contain heath promoting and motivating
job resources, but they also require a higher level of cognitive
demands, as goals and action plans may need to bedeveloped and
adapted during action execution. Wewant to distinguish between two
types of challenging job demands that go along with complete tasks:
task complexity and problem solving that are particularly important
from the perspective of ART.
Whereas job control can bedened in terms of available decision
possibilities, task complexity implies decision necessities. Task
complexity increases with the number of task goals and the degree of
interconnection between these goals. Higher task complexity leads to
a higher degree of regulation requirements, as pursuing one task goal
positively or negatively aects multiple other task goals. Previous
research suggests that high task complexity promotes satisfaction, as
coping with complex demands goes hand in hand with a high sense of
competence; however, it might also berelated with the experience of
overload, as employees might perceive those tasks as too complicated
and overtaxing (Humphrey etal., 2007).
Problem solving particularly focuses on the extent to which a task
requires the development of novel solutions or ideas (Humphrey etal.,
2007). Particularly, tasks that are regulated on the intellectual level are
oen novel tasks with initially unclear goals and therefore uncertain
action plans. While this implies high information processing demands,
it also provides the potential to learn and grow by solving unknown
problems (Frese and Zapf, 1994).
In line with the Challenge-Hindrance Stressor Framework
(LePine etal., 2005), ART also enables the derivation of a taxonomy
of stressful and demotivating hindrance demands, in terms of action
regulation problems. Roughly, regulation problems can
bedistinguished in regulation obstacles, regulation uncertainty, and
overtaxing regulation (Frese and Zapf, 1994): Regulation obstacles
refer to external barriers or hindrances (e.g., unexpected disruptions)
that individuals encounter when trying to accomplish tasks or goals.
Regulation obstacles unnecessarily increase the eort required to
perform a task and might contribute to frustration and stress
experience of workers (Baethge etal., 2015). Regulation uncertainty
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 05 frontiersin.org
refers to the ambiguity or lack of clarity in one’s task goals, or action
plans. Uncertainty can stem from factors such as unclear instructions,
conicting goals, or rapidly changing circumstances, and lead to
insecurity and doubts about the clear path forward to goal
accomplishment. Finally, overtaxing regulation occurs when a work
task places excessive demands (e.g., tight deadlines, simultaneous
tasks, information overload) on the workers. Tasks can therefore
beexperienced as overwhelming and unmanageable (Frese and Zapf,
1994; Zacher and Frese, 2018).
With the introduction of AM, parts of the action sequence are
transferred from humans to algorithms (Parent-Rocheleau and Parker,
2022) changing the job demands and resources for workers and with
that also the design of their work tasks.
In sum, from the perspective of ART, the psychological assessment
of AMshould therefore consider the extent to which AMinuences
the design of work tasks—in particular regulation opportunities (i.e.,
job resources), motivating and learning-promoting intellectual
demands (i.e., challenge demands) or stressful regulation problems
(i.e., hindrance demands).
1.3 Technologies as sociomaterial systems
As stated above, AMis tied to technologies. Landers and Marin
(2021) dene technologies as “[…] a collection of enduring physical
and/or digital materials that dynamically aord individual and/or
collective goal-directed action” (p.240). us, one basic purpose of a
technology is the reinforcement and enhancement of human
capabilities to reach goals.
is denition shows the close link between technology and
action regulation. For example, the physical and material features of a
hammer—its sturdy long handle and heavy head—enhances the
transfer of our arm power to or exert physical forces on objects.
Without such tools, with our bare hands or minds, even rather simple
tasks, like driving a nail into a wall to hang up a picture, would bevery
dicult or even impossible to perform. Similarly, the databases,
internet connections, digital devices, and soware designs of an
AM system enable a worldwide expansion of business models of
platform companies like Uber that would not bepossible without such
digital technologies. A technology is therefore seen as a merger of
individual/social aspects—e.g., individual or collective goals as well as
the human knowledge and capabilities to reach these goals—and
material aspects—e.g., the compilation of physical or digitalized
features of a tool, machine or computer—that are specically designed
to enhance human capabilities for goal-directed behavior.
Technologies thus are oen seen as sociomaterial congurations
(Leonardi, 2012), i.e., a functional amalgamation of material and
human/social aspects.
In this regards, several authors (Landers and Marin, 2021;
Orlikowski and Scott, 2008; Zammuto etal., 2007) refer to Gibson
(1977) concept of aordances that gets to the essence of the
sociomaterial congurations of technologies and interrelate them with
psychosocial phenomena and processes. “Aordances can bedened
as the perception of whether the features of a technology can beused
to achieve goal-directed actions” (Landers and Marin, 2021, p.240).
As such, aordances are possibilities and at the same time restrictions
for action that arise from the connection between people and material
objects (Gibson, 1977).
e perspective of aordances helps to understand how the objective
design of our work environment facilitates or impedes or even precludes
human actions. For example, a hammer aords actions in which physical
forces must beexerted on other objects. At the same time the nature of
a hammer impedes other actions. It is less suitable for cutting materials
precisely or it will hardly beever used to paint an object. In the same way,
the AMsystem of Uber is optimized to provide a exible demand-driven
transport service for passengers. But from the drivers’ point of view, this
might come at the expense of exerting control about their work
(Rosenblat and Stark, 2016). us, the aordances of the technical design
of our working environment may not bedetermining, but at least is
paving our behavior by enabling or hampering goal-directed actions.
Aordances can be conceptually distinguished from
operationalizations of psychosocial task design characteristics such as
job autonomy, or task complexity (Humphrey etal., 2007), that usually
lack a direct reference to the “material” working environment. e
consideration of aordances should therefore provide additional
information and concrete conclusions about specic starting points
for task design, which are oen still missing in current I-O
psychological research (Parker et al., 2017b). We assume that
aordances of AMaect task design and postulate that ART can
explain these eects. In the following two sections, wewill bring these
perspectives together.
2 Definition of algorithmic
management from the perspective of
action regulation and sociomaterial
system theory
From the synthesis of the theoretical perspectives introduced
above, it can bederived that the main aordances of AMsystems from
the perspective of the acting worker are goal-setting, action-planning,
scheduling, monitoring, and feedback. ese aordances correspond
with the functions of AMreported elsewhere (Benlian etal., 2022;
Gagné etal., 2022; Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022).
From the action theoretical concept of complete tasks one can
further conclude that the more of these functions an AMsystem
incorporates, the more incomplete a task is from the perspective of
workers. It is therefore likely that AMhas an impact on job resources
like job autonomy and job control as well as on the extent of learning-
promoting and motivating challenge demands like job complexity as
well as on stressful and demotivating hindrance demands like
regulation uncertainties.
Moreover, in addition to the individual functions and aordances
of AMmentioned above, weassume that the “completeness” of AMis
an aordance in itself with an own quality. Because the single
functions of AMshould, according to ARTs concept of complete tasks,
have a close inherent logical relationship, webelieve that they also
jointly aect work design and mental well-being, and therefore must
also bestudied together and not solely separately.
Consequently, wesuggest the following working denition of AM:
An algorithmic management system is a sociomaterial system which
aords the work behavior of employees through rule-based computed
(algorithmic) goal-setting, action-planning, scheduling, monitoring, and
feedback, without explicit involvement of human managers or other
social agents at work. e amount and extent of algorithmic control of
these functions indicate thecompleteness of AM.”
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In the following, wewant to derive our propositions on the
relationship between the completeness of AMand the quality of work
design based on ART and examine them with the available literature.
To illustrate the current knowledge on the effects of AMon
the quality of work and action regulation, use cases of work
which is already managed by algorithms are presented. The
description of these use cases follows the sequence of action steps
according to ART. This will shed light on the perspective of
workers under AMworking conditions. The effects of AMon the
quality of task design and thus on workers mental well-being are
discussed after the use cases to (1) highlight the key differences
between AMwork quality and traditionally managed work and
(2) to show the similarities of AMwork quality in different
work contexts.
3 Use cases of algorithmic
management
3.1 Algorithmic management in the
ridesharing industry
e advent of algorithmic management has ushered in a new era
in the so-called gig economy. e gig economy is a part of the labor
market in which workers engage on a job-by-job basis (Manyika etal.,
2016). For example, in contrast to traditional taxi services, companies
like Uber and Ly do not employ drivers but provide a platform which
enables the matching of self-employed drivers and customers. is
puts the drivers into a freelance status, reducing the employer
obligations (e.g., occupational health and safety) and shiing a great
part of the business risk from companies to workers (Rosenblat and
Stark, 2016). To organize this complex network of drivers, algorithmic
systems are used (Lee etal., 2015).
Once workers are registered in the Uber app, they are oering
transportation of other persons like traditional taxis would do. e
interaction between drivers and the algorithmic management system
begins with matching customer and driver, where algorithms dene
targets based on a myriad of variables (Rosenblat and Stark, 2016).
Previous performance, customer ratings, and geographical
considerations all contribute to a dynamic goal-setting process. Once
a customer requests a transportation, the algorithm chooses the
closest driver in that area. e driver cannot inuence whom heor she
should transport or where the journey should go to. In fact, almost no
information about the customer is shared with the driver before the
ride is accepted. e only way to “decline” a ride is to wait out the 15 s
time window in which the ride needs to beaccepted (Cropanzano
etal., 2023; Lee etal., 2015).
As drivers embark on their journeys, algorithms function as
co-pilots, planning actions through a continuous exchange of
information. Real-time variables such as passenger demand, trac
conditions, and driver proximity are considered. e algorithmic
system plans routes, selects rides, and adapts to unforeseen
circumstances. Once a driver picks up a customer, the app provides
the routing to the target destination. In addition, the algorithm already
starts nding potential new clients for the driver once the current ride
is over. In contrast to traditional taxi drivers, ridesharing drivers do
not need to know the area they are working in. Even if they knew any
shortcuts, the app would provide the directions to take (Wood, 2021).
To ensure eective scheduling, algorithms anticipate and
orchestrate driver movements. Leveraging predictive analytics, these
systems forecast demand, dynamically allocating drivers to specic
locations. Drivers, guided by the anticipatory algorithms, become
integral components of a “synchronized dance,” strategically
positioned in high-demand areas to meet the ebb and ow of the
ridesharing ecosystem (Rosenblat and Stark, 2016).
e driver’s performance is constantly monitored. Metrics such
as completion rates and customer ratings are observed in real-
time. Deviations from performance standards trigger immediate
adjustments, shaping the algorithm’s decision-making process.
is interactive monitoring fosters a dependent relationship, as
drivers strive to align their actions with the algorithmic
expectations to maximize eciency and earnings (Rosenblat and
Stark, 2016).
Feedback to drivers is provided by algorithms through real-time
evaluations and performance dashboards. Passengers provide
immediate feedback, shaping driver behavior. Simultaneously,
performance metrics and earnings insights empower drivers to adapt
their strategies (Rosenblat and Stark, 2016).
3.2 Algorithmic management in the food
delivery industry
Algorithmic management has also revolutionized the food
delivery industry, introducing intelligent systems that dynamically
guide the actions of delivery drivers (Ivanova etal., 2018). In most
food delivery companies the work starts with logging into the
respective app. Once online, workers receive requests for delivery and
the corresponding restaurant address (Veen etal., 2020). In some
apps workers have approximately 10 s to accept a request, in some
apps the default option is acceptance with 10 s to decline (Veen
etal., 2020).
Once the request is accepted, the work follows a strict step by step
process managed by the app. Aer picking up the order at the
restaurant the worker needs to conrm the completeness of the order.
Only aer this step the delivery address is provided (Ivanova etal.,
2018). e app proposes the route to the client. Although the rider is
able to choose another route, the app will oen nudge the worker with
notications in case the chosen route seems to beslower (Ivanova
etal., 2018).
Real-time demand patterns, geographic variations, and driver
availability inform the dynamic scheduling process. Drivers are in
theory able to choose their shis according to their preferences and
availability through the platform interface. In practice however,
workers are oen organized in badges depending on their rating by
the app. e highest rating badge can choose their work schedule for
the next week rst, then the second badge and so forth (Ivanova etal.,
2018). at way only workers in full compliance with the apps rating
criteria have some level of control about their working schedule
(Griesbach etal., 2019).
Continuous monitoring is a hallmark of algorithmic management,
with real-time data informing performance assessments. Workers are
being monitored via GPS and customer rating are gathered (Ivanova
etal., 2018).
Automated feedback systems provide drivers with real-time
feedback. Although this information is helpful for the worker, it is not
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directly obtained by the worker through interaction with the customer
or restaurant but only received through the app with no means to ask
for clarication if needed.
3.3 Algorithmic management in
warehouses
As an example of more traditional work arrangements that has
been fundamentally changed by algorithmic management, warehouse
logistics show a substantial integration of AMinto the work process.
Some in fact argue that human workers are as much integrated into a
system as a robot would be(Delfanti, 2019). Although there are still
human managers present in warehouses, their interaction with
workers is reduced to a minimum; and remaining managers oen rely
on the algorithmic management system to receive information about
the workers productivity (Delfanti, 2019).
All workers receive a barcode scanner, oen referred to as “gun
at the beginning of their shi as their main instrument of work. is
barcode scanner is the equivalent of the app in the platform economy
as it mediates between workers and management, setting goals,
assigning, and planning tasks, monitoring the work completion and
providing feedback (Delfanti, 2019; Gent, 2018).
e work itself is organized into four core processes: receive
incoming wares, stow incoming wares into the storage system, pickup
outgoing wares out of the storage system and pack outgoing wares for
shipment. At the “receive” workstation, workers unpack pallets and
scan the barcodes of the wares and pack them on a tote. e tote
travels to the “stow” area, where workers group the wares into bins and
carry those to the automated storage system. “Pick”-workers retrieve
items from the storage system and bring them to sorting workstations.
In the “pack” area, workers receive, pack and label wares for shipment.
Work starts once workers pickup their barcode scanner and scan their
work batch at the beginning of each shi (Delfanti, 2019).
Goals are set and communicated by the barcode scanner to the
worker. Once an order has been placed, the system calculates which
worker should retrieve the item from the storage system depending
on the locations of the item and the worker (Delfanti, 2019). e goals
are based to the data previously collected from workers (Gent, 2018).
In case of batches of orders, the barcode scanner provides not the
complete overview, but only the next item to pick up to the worker.
at way the sequence of item retrieval is “known” only to the
AMsystem and workers cannot look ahead past their current activity
(Delfanti, 2019). At the packing workplace, the scanner tells the packer
which box size to use (Gent, 2018).
e time when a worker needs to receive, stow, pick up or pack an
item is determined by customer orders and communicated by the
barcode scanner to the worker. ere is no option for the worker to
change the time or sequence of the actions required to fulll the task
(Delfanti, 2019; Gent, 2018).
All information about the work is gathered and communicated by
the barcode scanner. It constantly monitors the location of the worker
and calculates the speed workers need to fulll their tasks, such as
items packed per hour (Delfanti, 2019; Gent, 2018).
e information about the workers performance is provided to
the worker and to the warehouse management. at way performance
feedback is available to workers to know if they meet the set targets.
e barcode scanner does not provide any information to improve in
case these targets are not met, however. It is not even communicated
what data the performance evaluation, communicated in percent
target achievement, is based on. Even warehouse managers have no
oversight therefore fully dependent on that system (Delfanti, 2019;
Gent, 2018). e inherent necessity of chaotic warehousing not only
aects workers and managers but also leads to a complete dependence
of the company/organization on the system as all overview and control
of locations and stock is transferred to the technical system.
4 Propositions on the eects of
algorithmic management on
human-centered task design
From an ART perspective, one can conclude out of these three use
cases that AM is associated with sequentially and hierarchically
incomplete work tasks, which in turn might have an impact on task
design and indirectly also on the stress experience and motivation
of workers:
1 Under AMworkers usually cannot autonomously decide about
their task goals. e setting of goals is done by the algorithm
and goals are merely communicated to the worker via technical
devices. Within exible gig work, workers are additionally
oen motivated by nudges or additional extrinsic incentives to
pursue these goals. For example, surge pricing is used to
increase ridesharing driver availability in certain areas or to a
certain time of the day with many customers (Rosenblat and
Stark, 2016). Moreover, task goals are strongly connected to
real time performance data and customer feedback which can
result in dynamic changes of goals and limited predictability
(Griesbach etal., 2019; Lee etal., 2015; Rosenblat and Stark,
2016). Particularly, the latter distinguishes AMfrom traditional
eciency-oriented forms of work organization, such as
externally determined but predictable assembly line work, and
it can be assumed that this severely restricts the workers’
control over the entire task process.
2 Also the planning of required actions is mostly done by the
algorithm (e.g., negotiating prices, identifying the fastest route
to the destination, selecting the next product to pick from a
shelf) (Gent, 2018; Wood, 2021).
3 e same applies to scheduling. For example, the Uber
algorithm is said to beoptimized for matching drivers and
customers to provide the drivers with as many customers as
possible and the customers with as little waiting time as
possible. is is accomplished by using real time data provided
by drivers and customers. Hereby, the amount of processed
data considered by the algorithm is larger than humans can
process. At the moment, in most cases, this data is not made
available to the drivers, nor is it processed in a way that would
becompletely understandable for the drivers. us the drivers
can oen only choose when to start working and when to stop
(Lee etal., 2015). e same is true for the food delivery services
(Ivanova et al., 2018). e chaotic storage systems in
warehouses have a similar eect. Workers can hardly know
where a certain product is stored, so only the algorithm can
determine where and when to pick up which product to ensure
an ecient workow (Delfanti, 2019). us, action planning
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and scheduling by AMmay not only reduce the challenging
intellectual regulation requirements for workers. It might also
limit the transparency of their work task and conditions for
task execution, which are necessary to get an adequate mental
model or, in action regulation terms, an operative image system
of the work task. Both are a prerequisite for goal setting and
action planning and thus individual control over the work
process (Hacker, 2003).
4 In a similar vein is the monitoring of actions performed mainly
by technical devices (Griesbach etal., 2019; Rosenblat and
Stark, 2016). Monitoring in AMtends to bemainly used to
evaluate the performance of workers, which seems to have an
additional eect on workers focus on their actions. As for
example the rating by customers is an important factor for
future earnings, Uber drivers tend to optimize their relationship
with the customers at their own expense to receive better
ratings (e.g., providing free drinks) (Rosenblat and Stark,
2016). us, workers under AMtend to “work for data,” which
means that they focus their action regulation more on the
aspects of a task that are recorded by the monitoring system
and less on the things that seem relevant, meaningful and
motivating to them (Moore and Robinson, 2016). Moreover,
monitoring might increase the quantitative demands of
workers. For example, warehouses worker, where the
performance monitoring is more focused on the number of
simple tasks completed in a given timeframe, workers are
forced to increase their work speed (Gent, 2018).
5 Lastly, also the feedback is provided by a technical device.
AMusually provides workers with timely and understandable
feedback, e.g., whether a task has been nished or how many tasks
have been completed. is information may strengthen the feeling
of workers’ mastery and their experience of competence (Gagné
et al., 2022). However, certain aspects of feedback might not
always beacceptable to the worker (Delfanti, 2019). is again
might bedue to the perceived lack of legitimacy of the feedback
and the missing transparency of the feedback criteria, because
studies report that some sources of information are not completely
reliable (e.g., unjustied angry customer) (Ivanova etal., 2018;
Rosenblat and Stark, 2016), or because it is oen not transparent
which data feeds the performance evaluation of performance
(Delfanti, 2019). From an action theoretical perspective, on the
one hand this lack of legitimacy and transparency of feedback can
impair an important source of learning at work, as unaccepted
feedback might beless likely integrated to improve one’s action
regulation and on the other hand the action is directed toward less
accepted and therefore less intrinsically motivating goals
(Christensen-Salem etal., 2018).
e three use cases indicate that AMas it is predominantly used
at present might have similar eects on the completeness of work
tasks, independent on the individual work settings. From this, the
following propositions can bederived regarding the eects of AMon
job resources and job demands, which are important for the regulation
of employees’ actions and thus also for their stress experience and
motivation. Our propositions are summarized in Figure1.
Overall we assume that more complete AM systems are related to
reduced job resources (Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022): As wesaw in
the use cases, across work settings AM predenes task goals and
considerably limits the possibility for workers to inuence the goal.
Whereas in traditional managed work no constant contact between
manager and worker necessitates some form of individual task planning,
the close coupling of task assignment and monitoring employs strict rules
which hinders autonomy (De Cremer, 2020; Moore and Hayes, 2017).
Algorithms are designed in a such a way that make it dicult to intervene
in the work process, as human intervention can interfere with the
algorithm. Neither the task assignment nor its scheduling is to beeasily
negotiated or declined. Moreover, especially in the platform economy,
workers are oen sanctioned when they decline tasks assignment too oen
(Goods etal., 2019; Gregory, 2021; Griesbach etal., 2019; Lee etal., 2015;
Rosenblat and Stark, 2016). is means that AMpresumably not only
makes it more dicult for workers to make own decisions, but
autonomous decisions are also sanctioned in some cases. Finally, as
AMsystems rely on the quantication of work, workers might focus only
on the aspects of work that are reected in the AM’s quantication of
performance. is so called “working for data” has been reported to
berelated to reduced autonomy (Gal etal., 2020; Schaeitle etal., 2020).
us, more complete AMshould berelated to lower job autonomy as the
central resource for action regulation according to ART (Frese and
Zapf, 1994).
Proposition 1: More complete AM is associated with lower
job autonomy.
We can derive from the above, that AM systems seem to
defragment complete tasks. is reduction in task completeness seems
to be implied by the need to quantify job demands to enable
AMsystems to function. Once job demands are fully quantied by an
AMsystem, the optimization and expansion of the system requires
that tasks to berepeated as oen as possible in the same way. us, in
logistic warehouses the worker might beonly involved in in a small
section of the complete task, like taking a product from a shelf or
packing it into a box which is then transported to the next step in the
delivery process by a conveyer belt. us, more complete AMshould
berelated to lower task identity.
Proposition 2: More complete AM is associated with lower
task identity.
Due to the large amount of data available, AMsystems have the
potential to provide valuable feedback to workers to learn and develop.
Unfortunately, research on AMsystems implies that this information
is rarely shared. Whereas Uber drivers get tips how to improve
customer ratings (Rosenblat, 2018; Rosenblat and Stark, 2016),
Amazon warehouse workers oen not even know on what data their
target achievement is based on Delfanti (2019). Moreover, studies
report a lack of legitimacy and transparency of feedback criteria, and
unreliability of the information source (Ivanova etal., 2018; Rosenblat
and Stark, 2016). us, although more complete AMshould usually
provide a large quantity of feedback it should bealso related to lower
feedback quality.
Proposition 3: More complete AM is associated with lower
feedback quality.
e constant integration of huge amounts of data by AMthat is
used to adapt action plans and schedules in real time, makes it
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impossible for the worker to oversee the complete details of a given
task before starting to work on it. For example, in the ride sharing
business, drivers are only presented with the very next potential
passenger pickup address without any details where the customer
wants to betaken (Rosenblat and Stark, 2016). e same is true for
food delivery services, where a rider needs to accept a task without
knowing the delivery address (Griesbach etal., 2019). It is in fact
impossible for workers (and managers) to grasp the complete
workow as required information is locked in the AMsystem (e.g.,
chaotic storage) (Gent, 2018). us, more complete AM should
be related to lower transparency and predictability of work tasks
(Delfanti, 2019; Rosenblat, 2018).
Proposition 4: More complete AM is associated with
lower transparency.
Proposition 5: More complete AM is associated with
lower predictability.
We further assume that more complete AMsystems are related to
reduced challenge demands: According to ART learning is facilitated by
action. With sequentially and hierarchically complete actions workers
have the most potential to learn and develop during work (Zacher,
2017). is learning is enabled by both, errors and accomplishments,
which the worker integrates via the monitoring and feedback of the
action (Frese and Zapf, 1994). In algorithmically managed jobs,
however, the work is highly standardized. As already stated above, tasks
are broken down into quantiable steps and oen the steps related to
one single task are distributed between dierent workers. Tasks are
simplied to a point where workers do not have the opportunity to
solve problems by their own (Parent-Rocheleau and Parker, 2022), like
being told which box size to use to pack an item or how much tape is
required to seal that box (Delfanti, 2019). In addition, the tasks do not
vary in complexity. ey are merely repetitions of the previous tasks
with a dierent passenger, dierent food order or dierent item to pack.
Proposition 6: More complete AM is associated with lower
task complexity.
Proposition 7: More complete AM is associated with lower
problem solving.
We nally conclude that more complete AMhas mixed eects on
hindrance demands or regulation problems: In traditionally managed
jobs, retrieving required information or getting physically to a desired
location or object might pose a challenge. With work being very
structured by AM systems with step-by-step guidance, the risk
decreases of not having the required information or access rights for
the current task. And as there is no choice in which tasks to do next,
there is no need to obtain and process such information to structure
one’s work (Reyes, 2018). e same seems to betrue for the risk of
disruptions. In traditionally managed work settings, the unplanned
interaction with managers or fellow workers might interrupt the ow
of work. With AM workers usually working without any such
interactions, a circumstance that represents, however, a work design
problem of its own, the main obstacle in an AMworkplace would
bethe malfunction of the AMsystem.
Proposition 8: More complete AM is associated with lower
regulation obstacles (i.e., interruptions).
FIGURE1
Propositions of associations between completeness of AMand task design. P  =  Proposition. Black circles indicate detrimental eects on task design
according to action regulation theory, as well as on motivation and stress. White circles indicate desirable eects. Dashed lines indicate eects that are
not the direct focus of this article but can bederived from the existing literature.
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Due to the simplication of work tasks, tasks goals and roles of
workers are usually very clearly dened, and role ambiguity should
therefore bequite low. Moreover, also regulation uncertainty resulting
from the dierent role expectations of colleagues should below as
workers only very rarely interact at all (Parent-Rocheleau and Parker,
2022). And although the workload is reported to beoen high in
AMwork settings, there is usually a quite low uncertainty on how to
achieve a certain goal (Benlian etal., 2022; Cram and Wiener, 2020).
Proposition 9: More complete AM is associated with lower
regulation uncertainty (i.e., ambiguity or lack of clarity in ones
task goals, or action plans).
Overtaxing regulations on the other hand seem to beincreased in
an AMwork environment. AMis reported to increase work demands
in terms of workload due to its constant optimization of work ecacy
(Gregory, 2021; Reyes, 2018). As performance targets are based on
data of past workers AMsets an environment of ever-increasing
standards of productivity (Guendelsberger, 2019). For example, in
warehouses the daily performance targets are displayed by the scanner
and enforced by supervisors (Delfanti, 2019). Due to its reliance on
data, AMmonitors as many aspects of the task accomplishment as
possible and uses this information to control workers behavior with
nudging. On several platforms, the algorithmic system modies pay
rates in real time according to demand, thus spurring workers to
“chase” lucrative hours, and, consequently, to work long and irregular
hours, at times most other people enjoy their free time (Cram and
Wiener, 2020; Oppegaard, 2021; Wood et al., 2019). Feedback
provided by AMalso changes rapidly with the constant updating of
algorithms (Stark and Pais, 2020).
Proposition 10: More complete AMis associated with higher
overtaxing regulation (i.e., time demands, more
simultaneous tasks).
5 Discussion
e aim of this paper was to complement recent rst attempts to
establish our conceptual understanding of the psychological impact of
algorithmic management (AM) (Gagné etal., 2022; Parent-Rocheleau
and Parker, 2022). In line with sociomaterial understandings of
technology (Leonardi, 2012) and action regulation theory (ART) (Hacker,
2003; Zacher and Frese, 2018), wepropose that the perspective of human
action regulation is particularly suited to identify psychologically relevant
mechanisms through which AMexerts an eect on workers. From this
perspective, we suggest the concept of “completeness” of AM that
describes the extent to which AMdetermines the action steps of a worker,
from goals setting to giving feedback. We assume that the degree of
“completeness” of AMhas a profound eect on the humane design of
work tasks, and through task design indirectly also on the motivation and
stress experience of workers.
Against this background, wepropose that the application of
AMcan have both negative and positive eects on the human design
of work tasks.
On the negative side weexpect algorithmically managed tasks to
show lower job resources in terms of job autonomy, task identity and
feedback quality. e potential to learn and grow is likely to below as
such tasks seem to provide little complexity and opportunities for
problem solving. In terms of overtaxing regulation, weexpect higher
eects due to lower transparency and predictability as well as
increased time demands and work intensication. In line with the
Challenge-Hindrance Stressor Framework (Podsako etal., 2023),
weexpect some challenge stressors (e.g., complexity) to belimited and
some hindrance stressors (e.g., resource inadequacies) to be high
under conditions of AMand thus potentially decreasing motivation
and increasing stress.
On the positive side, weexpect algorithmically managed tasks to
show few regulation obstacles and low regulation uncertainty as
algorithmically managed tasks follow strict rules and have clearly
dened roles and responsibilities. Wealso expect some challenge
stressors (e.g., time pressure) to behigh and some hindrance stressors
(e.g., role and interpersonal conict) to below, having a positive eect
on motivation but at the same time also contribute to higher stress.
Further positive aspects are assumed to bean increase in exibility
and performance opportunities (Benlian etal., 2022), as well as a
positive perception of procedural justice (Bujold and Parent-
Rocheleau, 2024).
us, in accordance with the Job Demands-Resources Model
(Bakker and Demerouti, 2017) weexpect a mixed picture of AMon
job demands and job resources. As complexity decreases, weexpect
the tasks to become easier to fulll while providing less potential for
learning. In the same vein, regulation obstacles are expected to below
suggesting a reduction of demotivating and stressful eects. On the
other hand, with lower autonomy and less information resources,
AMtasks provide less job resources suggesting lower motivational and
stress reducing eects as well.
Our paper complements recent psychological conceptualizations
of AMwithin frameworks of work design theory (Parent-Rocheleau
and Parker, 2022) and self-determination theory (Gagné etal., 2022).
By linking sociomaterial system theory that considers technologies as
amalgamation of material and human goals (e.g., Landers and Marin,
2021) with ART (Hacker, 2003; Zacher and Frese, 2018) weshow
potential underlying cognitive mechanisms in terms of action
regulation through which the functions of AM might aect
psychosocial important aspects of task design, and with that also
workers’ well-being.
Our approach also complements the level of automation (LOA)
research (Endsley, 2018) in a meaningful way: From a conceptual
perspective, like ours, the LOA approach deals with the psychological
eects of dierent degrees of automation of action steps through the
application of technologies. However, LOA focuses specically on
immediate performance-relevant cognitive eects, such as possible
impairments of situational awareness, which, among other things,
make it more dicult for workers to intervene in critical situations
(i.e., out-of-the-loop performance problems). In addition to this,
wetake a broader perspective by discussing the eects of automation
on the design aspects of the work tasks and entire work activity. is
perspective allows drawing additional conclusions about long-term
motivational and health-related eects of automation which are not
in the focus of LOA.
From a more practical perspective, AMcan beconsidered as a
specic application of automation that so far is not as much a focus of
LOA research. LOA mainly refers to applications were the worker
controls the execution of actions by the machine instead of doing the
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 11 frontiersin.org
work him- or herself (Endsley, 2018; Vagia etal., 2016). In contrast, in
AMmachines do not take over action execution from workers to ease
or speed up manual work, elevating the workers cognitive eorts
(Vagia etal., 2016). Instead, in AMit almost appears to bethe opposite
split of responsibilities within the human-machine-interaction:
workers need to do the manual work machines cannot do yet, losing
the cognitive challenging aspects of the task to the AMsystem.
5.1 Limitations of our perspective and
recommendations for future research
Our proposed action theoretical approach ignores some
perspectives that are also important for the psychological
understanding of AM:
Action regulation theory mainly focusses on the individual
cognitive processes of actions. It focusses less on the social interactions
during these actions as regulation requirements or resources (Zacher
and Frese, 2018). According to self-determination theory, social
relationships can act as important personal resources leading to the
experience of joy and intrinsic motivation as central characteristics of
good mental well-being (Deci etal., 2017). Good social relations at
work, like social support by managers and colleagues, are one of the
main job resources for mental well-being at the workplace (Montano
etal., 2017). As the described use cases of AMwork environments
show mostly solitary tasks at work, the lack of social relationships at
work might pose an additional eect on worker well-being
(Gagné et al., 2022) that we did not integrate directly into
our conceptualization.
Moreover, role-based identity theory (Ramarajan, 2014) suggests that
there are work tasks that are perceived as more central to one’s work role
than others. Such work tasks are called direct tasks (Gabriel etal., 2011)
or core tasks (Semmer etal., 2015). Research indicates that satisfaction of
workers with the accomplishment of such core tasks is more strongly
related with well-being than satisfaction with the accomplishment of
non-core tasks (Gabriel etal., 2011). It seems plausible that the assumed
shi of organizational control from workers to technology by the
introduction of AM(Kellogg etal., 2020; Möhlmann etal., 2021) might
fundamentally change core aspects of work tasks and with that also the
workers’ roles. us, negative eects of AMcan beexpected particularly
when accepted and internalized work roles are transformed and the work-
related identity of employees changes fundamentally (Semmer etal.,
2015). is can be particularly expected when AM is introduced in
“traditional” jobs, where understanding of one’s own work task has
developed across organizations over longer periods of time, in contrast to
the new “gig economy,” where such traditional work roles do not yet exist
and AMmay therefore bemore accepted (Baiocco etal., 2022). Although
this example is not directly an implementation of AM, in medicine
algorithms using articial intelligence technologies like machine learning
have already been proven to beas eective as humans when it comes to
diagnosing certain medical conditions. is benet for patients comes
with severe changes for the role of doctors (Loh, 2018). Similar changes
occur in human resources management as the activities of sourcing and
assessment are more and more handled by algorithms instead of
humans (Li et al., 2021; Loh, 2018). One can conclude, that an
investigation of AM eects across dierent professional contexts is
needed. In particular, the distinction between jobs in the new “gig
economy” and traditional jobs seems appropriate here.
e current body of literature about AM is mainly based on
qualitative research (Benlian etal., 2022; Gagné etal., 2022; Parent-
Rocheleau and Parker, 2022). Although these studies have provided
us with the valuable information this review is built on, quantitative
research is required to enable more robust testing of the current
hypotheses about the impact of AMon work and task design as well
as workers’ well-being. e recently developed algorithmic
management questionnaire (Parent-Rocheleau etal., 2023) is one
existing instrument starting to beused to quantify the impact of
AM(Bujold and Parent-Rocheleau, 2024).
Furthermore, the currently available studies are mostly focusing
on very pure (or extreme) applications of AM. Most data were
obtained from the platform and gig economy, namely ride-sharing,
food delivery or clickworkers. In these work environments, AMoen
fully replaces human managers and workers are mostly performing
tasks requiring low formal education. To gather a more general
understanding about AM, weneed to see its impact in more traditional
work settings as already outlined above.
Moreover, research is needed in settings were AMand human
managers coexist: Is there a possible combination of AMand human
management which maintains the performance benets from
AMwithout the supposed negative eects on well-being? One might
think of augmented leadership, where machine learning algorithms
process employee data to provide leadership suggestions to human
managers. Today wealready see that more transactional management
tasks are carried out by algorithms. It is therefore very probable that
at some point empathic and motivational leadership tasks will
be supported or even taken over by AM (Quaquebeke and
Gerpott, 2023).
5.2 Conclusion
ere is wide agreement across dierent academic disciplines
that AMwill continue to change the way wework (Benlian etal.,
2022). e main question is therefore not whether AMis good or
bad for workers, but rather how work under AMcan bedesigned to
behumane. Wethus want to stress the importance of work and
organizational psychological knowledge in the development of the
next generation of AMsystems. Today, AMsystems are designed
and implemented by companies pursuing economic goals. is
approach needs to becomplemented by scientically validated
design choices reecting the needs of humans (Parker and Grote,
2022). While some of the negative eects described above should
be attributed to inherent and hardly changeable functions of
AM systems (such as the restrictions on job autonomy, or the
reduction of task identity), other negative eects of AMprobably
derive not from the technology itself, but from the design choices
made by human developers. Managers and developers of
AMsystems should beinformed about potential consequences of
design choices for worker well-being. Our considerations suggest
that more complete AMsystems may beassociated with detrimental
task design and therefore with risks to the well-being of workers.
e technical possibilities of AMsystems should therefore not
befully exploited. Instead, human capabilities und needs should
bethe starting point for the design of AMsystems. From an action
regulation perspective, AMsystems should beused to specically
increase regulation opportunities for workers and eliminate
Röttgen et al. 10.3389/frai.2024.1441497
Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence 12 frontiersin.org
regulation problems. AMsystems could provide workers with
information they need to make informed and autonomous decisions
for themselves and not dictate the decisions to the workers. For
example, it is possible to give an Uber driver more information
about the location of a potential passenger and not to sanction
refusals of ride requests. In this way, AMsystems can also minimize
obstacles and uncertainties at work. Both could increase the
workers’ sense of autonomy and control over their work, and with
that also their motivation and mental well-being. Such a human-
centered design of AMsystems makes it necessary that workers are
continuously involved in the development of AMsystems, including
decisions about the data to beprocessed and the corresponding
algorithms. From the perspective taken here, both example
measures should contribute to higher motivation and lower stress
levels among workers. e common goal of industry and academia
needs to bethe improvement of AMas socio-technical systems
consisting of both, algorithms and humans, making use of and
reecting their capabilities and needs. In sum, against the
background of the above-described state of psychological research
on AM, future research should hence advance and systematize the
psychological understanding of AM and its functions across
dierent jobs and industries. e here proposed action-theoretical
perspective might be a starting point for developing further
hypotheses and explaining phenomena.
Data availability statement
e original contributions presented in the study are included in
the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can bedirected
to the corresponding author.
Author contributions
CR: Conceptualization, Investigation, Writing – original dra,
Writing – review & editing. BH: Conceptualization, Writing – review &
editing. TW: Conceptualization, Writing – review & editing. AM:
Conceptualization, Supervision, Writing – original dra, Writing –
review & editing.
Funding
e author(s) declare that nancial support was received for the
research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Weacknowledge support by the Open Access Publication Fund of the
University of Duisburg-Essen.
Conflict of interest
e authors declare that the research was conducted in the
absence of any commercial or nancial relationships that could
beconstrued as a potential conict of interest.
Publisher’s note
All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors
and do not necessarily represent those of their aliated organizations,
or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product
that may beevaluated in this article, or claim that may bemade by its
manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.
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