EBOOK PEMBANGUNAN POLITIK
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The history and development of Indonesia's foreign policy continues to change from time to time. Starting from the leadership of President Soekarno, where during Soekarno's leadership, Indonesia's foreign policy underwent a change, namely a policy that was originally not militant or tended to be diplomacy turned into a policy of struggle with a spirit of patriotism that was militant and confrontational in fighting imperialism and colonialism. The change of leadership from Soekarno to Soeharto marked a new chapter from the old order to the new order. Foreign policy during the Soeharto era had a low profile character, Indonesia's foreign policy was carried out with a softer approach and seemed friendly in its relations with foreign countries and tended to Western countries. Then the development of Indonesia's foreign policy after the reformation experienced development, the foreign policy of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) era had a main target, which was more focused on increasing Indonesia's role and status in the international political arena. Furthermore, foreign policy in Jokowi's leadership can be seen with his goal of realizing diplomacy related to populist nature, which can be interpreted as a step towards realizing community diplomacy, so that Jokowi's foreign policy is more inward looking. Seeing that the character of foreign policy continues to undergo changes and developments, in principle the basis of a country's foreign policy is usually rooted in its history, ideology and constitution. However, in practice, foreign policy formulators are often influenced by various factors, namely interests, leadership and internal and international political dynamics at any given time.
Mohammad Hatta is called the father of Indonesian cooperatives. It is believed that he has succeeded in providing a form of contribution to the theory of populist economics with an applicative form of cooperatives. When a cooperative or small sector is recognized as one that meets the demands of the Indonesian people. Bung Hatta's thinking is built on solidarity and the idea that each member and supporter will value themselves in their way. Analyzing these operations can help us understand and deal with economic and moral difficulties. An operation must have both of the factors described below to qualify as "getting stronger." Since cooperation is the essence of business, it also encourages people to work together and pursue common goals without complaining to other individuals who are outside the same organizational structure. In cooperatives, there is often no dominant individual. In a synergistic partnership, the only thing both people have in common is working together on a capital project or demonstrating confidence in a particular business venture in exchange for profit sharing based on merit and contract.
Development paradigms under the sustainable development goals (SDGs) identify cultural capital as an indispensable asset for development in less developed countries. However, the phenomenon of culture and underdevelopment nexus has attracted little research attention in Ghana. The study used modernization theory and ethnographic research methodology to explore the role of cultural capital deficits in northern Ghana's underdevelopment. Our findings suggest a close correlation between cultural capital and underdevelopment relative to unethical attitudinal standards, value deficits, and an anti‐development mindset. We recommend the inclusion of cultural reorientation in the design of development intervention programs to uphold high integrity standards. We further suggest that the curriculum and concept of quality education in schools should be broadened to include inculcating high‐value standards. Our study has contributed to academic discourses on cultural capital's role in the search for sustainable development in less developed countries, particularly in implementing the SDGs.
This article explores ways of decolonising Development Studies by: (1) examining the discipline’s tendencies towards what some have called ‘imperial amnesia’, that is, proclivities towards disavowing if not erasing European colonialism, most evident in 1950s–1960s Modernisation theory, but also more recently in the work of such analysts as Bruce Gilley and Nigel Biggar; (2) considering the opportunities and perils of ‘epistemic decolonisation’, that is, ways of decolonising knowledge production in the discipline, including the limits of ‘non-Eurocentric’ pedagogies; and (3) reflecting on forms of material decolonisation (e.g., the reduction of socioeconomic inequalities by improving better access to education or resisting the corporatisation of publicly funded research) that need to accompany any epistemic decolonisation for the latter to be meaningful.
Koto Gadang is a traditional village in Minangkabau, which has produced many Indonesian political figures in the period before and during the early days of Indonesian independence. Koto Gadang scholar is an intellectual figure in Indonesian politics in various schools of thought. This study analyses the thoughts of the intellectuals from Koto Gadang; Yahya Datuk Kayo, Agus Salim, Rohana Kudus, Chalid Salim, and Sutan Syahrir; in Indonesian politics 1930-1950. The study shows that the variety of researchers' viewpoints is impacted by family, social, and instructive natural elements, inside and outside Koto Gadang. Yahya Datuk Kayo in the Koto Gadang environment built his region from various aspects, one of which was marked by the construction of Studiefonds [intellectualship foundations]. Rohana Kudus advances the ladies of Koto Gadang through the woman' abilities school, called Keradjinan Amai Setia. Agus Salim's considerations on Islam and his patriotism about the goals of an autonomous Indonesia. Chalid Salim's writings criticizing the colonial government led to him being arrested and imprisoned, in his actions to defend the workers. Sutan Syahrir grew up outside Koto Gadang, his nationalism was under the influence of socialism through the popular revolution he carried out.
The World Today Series: Canada is an annually updated presentation of Canada. It provides the reader an in-depth look at the country’s culture, geography, people, economy, politics and future. The combination of factual accuracy and up-to-date detail along with its informed projections make this an outstanding resource for researchers, practitioners in international development, media professionals, government officials, potential investors and students.
This article examines the state's uneven capacity to deliver public social goods to the periphery. It does so through a comparative analysis of two agencies in Thailand, the Ministry of Public Health and the Ministry of Education, which have exhibited a marked disparity in serving rural citizens over the past twenty-five years. The author traces these outcomes to a divergence in how the agencies perceive the significance of their rural policies in meeting Thailand's security threats and economic growth strategy. This perception produces contrasting organizational norms between central and local bureaucrats, which informs incentives for capacity-building. When an agency's central office believes that rural policy matters significantly for national goals, norms develop that encourage local agents to invest in serving rural needs. But when an agency deems rural policy to be less urgent in meeting key national objectives, the converse ensues. The article finds that how an agency strategically considers the rural sector influences its decisions to invest in the periphery, with lasting consequences for state capacity and the rural-urban divide.
The categories commonly mobilized to think about education have long been associated with the notion of the nation state and have functioned as obstacles, rather than resources, for our understanding of how globalization plays out in this particular field. In the last two decades, both social theory and comparative politics have attempted to overcome these limitations in their own way. Social theory increasingly acknowledged education as a global phenomenon. Theories have been developed to describe a global society evolving across borders. They show how, through processes that remain debated (cultural isomorphism, capitalism, functional differentiation), a number of structural and semantic evolutions have spread across education systems. Part I of this Handbook is dedicated to presenting, discussing, and comparing three such theories of globalization and their implications for our understanding of education and education policy. Comparative politics has for its part concerned itself with developing a more complex, less unified, and “transformationalist” view of the state by acknowledging the fragmentation and distribution of its functions among distinct domains and levels. Part II gravitates around this global constellation, with chapters focusing on global reforms, norms, and ideas put forward by supranational organizations, on international accountability processes and on the ways in which nation states or local actors adopt, implement, or resist global ideas and reforms. The two parts reflect these disciplinary approaches to the relation between globalization and education. Together, these two approaches seek to provide a comprehensive overview of how globalization and education interact to result in distinct and varying outcomes across world regions.