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Gender Mobile und Gendered Mobilities: Paradigmatische Grundlagen der gendersensiblen Migrationsforschung
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What processes transform (im)mobile individuals into ‘migrants’ and geographic movements across political‐territorial borders into ‘migration’? Addressing this question, the article develops the doing migration approach that combines socio constructivist, praxeological and the sociology of knowledge and performativity perspectives. ‘Doing migration’ starts with the processes of social attribution that separate between ‘migrants’ and ‘nonmigrants’ and that are embedded into institutional, organisational and interactional routines which generate unique social order(s) of migration. Illustrating these conceptual ideas, the article provides insights into the elements of the contemporary European order of ‘migration’. The institutional routines contribute to the emergence of the European migration regime that includes narratives of economisation, securitisation and humanitarisation. The organisational routines of European migration order realise bordering, surveillance and othering contributing to the disciplining effects on those defined as ‘migrants’. Furthermore, the routines of daily face‐to‐face interactions generate various microforms of ‘migration’ by stigmatisation, while also giving the potential to resist the social attribution as ‘migrant’.
This article departs from the discussion by Stephen Castles on the migration-asylum nexus by focusing on the political and cultural effects of the summer of immigration in 2015. It argues for a conceptualization of the asylum-migration nexus within the framework of Anibal Quijano's "coloniality of power" by developing the analytical framework of the "coloniality of migration." Through the analytical framework of the "coloniality of migration" the connection between racial capitalism and the asylum-migration nexus is explored. It does so by first focusing on the economic and political links between asylum and migration, and how both constitute each other. On these grounds, it discusses how asylum and migration policies produce hierarchical categories of migrants and refugees, producing a nomenclature drawing on an imaginary reminiscent of the orientalist and racialized practices of European colonialism and imperialism. In a second step, it focuses on migration and asylum policies as inherent to a logic of racialization of the workforce. It does so by first exploring the racial coding of immigration policies within the context of settler colonialism and transatlantic White European migration to the Américas and Oceania in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and second, by discussing migration policies in post-1945 Western Europe.
(Migration Studies' Best Article Award 2017, now available open access: https://academic.oup.com/migration/article/5/3/301/4161721): Regime terminology has become rather popular in migration studies. There has, however, been little debate on the foundations and implications of the very notion of ‘regime’. Although regime is anything but a unified concept, in this article we argue that there are commonalities in analytical perspectives useful for migration research. Current usages in migration research are informed by at least four different strands of theory building: (i) international relations—notions of regimes as international regulatory frameworks, (ii) conceptualizations informed by welfare regime theories, (iii) regime notions that stem from the French regulation school, and (iv) regime theories inspired by governmentality studies. While it seems crucial to acknowledge this conceptual variety, we argue that there are also important points of convergence between these strands of theory building: attention to the complexities and contradictions of regulatory practices, a focus on normative and discursive orders, and consideration of relations of power and inequality. This specific simultaneity of variety and convergence may open spaces for academic debates that move beyond established conceptual and methodological boundaries.
This article is about ‘coming out’ and the process of disclosure of queer migrants within their transnational families. Despite debates about the decreasing relevance of coming out in contemporary western societies, we argue that the process of coming out continues to be a central mode of belonging and identity construction for queers in the context of transnational migration. Interviews with migrants from Poland, Russia and Turkey in Germany on their coming out experiences show that people rely on a variety of boundaries, i.e. gender, class and ethnicity, to construct a desired way of life. Theoretically, these insights indicate the need to reframe post-structuralist theories on power, most prominently advanced by Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault, from an intersectional perspective. The findings in this paper pinpoint to the challenges of transnational social life queer migrants are confronted with through empirical illustrations of perceptions of differences and ambiguities between immigration and emigration contexts. Furthermore, we advocate that sexuality is a crucial dimension of migration processes determining self-definition in relation to people and places, which makes their stories of coming out always also stories of ‘coming home’.
How has globalization changed social inequality? In this groundbreaking book, Globalization and Inequalities, Sylvia Walby examines the many changing forms of social inequality and their intersectionalities at both country and global levels. She shows how the contest between different modernities and conceptions of progress shape the present and future. The book re-thinks the nature of economy, polity, civil society and violence. It places globalization and inequalities at the center of an innovative new understanding of modernity and progress and demonstrates the power of these theoretical reformulations in practice, drawing on global data and in-depth analysis of the U.S. and EU. Walby analyzes the tensions between the different forces that are shaping global futures. She examines the regulation and deregulation of employment and welfare; domestic and public gender regimes; secular and religious polities; path dependent trajectories and global political waves; and global inequalities and human rights. Globalization and Inequalities is essential reading for undergraduate and graduate students and academics of sociology, social theory, gender studies and politics and international relations, geography, economics and law.
Series Blurb: Oxford Readings in Feminism provide accessible, one-volume guides to the very best in contemporary feminist thinking, assessing its impact and importance in key areas of study. Collected together by scholars of outstanding reputation in their field, the articles chosen represent the most important work on feminist issues, and concise, lively introductions to each volume crystallize the main line of debate in the field. Is there too much gender in politics, too much stereotyping of female and male? Or is there too little gender, too little attention to differences between women and men? Should feminists be challenging male dominance by opening up politics to women? Or is 'women' a fictitious entity that fails to address differences by class or race? Is equality best served by denying differences between the sexes? Or best promoted by stressing the special needs of women? The essays in Feminism and RPolitics answer these questions in a variety of ways, but all see feminism as transforming the way we think about and act in politics. Spanning issues of citizenship and political representation, the ambiguities of identity politics, and the problems in legislating for sexual equality, the readings provide an exciting overview of recent developments. This outstanding collection will be essential reading for any feminist who has doubted the importance of political studies, and any student of politics who has doubted the relevance of feminism.
Welches Potenzial hat feministische Wissensproduktion für die kritische Medienforschung? In gegenwärtigen Medienkulturen sind die gesellschaftlich stets umkämpften Prozesse der Herstellung, Legitimierung, aber auch Transformation von Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnissen unübersehbar mit medialen Repräsentationen, Technologien und Praktiken des Medienhandelns verwoben. Der Band stellt wegweisende Beiträge feministischer Theoriebildung (u.a. von Adrienne Rich, bell hooks, Donna Haraway und Judith Butler) vor, die von ausgewiesenen Autor_innen in ihrer Bedeutung für eine gesellschaftstheoretisch fundierte Medienforschung gewürdigt werden.
Unter »Okzidentalismus« wird hier ein Diskurs abendländischer Hegemonieproduktion verstanden, der ein »orientalisiertes« Anderes in der muslimischen Diaspora und im politischen Islamismus verkörpert sieht. »Okzidentalismuskritik« begreift Neo-Orientalismen und antimuslimische Rassismen nicht als Folge von Migration und internationalen Konflikten, sondern als Kristallisation neuer nationaler und europäischer Identitätsbildungen, in der Gender und Sexualpolitik eine strategische Rolle spielen. Das transdisziplinäre Projekt führt Beiträge aus der Postcolonial, Queer und Critical Whiteness Theory auf historischen sowie sozial- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Feldern zusammen.
The article contributes to a feminist analytics that allows us to reconceptualize major features of today's global economy in a manner that captures strategic instantiations of gendering and formal and operational openings that make women visible. Two strategic research sites are specified: the unbundling of exclusive territoriality and the unbundling of sovereignty under the impact of globalization.
Staatsbürgerschaft (Citizenship) ist zu einer der meist diskutierten politischen Ideen in westlichen Gesellschaften geworden. Die Zukunft bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte im Zeitalter des Terrorismus, die Probleme des Wohlfahrtsstaates, Immigration und Parallelgesellschaften, politische Partizipation auf nationaler und supranationaler Ebene sind nur einige der aktuellen Debatten, die sich im Kern um die Staatsbürgerschaft drehen. Aber was genau ist eigentlich Staatsbürgerschaft? Der Band führt in die Debatten um Citizenship ein und skizziert zunächst die historische Entstehung der Staatsbürgerschaft; er analysiert ihre Struktur, Funktionsweise und Dynamik; er systematisiert die um sie geführten wissenschaftlichen und gesellschaftspolitischen Debatten und fragt nach den Herausforderungen, vor denen Staatsbürgerschaft unter Bedingungen ökonomischer, politischer und kultureller Globalisierung steht.
‘Cosmopolitan Europe’, the normative commitment that is widely understood to undergird the project of the European Union, is under threat as never before. This is manifest perhaps most prominently in Europe's collective failure to respond to the refugee crisis. As people flee war and destruction, we, in Europe, debate whether now is the time to give up on our human rights commitments. France is under a state of emergency and the UK in the process of withdrawing from the European Union and its associated institutions (including the European Convention on Human Rights). Voices have been raised against the burdens, financial and social, placed upon us by those we see as Other, with few public voices calling for Europe to remember its traditions of hospitality and stated commitments to human rights. In this article, I discuss the growing distance between the claims and practices of European cosmopolitanism, its roots in our shared colonial past, and the implications for the future.
Unequal life chances became a key feature of cross-border migration to, and within, the enlarged Europe. Combining transnational, intersectional and cultural sociological perspectives, this book develops a conceptual tool to analyse patterns, contexts and mechanisms of these cross-border inequalities.
This book synthesizes the theories of social boundaries and of intersectionality, approaching cross-border relations as socially generated and as an inherent element of contemporary social inequalities. It analyses the mechanisms of cross-border inequalities as 'regimes of intersection' relating spatialized cross-border inequalities to other types of unequal social relations (in terms of gender, ethnicity/race, class etc.). The conceptual arguments are supported by empirical research on cross-border migration in Europe: migration of scientists and care workers between Ukraine and Germany.
This book integrates the analysis of space—including cross-border categories of global and transnational—into intersectionally informed studies of social inequalities. Broadly, it will appeal to scholars and students in the areas of sociology, political sciences, social anthropology and social geography. In particular, it will interest researchers concerned with transnational and global social inequalities; the interplay of the categories gender, ethnicity and class, on the one hand, and global and transnational relations on the other; theories of space and society; and migration and mobility in Europe.
Die zeitgenössischen feministischen Debatten über die Bedeutungen der Geschlechtsidentität rufen immer wieder ein gewisses Gefühl des Unbehagens hevor, so als ob die Unbestimmtheit dieses Begriffs im Scheitern des Feminismus kulminieren könnte. Möglicherweise muß aber dieses Unbehagen nicht zwangsläufig mit einer negativen Wertigkeit behaftet sein. Im herrschenden Diskurs meiner Kindheit galt ›Schwierigkeiten machen‹ als etwas, das man in keinem Fall tun durfte, und zwar gerade, weil es einen ›in Schwierigkeiten bringen‹ konnte.
Als die neue Welle der Frauenbewegungen ab 1965 Beziehungen, Arbeit und Politik grundlegend veränderte, schien sie mit dem Feminismus identisch und trug die neue Frauenforschung in die etablierten männlich zentrierten Wissenschaften hinein. Diese drei Strömungen erschienen durch gemeinsame Perspektiven und Anliegen miteinander verquickt. Dreißig Jahre nach der Neuen Welle des Feminismus hat sich die Triade von Neuer Frauenbewegung, Feminismus und Frauenforschung allmählich differenziert; sie bewegen sich nun in neuen komplexeren Wechselbeziehungen. Diese Differenzierung ist nicht nur eine Geschichte von Auflösungen, Trennungen und Neuorganisationen vorher ungeschiedener, teils diffuser Zusammenhänge, sondern sie birgt auch neue Potenziale und Voraussetzungen für wechselseitige Impulse und Kooperationen.
Der palästinensisch-amerikanische Literaturwissenschaftler Edward W. Said gilt als einer der Begründer der postkolonialen Theorie. Mit seinem Buch Orientalism (1978) legte er die erste koloniale Diskursanalyse vor, die u. a. die koloniale Beherrschung in einem direkten Zusammenhang mit Wissensproduktionen stellt. Insbesondere Saids beständiger Ruf nach einem vorsichtige Interpretieren von Alltag und Politik (interpretative Wachsamkeit) und nach einer wissenschaftlichen Praxis, die weltverhaftet bleibt (Weltlichkeit), scheinen Ideen zu sein, die, werden sie tatsächlich ernst genommen, kritische Migrationsforschung sinnvoll rahmen können.
Ausgehend von dem in der Geschlechterforschung bedeutsamen Ansatz des doing gender und der Intersektionalitätsperspektive wird das Forschungsfeld Familie-Mutterschaft-Care thematisiert, weil hier die Regulierungen von Geschlecht und die Regulierungen von Migration zusammentreffen; Ebenso ist es das Paradebeispiel um die Verflechtung, die Schnittstelle, die Kreuzung von Migration und Geschlecht empirisch und theoretisch zu diskutieren.
Foucaults und Butlers Gedanken zur (Hetero-)Normativität unserer eingewohnten Geschlechterdifferenzierung und zugehöriger Begehrensoptionen sind für die Migrationsforschung insofern anschlussfähig, als es in beiden Fällen um die Analyse von wirksamen Differenzordnungen zur Produktion von ‚Subjekten der Macht‘ handelt. Denn auch Unterscheidungspraktiken, die zwischen ‚Eigenen‘ und ‚Anderen‘, zwischen ‚selbstverständlich Zugehörigen‘ und ‚prekär Zugehörigen’, zwischen ‚Deutschen‘ und ‚Ausländern‘ usw. differenzieren, können im Sinne der Überlegungen Butlers und Foucaults als dominante wie normalisierte Subjektivitätsformate betrachtet werden, in denen die Einzelnen quasi ‚natürlich‘ von anderen zu ‚Subjekten‘ gemacht werden, wie sich auch selbst dazu machen.
This chapter explores the impact of policies and provisions regarding legalisation procedures and stabilising residence rights and the effects of these for female migrants. The current policy trend is to concentrate on the creation of overall and all-embracing policies, whilst the specific needs of women and the types of constraints they experience are not taken into account. The focus is on strategies, both formal and informal, developed by female migrants in response to existing policy provisions organised topically according to their main objectives and functions. This chapter also pays attention to special measures concerning legalisation of undocumented migrants. It discusses the possibilities and consequences of shifts between different legal statuses, questions related to family reunification, irregular migrants’ access to medical care and childcare services, marriage as a strategy adopted in order to obtain the stabilisation of the residence rights, protection-based residence, access to education and training programmes and access to information. It looks at emerging patterns developed by female migrants in response to those elements.
This chapter aims to explore from a theoretical point of view the potential for social transformation entailed by migrant struggles directed against neoliberal migration governance and citizenship regime in contemporary Europe. In order to let the transformation potential of migrant struggles emerge, I will stress in particular the processes of political subjectivization through which migrants, especially but non exclusively undocumented one, construct themselves as autonomous political subjects to whom ‘the right to have rights’ is due by co-citizens and institutions. In this chapter, I will present a classification of migrant struggles inspired by the protest events which took place in Europe since the 1990s, with a special focus on those occurred during the economic crisis. I adopt as classification criteria the claims raised by struggling migrants against the different mechanisms which enact, from their critical point of view, neoliberal migration governance and citizenship regime. Three main fields of contention emerge and interconnect with one-another: freedom of movement against bordering mechanisms; right to stay and to choose where to live against irregularization and precarization mechanisms; right to free and decent work against exploitation mechanisms. Those claims, addressed to local, national and European authorities, anticipate an alternative idea of society based, among others, on a cosmopolitan, i.e. truly universal access to membership and rights linked to residence rather than nationality or legal status, within an exploitation-free model of economic development, and a real democratic and pluralistic conception of the political community.
Das Konzept des „doing gender“ entstammt der interaktionstheoretischen Soziologie und ist in der Geschlechterforschung zu einem Synonym für die in dieser Tradition entwickelte Perspektive einer „sozialen Konstruktion von Geschlecht“ geworden. „Doing gender“ zielt darauf ab, Geschlecht bzw. Geschlechtszugehörigkeit nicht als Eigenschaft oder Merkmal von Individuen zu betrachten, sondern jene sozialen Prozessein den Blick zu nehmen, in denen „Geschlecht“ als sozial folgenreiche Unterscheidung hervorgebracht und reproduziert wird. Das Konzept wurde von West/Zimmerman 1987 in einer expliziten und programmatischen Abgrenzung zur gängigen „sex-gender-Unterscheidung“ entwickelt, in der implizit von einem „natürlichen Unterschied“ ausgegangen und die kulturellen Ausprägungen von „gender“ lediglich als gesellschaftlicher Reflex auf Natur gefasst wurde.
In this groundbreaking book, Nira Yuval-Davis provides a cutting-edge investigation of the challenging debates around belonging and the politics of belonging. Alongside the hegemonic forms of citizenship and nationalism which have tended to dominate our recent political and social history, the author examines alternative contemporary political projects of belonging constructed around the notions of religion, cosmopolitanism, and the feminist ‘ethics of care’. The book also explores the effects of globalization, mass migration, the rise of both fundamentalist and human rights movements on such politics of belonging, as well as some of its racialized and gendered dimensions. A special space is given to the various feminist political movements that have been engaged as part of or in resistance to the political projects of belonging.