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Green Gold:
The Political Ecology of the Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
A Senior Thesis Presented
BY
Ivonne Serna
TO
the Middlebury College Environmental Studies Program
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts in Environmental Studies
In the subject of
Environmental justice
Middlebury College
Middlebury, Vermont, United States
May 2023
Thesis Advisor: Daniel Suarez, Phd
MIDDLEBURY COLLEGE HONOR CODE PLEDGE
I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.
Ivonne M. Juárez Serna
Class of 2023
The Middlebury College Undergraduate Honor Code was written for students, by students, in
1965. As noted in the Preamble to its constitution: "The students of Middlebury College believe
that individual undergraduates must assume responsibility for their own integrity on all
assigned academic work. This constitution has been written and implemented by students in a
community of individuals that values academic integrity as a way of life. The Middlebury
student body, then, declares its commitment to an honor system that fosters moral growth and
to a code that will not tolerate academic dishonesty in the College community."
Abstract
Michoacán, Mexico, the world's avocado capital, produced 80% of US avocados in 2022,
sustaining over 300,000 jobs and generating billions in prots, earning its "green gold"
reputation. However, this prosperity has drawn cartels, resulting in land seizures, extortion,
and violence. Additionally, rapid expansion has caused deforestation, erosion, and water
pollution, worsening water scarcity and contributing to the formation of hydrosocial
territories. This thesis investigates the political ecology of Mexico's thriving avocado
agribusiness, examining socio-ecological impacts and power dynamics using an
autoethnographic lens. By studying diverse stakeholders' experiences across Michoacán, the
research assesses the industry's historical development, environmental consequences, cartel
involvement, state policies, and community responses.
The thesis introduces the "production frontier" concept, highlighting avocado
production's expansion from western to eastern Michoacán, characterized by organized crime
groups' territorial presence. Two case studies, Villa Madero and Cherán, demonstrate social
tensions, power dynamics, and violence arising from the avocado trade and cartel involvement.
Villa Madero, a forest community, is caught amidst competing factions, while Cherán, an
indigenous P'urhépecha community, has successfully expelled agro-capitalist cartels and
recovered its forests through community organizing. These contrasting cases ofer invaluable
insights into the wider implications of the avocado industry, underscoring the urgency for
comprehensive, democratic, and pluralistic agrarian policies that champion small-scale
farmers, environmental preservation, and sustainable development, particularly in light of
escalating violence against environmentalists in Mexico.
iii
Table of Contents
Introduction 1
1.1 The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico 1
1.2 The Why 3
1.2 Research Gaps 9
1.3 Relevance and Contributions 13
1.4 Overview of Thesis Research 15
Methods 19
2.1 Research Design and Methodology 19
2.2 Research Locations 21
2.3 Research Timeline and Methodological Considerations 23
2.4 Theoretical Framework 24
Avocado Mania: The Rise of a Global Fetishised Commodity 26
3.1 The Materiality of the Resource Matters 28
3.2 The Pre-Columbian Roots of Avocado Cultivation in Mexico 35
3.3 California Dreamin': The Birth of the Avocado Industry in the US 38
3.4 NAFTA and the Rise of Michoacán's Avocado Empire 45
3.5 The Game Changers: The Super Bowl and "Avocados from Mexico" 47
Findings and Analysis 52
4.1 The Production Frontier 52
4.2 From Farm to Table: Local Avocado Markets in the Context of Global Demand 57
4.3 Green Gold or Environmental Disaster? 68
Deforestation, Soil Degradation, Erosion and Biodiversity Loss 68
4.4 Distribution of Resources and Hydrosocial Territories 84
4.5 Behind the Scenes: Cartels and Human Security 92
4.6 State Policies and Interventions: 101
An Examination of the Inluence (and Lack Thereof) in the Industry 101
4.7 Community Resistance in the Absence of State Support 108
Conclusion 123
References 133
iv
Listing of Figures
Figure 1. Homero 5
Figure 2. Fires in Tuxpan, Michoacán 7
Figure 3. "The Aristocrat of Salad Fruits" 41
Figure 4. Mr. Ripe Guy campaign 44
Figure 5. Research sites in Michoacán, Mexico 54
Figure 6. United States avocado production and imports 1980-2019 69
Figure 7. A three year-old avocado orchard in Eastern Michoacán 70
Figure 8. Drone shot of recently deforested land in Villa Madero 72
Figure 9. Lake Cuitzeo 77
Figure 10. "Hoya" in the production frontier of Michoacán 80
Figure 11. A water drilling pipe in the production frontier of Michoacán 81
Figure 12. The baseline water stress in Michoacán 83
Figure 13. Locals gathering in the drilling site at Cuesta del Chichis 91
Figure 14. Territorial presence of organized crime groups and avocado inventory 93
Figure 15. A packaging house in Western Michoacán 104
Figure 16. Cherán - Zacapu border 116
v
Para Homero.
Para la gente de Michoacán y todos aquellos que se enfrentan a la difícil decisión entre
sustentabilidad y sustento.
Para quienes luchan por un futuro más justo en Villa Madero, Cherán y más allá.
For Homero.
For the people of Michoacán and all those caught in the balance between sustainability and
livelihood.
For those who fight for a fairer future in Villa Madero, Cherán, and beyond.
vii
Acknowledgements
This thesis would not have been possible without the invaluable support and guidance
from mentors, friends, and loved ones—both acknowledged here and unmentioned. Their
impact on my life over the last four years has been both profound and transformative.
I extend my deepest appreciation to my advisor and mentor, Professor Daniel Suarez,
for his unwavering support throughout this thesis journey. From idea inception to funding
applications and troubleshooting, his guidance has been vital for my success. His dedication
and encouragement persisted even during his academic sabbatical, and his inluence on my
academic development has been signicant. Under his teaching, I developed a deep passion for
Environmental Studies, and without his visionary approach to the eld, I may have pursued a
diferent path.
I am sincerely grateful to Professor Kemi Fuentes-George for serving as a second reader
and guiding my early forays into academic research and publishing. Alongside Professor Mez
Baker-Médard, they have shown me immense kindness and introduced me to research projects
that have shaped my academic and professional journeys. Their work illuminated the
importance of alternative epistemologies and situated knowledge in research—especially when
uplifting the voices of underrepresented communities in academia. I cannot overstate the
importance of Professor Baker-Médard's unwavering support, both intellectually and
emotionally, in helping me through my most challenging times. I am also grateful to Dr. Spring
Ulmer and Dr. Jamez Sanchez, who have played pivotal roles in shaping my academic
experience at diferent points during the past four years.
This thesis would not have been possible without the support of the Consejo de los
Bienes Comunales of Cherán K'eri and the community members who warmly welcomed me. I
extend my gratitude to Julio Santoyo for sharing his invaluable experience navigating the
complex landscape of eld research in Michoacán.
viii
The dedication of community organizers in Villa Madero, who graciously welcomed me
into their homes and introduced me to their work, deeply inspired me and was essential to the
completion of this thesis. I also thank all other participants, especially those actively involved in
the industry, for sharing their insights and knowledge. My appreciation goes to the Center for
Teaching, Learning, and Research, the Kellogg Fellowship, the BOLD Women's Leadership
Network, and the Climate Action Capacity Project for their nancial support.
Lastly, my journey toward a bachelor's degree and the completion of this thesis would
have been unattainable without the constant support of my friends, family, and loved ones. I
am eternally grateful to my friends, C.L., A.C., I.V., A.S., C.W., K.P., M.E., and H.L.A., who
have lled my life with joy and laughter, accompanying me through late-night writing sessions
in library cubicles. A special thanks to Sélim Benzeguia, who joined me on challenging roadtrip
expeditions in Michoacán and brought light and tenderness to the most dicult moments.
Finally, I ofer all my love and gratitude to my family—Leticia, Vero, Eduardo, Fernando, and
Ana Serna—for their endless encouragement and support. To my mother, Lourdes Serna,
dedico este logro tanto a ti como a mí misma, en reconocimiento de tus sacricios y arduo
trabajo.This accomplishment is a shared success with everyone mentioned above.
ix
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
1
Introduction
1.1 The Avocado Agribusiness in mexico
El aguacate. The avocado. A small, green, and seemingly innocuous fruit that has taken
the world by storm. Its rise in popularity can be attributed to a combination of factors, such as
changing eating habits, the rise of nutritionist trends, savvy marketing campaigns, and its
undeniable creamy tastiness. This popularity, however, has a darker side, as avocado
production becomes a source of conlict and contention, with its impact on the environment
and the people who grow and harvest it coming under growing scrutiny.
Located in Mexico, Michoacán is a region that supplies 80% of the avocados consumed
in the US and over 70% of the global supply, all within an area of just 22,625 mi². The rapid
expansion of the avocado industry in this region has led to the illegal clearing of thousands of
hectares of forests for new plantations. Known locally as "green gold," the industry supports
over 300,000 jobs and generates an annual revenue of US $9 billion (2021).1With a remarkable
production rate, a truckload of avocados leaves the state every 8 minutes.2However, the
industry's lucrative prots have attracted cartels, leading to violence and necessitating the
deployment of paramilitary forces to maintain order. While production is localized, the
consequences of the avocado industry are felt globally. Over just seven years, consumption has
doubled, turning avocados into an international culinary sensation and a staple in brunch
menus and grocery stores.
2Brooks, Darío. 2019. "Cómo el guacamole mexicano se convirtió en plato estrella del Super Bowl." BBC, February
1, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-47078195.
1Shahbandeh, M. 2023. "Avocados: global market value 2026." Statista.
https://www.statista.com/statistics/931183/global-avocado-market-value/.
1
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Much of the existing literature adopts an “apolitical” perspective on avocado
production, concentrating solely on economic benets or environmental consequences while
neglecting the wider socio-political factors. This research uses a political ecology framework to
delve into the intricate interactions between society and nature, analyzing the power dynamics
and global-local connections that dene the environmental and social ramications of avocado
production in Mexico. To reveal the underlying drivers of these impacts and comprehend their
efects on various industry stakeholders as well as risk mitigation strategies, this research
centers on three essential questions:
1. How have interacting social and environmental factors inluenced the historical
development of Michoacán's avocado industry, and what insights can a political ecology
perspective ofer in understanding these complex eco-social dimensions? (Chapter 4)
2. How has the avocado agribusiness afected the lives of those involved in its multilevel
production in terms of social, economic, and environmental aspects, beyond a narrow focus
on prots? (Chapter 5)
3. What are some possible strategies to mitigate the violence and resource dispossession
associated with the industry over the past decades, and how can these strategies promote
sustainable economic development and environmental justice? (Chapters 5 and 6).
I contend that the environmental crisis stemming from the exponential growth of the
avocado industry in Michoacán results from a complex historical interplay between natural,
social, and institutional factors. This dynamic has given rise to multifaceted social, economic,
and environmental consequences, including resource dispossession, deforestation, and cartel
involvement. Building on Paul Robbins' conceptualization of political ecology, which merges
critical analysis with the exploration of alternatives and promotion of action, this research also
examines community-based resistance strategies. The aim is to emphasize the necessity of a
holistic approach to tackling environmental crises—an approach that prioritizes environmental
protection and simultaneously promotes sustainable livelihoods for local communities.
2
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
1.2 The Why
I began this research in January 2020, just a few weeks before the COVID-19 pandemic
shut down the United States. I was at Middlebury College in Vermont when I received a call
from my mother in Mexico. "Homero disappeared," she said. "We think he was kidnapped."
Homero Gómez González was a family friend who had accompanied us on our yearly visits to
the El Rosario Monarch Butterly Sanctuary in Angangueo, Michoacán, for over a decade. As
the sanctuary's director, Homero was not only knowledgeable but also energetic and t, easily
hiking ve kilometers through the forests he patrolled daily, despite being 50 years old.
On January 13, 2020, Homero attended a meeting about butterlies in the reserve, his
area of expertise. After the meeting, he received a phone call from an unknown person inviting
him to the nal day of a local fair. Homero agreed and arrived at the fairgrounds around 5 p.m.
Wearing a white guayabera shirt, gray suit trousers, and brown shoes, he mingled with the
crowd, dancing, drinking, and joking with locals, including inluential politicians. As the music
and crowd grew louder, Homero was last seen alive around 9 p.m. in one of the tents. The next
day, he was nowhere to be found.
After an extensive search by his family and the community, Homero was found dead two
weeks later at the bottom of an irrigation pond. His autopsy revealed a head injury and
asphyxiation. Despite the clear signs of violence, the prosecutor ruled his death accidental, and
the case was quickly closed. However, nobody in the community believed this explanation.
Homero's death brought immense grief to the town; he was more than just a forest
guardian, he was a community leader. For decades, he was the head of Angangueo's agricultural
community. Working within Mexico's communal land ejido3system, he fostered a deeply
land-based relationship with the place, its livelihood, and its people. It may have been this deep
appreciation for the landscape and its inhabitants that drove him to ght so ercely for these
forests. I recall attending various events at the reserve he presided over, amazed at his
fearlessness as he publicly criticized politicians in the crowd, denouncing their false
3The ejido system in Mexico is a communally owned and managed land system established to address land
distribution and promote social justice. Ejido lands are governed by community-defined rules and Mexican agrarian
law. Ejido leaders, like Homero, are elected by the community, representing the interests of the ejido, ensuring
sustainable resource management, coordinating activities, and facilitating decision-making among members.
3
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
commitments to the community and pointing out their wrongdoings. While this might be a
common conduct in a democratic society, in Mexico, and particularly in Michoacán, there is a
collective understanding to avoid provoking the wrong people at the wrong places, as maas
are involved at all levels and sectors of society and politics.
But Homero didn't care, or perhaps he cared too much about the forest. A few weeks
after his body was found, on February 3rd, the body of Raúl Hernández Romero, a 44-year-old
guide he worked with in the El Rosario Sanctuary, was also discovered. The motive for their
murders remains unknown, but conversations with those who knew Homero pointed to illegal
logging and a certain fruit: the avocado. International media, including The Guardian4, The
New York Times5, and The Washington Post6, soon picked up the story, with headlines such as
"Fear in Mexico as twin deaths expose threat to monarch butterlies and their defenders"7and
"In Mexico, you can be killed for defending nature."8
Locally, Homero wasn't considered particularly inluential. It wasn't until after his death
that we realized the power he held. In fact, growing up, I never thought of him as an
environmentalist, even though he was arguably one of Mexico's most active conservationists.
Perhaps this was because he deed the conventional image of an environmentalist I had been
taught. Before dedicating his life to the reserve, he was a logger. He was an older,
brown-skinned man with a caricaturesque mustache. His traditional white guayabera shirts
were a far cry from Patagonia apparel, and hiking shoes were simply not part of his wardrobe.
8Aridjis, Homero. 2020. "En México te matan por defender la naturaleza (Published 2020)." The New York Times,
January 31, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/es/2020/01/31/espanol/opinion/homero-Gómez-mexico.html.
7Agren, David, and Oliver Milman. 2020. "Fear in Mexico as twin deaths expose threat to monarch butterflies and
their defenders." The Guardian, February 8, 2020.
https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2020/feb/08/monarch-butterflies-under-threat-mexico-aoe.
6Sieff, Kevin. 2020. "Homero Gómez González, Mexico's monarch butterfly defender, found dead." The
Washington Post, January 29, 2020.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/homero-Gómez-gonzalez-mexicos-monarch-butterfly-defende
r-found-dead/2020/01/29/697d7c94-42ed-11ea-99c7-1dfd4241a2fe_story.html.
5Villegas, Paulina. 2020. "Mexican Butterfly Conservationist Is Found Dead, Two Weeks After Vanishing
(Published 2020)." The New York Times, January 29, 2020.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/29/world/mexico-butterfly-dead.html.
4Agren, David. 2020. "Mexico: defender of monarch butterflies found dead two weeks after he vanished." The
Guardian, January 30, 2020.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jan/30/mexico-activist-monarch-butterflies-dead-homero-Gómez-gonzale
z
4
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Every time we ate together, we shared local meat, and he drove his red Seat Ibiza without
remorse around town. I had never heard him describe himself as a "friend of the earth".
However, the realization struck me like a slap in the face. He was a community
organizer, coordinating the use of communal land and establishing volunteer systems for the
monarch reserve. He organized local reforestations and embarked on an ambitious project to
restore the river to the reserve, which had become depleted. For Homero, it wasn't merely
about the beauty of the forests. It was about the connection between the forest and the
monarch butterlies, which were crucial to the local community and the region. As symbols of
hope and resilience, the butterlies attracted visitors to Michoacán, an impoverished state often
considered dangerous even by Mexicans themselves.
Figure 1. Homero, my mother, and I at the Monarch Butterly Reserve in Ejido El Rosario,
Angangueo during spring 2019. Personal archive of Ivonne Serna, 2019.
5
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
The morning I learned of Homero's death, I wrote him a letter that gained attention on
social media within the local community, highlighting the pattern of extreme violence against
nature defenders in the region.9In the days and weeks that followed, I couldn't shake the word
that kept resonating from conversations around his death: avocado. When I returned home
from university due to the COVID-19 pandemic, I began to notice the drastic changes in the
forests around my hometown in Eastern Michoacán. But nothing prepared me for the events of
spring 2020.
In April 2020, while everyone was conned to their homes, the mountains surrounding
the valley where I lived were set ablaze. The re burned uncontrollably for a week, and my
younger brothers and I spent each night on our rooftop, monitoring the re's proximity. Our
town, like most in Michoacán, lacked a re department, and our attempts to contact the federal
emergency response system proved futile. Eventually, community members organized
themselves, crowdsourcing funds to rent a helicopter and battle the re. By the time they were
able to act, it was too late. The entire hiking trail I had grown up exploring was destroyed.
A year later, the same hills we saw burn down were covered with avocado trees. I began
noticing specialized avocado fertilizer stores appearing on the main road of the town, and I
heard that my cousin's husband had recently landed a job monitoring avocado plant health –
the rst of many such jobs in the growing orchards. I understood the reason why Homero was
killed.
9Serna, Ivonne. 2020. "Facebook Post." Facebook.
https://www.facebook.com/ivonne.serna.99/posts/pfbid0TbJArXJ36ZeTEnNx3icvfXqPJ7CihLTRDy9kf6cPEmfdX
ChXbWjPAKmxpp9FeoFYl.
6
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Figure 2. Fires in Tuxpan, Michoacán on April 10, 2020. Personal archive of Juan Serna, 2020.
I delved deeper into the issue, as the connection between the res and the expanding
avocado orchards in my hometown, despite being clear, didn't make much sense to me. My
hometown was nearly 250 kilometers away from the fruit's production center in Uruapan.
Before 2020, there was virtually no infrastructure in place to facilitate the introduction of the
agribusiness in the region at such low costs, and the presence of the Monarch Butterly Reserve
in the area didn't seem to provide an easy territorial foothold for orchards. And yet, there they
were. Within this context, I embarked on what I have come to refer to as "the green gold
project," a research and storytelling efort aimed at deconstructing and making sense of the
transformations occurring in my hometown through a political ecology lens.
7
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Positionality, Relexivity, and Autoethnography
Questions of researcher positionality and relexivity are inseparable from the context of
this thesis and important to address. My connection to Michoacán, where I spent over 20 years
of my life, signicantly inluenced the research questions and analysis. My familiarity with the
area, lived experiences, and rsthand understanding of the issues contributed to my
perspective, which was important in navigating the complex environment of avocado
production in Michoacán. Autoethnography allowed me to explore the topic both personally
and academically, emphasizing personal experience and situated knowledge.10
As disclosed earlier, the tensions between conservation eforts and the interests of
Mexico's avocado and timber industries, highlighted by the assassination of environmentalist
Homero Gómez in January 2020, led me to investigate environmental and human costs. As a
researcher and participant in this context, I acknowledge my positionality and personal stakes.
By being transparent about my perspective, biases, and motivations, I invite readers to engage
with my ndings and interpretations with a clearer understanding of the situated knowledge I
bring to this research.
Incorporating relexivity into my autoethnographic research highlights the connections
between my personal experiences, the context, and larger socio-ecological issues. By including
personal relections in the research narrative, I aim to provide a deeper understanding of
Michoacán's avocado industry's political ecology while recognizing limitations and potential
biases. This disclosure engages with broader academic debates on knowledge validity, power
dynamics, researcher subjectivity, situated knowledge, and the value of alternative
epistemologies for capturing complex topics.
10 Wall, Sarah. 2006. "An Autoethnography on Learning About Autoethnography." International Journal of
Qualitative Methods 5 (2): 146–160. https://doi.org/10.1177/160940690600500205.
8
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
1.2 Research Gaps
The avocado agribusiness has become a topic of growing interest for environmental
scholars, and highlights the complexities and challenges associated with the governance of
socio-ecological systems in the context of globalization and market-driven processes.
Researchers have tended to focus on specic environmental consequences, like the industry's
water footprint (Sommaruga & Eldridge, 2021;11 Gómez-Tagle et al., 202212) or deforestation
(Cho et al., 202113; Olivares-Martinez, Gómez-Tagle, and Pérez-Salicrup, 202314). However,
studies that address the political ecology of the agribusiness, particularly in Mexico, the largest
producer, are limited (Serrano and Brooks, 201915; Anticoli, 202216).
16 Anticoli, Alberto. 2022. "Exploring power dynamics in the water sector in Chile: a focus on avocado orchards
and water resources in three municipalities." Digitala Vetenskapliga Arkivet: Uppsala University, Disciplinary
Domain of Science and Technology, Earth Sciences, Department of Earth Sciences.
https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1671030&dswid=-803.
15 Serrano, Angela, and Andrew Brooks. 2019. "Who is left behind in global food systems? Local farmers failed by
Colombia’s avocado boom." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 2 (2): 348–367.
https://doi.org/10.1177/2514848619838195
14 Olivares-Martinez, Luis, Alberto Gómez-Tagle, and Diego Pérez-Salicrup. 2023. "Regional Drivers behind the
Burning of Remanent Forests in Michoacán Avocado Belt, Central Mexico." Fire 6 (3): 18.
https://doi.org/10.3390/fire6030081.
13 Cho, Kimin, Benjamin Goldstein, Dimitrios Gounaridis, and Joshua P. Newell. 2021. "Where does your
guacamole come from? Detecting deforestation associated with the export of avocados from Mexico to the United
States." Journal of Environmental Management 278, no. 1 (January): 111482.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2020.111482.
12 Gómez-Tagle, Alberto, Diana Fuerte-Velázquez, Alma G. Barajas-Alcalá, Fernando Quiroz-Rivera, Pablo
Alarcón-Chaires, Hilda Guerrero-García-Rojas, and Universidad Michoacána de San Nicolás de Hidalgo. 2022.
"Blue and Green Water Footprint of Agro-Industrial Avocado Production in Central Mexico." Sustainability 14 (15):
9664. https://doi.org/10.3390/su14159664.
11 Sommaruga, Ruben, and Honor M. Eldridge. 2021. "Avocado Production: Water Footprint and Socio-economic
Implications." EuroChoices: Special Section on Climate Change and Agri‐food 20, no. 2 (August): 48-53.
https://doi.org/10.1111/1746-692X.12289.
9
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Much of the available publications on this topic in Mexico hail from investigative
journalism, which often focuses on cartel involvement rather than a more comprehensive
analysis of the social, environmental, and power dynamics at play (The Guardian, 201617; PBS,
202218; The Seattle Times, 202219; LA Times, 202220; NYT, 202221; Regeneración, 201822). In this
section, I aim to synthesize the most relevant aspects of the scientic research related to the
political ecology of the avocado agribusiness, identify potential gaps, and highlight areas of
disagreement in the eld while emphasizing the unique contributions of autoethnographic and
participatory research.
The Importance of Locally-Informed Research
Despite the expanding body of research on the environmental and socio-economic
impacts of the avocado agribusiness in Mexico, a considerable portion of this work has been
conducted by scholars lacking direct connections to the region and without eldwork
observations. Instead, these studies predominantly rely on secondary published sources for
data collection (Young et al., 202223; Khan, Kakabadse, and Antonis, 202124).
24 Khan, Nadeem, Nada Korac Kakabadse, and Skouloudis Antonis. 2021. "Socio-ecological resilience and
environmental sustainability: case of avocado from Mexico." International Journal of Sustainable Development &
World Ecology. 10.1080/13504509.2021.1902419.
23 Young, Kenneth, Antonio González-Rodríguez, Eugenio Arima, and Audrey Denvir. 2022. "Ecological and human
dimensions of avocado expansion in México: Towards supply-chain sustainability." Ambio 51:152–166.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s13280-021-01538-6
22Alarcón, Pablo. 2018. "Ecocidio en Michoacán, quitan bosques y ponen aguacate." Regeneración, April 17, 2018.
https://regeneracion.mx/ecocidio-en-Michoacán-quitan-bosques-y-ponen-aguacates/.
21 Creswell, Julie. 2022. "U.S. Temporarily Bans Avocados From Mexico, Citing Threat (Published 2022)." The
New York Times, February 15, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/15/business/us-mexico-avocado-ban.html.
20 Hernandez, Daniel. 2022. "How we got to peak avocado: Super Bowls to Mexico's drug cartels." Los Angeles
Times, February 11, 2022.
https://www.latimes.com/food/story/2022-02-11/guacamole-avocados-superbowl-mexico-drug-violence-cartels-indu
stry.
19 Stevenson, Mark. 2022. "Mexican town protects forest from avocado growers, cartels." The Seattle Times,
January 27, 2022.
https://www.seattletimes.com/business/in-mexico-avocados-deforestation-drug-gangs-go-together/.
18 PBS. 2022. "Avocados: Drought, Deforestation, and Drug Cartels." PBS, September 23, 2022.
https://www.pbs.org/wnet/peril-and-promise/2022/09/avocado-industry-deforestation-and-drug-cartels/.
17 Siddique, Haroon. 2016. "Rising avocado prices fuelling illegal deforestation in Mexico." The Guardian, August
10, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2016/aug/10/avocado-illegal-deforestation-mexico-pine-forests.
10
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Within Michoacán itself, the majority of researchers primarily focus on the commercial
aspects and supply chain improvements for avocados (Moreno et al., 201825; González
Estudillo, 201726; López-Pimentel et al., 202227), as well as biology, with an interestingly high
number of papers examining mycorrhizal fungi in avocado orchards (Carreon Abud et al.,
201628; Herrejón et al., 201429 Martínez Arroyo, 201130).
This "apolitical" emphasis is perhaps unsurprising, given the economic importance of
avocados to the region and the limited research funds available in local academic institutions,
which tend to prioritize topics that can enhance the quality and eciency of the industry.
Furthermore, exploring the negative implications of the business can be risky in a state where
cartel violence enforces censorship not only in the press31 but also within academia.32
Consequently, local perspectives and experiences have been underrepresented, despite their
critical importance in comprehensively understanding the intricate dynamics at play.
32 Aristegui, Carmen. 2012. "Fotos: desalojo y la 'censura' a la cuenta de normalistas en Twitter." Aristegui Noticias,
2012. https://aristeguinoticias.com/1710/mexico/fotos-desalojo-y-la-censura-a-la-cuenta-de-normalistas-en-twitter/.
31 Holland, Bradley, and Viridiana Rios. 2017. "Informally governing information: How criminal rivalry leads to
violence against the press in Mexico." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61 (5): 1095-1119.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600756?
30 Martínez Arroyo, Jaime Apolinar. 2011. "La cadena de valor de las empresas exportadoras de aguacate ubicadas
en Uruapan, Michoacán." Repositorio Institucional de la Universidad Michoacána de San Nicolás de Hidalgo.
http://bibliotecavirtual.dgb.umich.mx:8083/xmlui/handle/DGB_UMICH/356.
29 Herrejón, Mónica Alvarado. 2014. "Dinámica estacional de comunidades microbianas en huertas de aguacate con
diferente uso de suelo." Biológicas Revista de la DES Ciencias Biológico Agropecuarias Universidad Michoacána
de San Nicolás de Hidalgo 16 (1): 19-24
28 Carreon Abud, Yazmín, Nuria Gómez-Dorantes, María de los Ángeles Beltrán-Nambo, Mónica
Alvarado-Herrejón, and Lucía Varela-Fregoso. 2016. "Diversidad de hongos micorricícos arbusculares provenientes
de la rizósfera de aguacate (Persea americana Mill) y selección de plantas trampa para su propagación." Biológicas
Revista de la DES Ciencias Biológico Agropecuarias Universidad Michoacána de San Nicolás de Hidalgo 18 (2):
1-9.
27 López-Pimentel, Juan Carlos, Miguel Alcaraz-Rivera, Rafael Granillo-Macías, and Elias Olivares-Benitez. 2022.
"Traceability of Mexican Avocado Supply Chain: A Microservice and Blockchain Technological Solution."
Sustainability: Directory of Open Access Journals 14 (14633): 14633. https://doi.org/10.3390/su142114633.
26 González Estudillo, Joan Cristian. 2017. "Planeación óptima de la producción de aguacate en Michoacán
considerando aspectos económicos, técnicos y ambientales." Repositorio Institucional de la Universidad
Michoacána de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, (August).
http://bibliotecavirtual.dgb.umich.mx:8083/xmlui/handle/DGB_UMICH/4882.
25 Espitia Moreno, Irma Cristina, Dora Aguilasosho Montoya, and Evaristo Galeana Figueroa. 2018.
"Sustentabilidad del diseño de envases para el aguacate mexicano, en la región de Tancítaro, Michoacán, como
ventaja competitiva de exportación." Repositorio De La Red Internacional De Investigadores En Competitividad, 5
(1). https://riico.net/index.php/riico/article/view/611.
11
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Autoethnographic and participatory research by individuals with strong ties to the
region, such as the present thesis, can help bridge this gap and provide valuable insights into
the lived experiences of those impacted by the avocado industry (De la Verga & Merino, 202133).
Historical Analysis of the Avocado Agribusiness
Another gap in the literature is the lack of detailed historical analysis of the avocado
agribusiness's rise in Mexico. Most research focuses on botanical or natural history of the fruit
(Landero-Torres et al., 200734; Ayala Silva & Ledesma, 201435). In Chapter 4, I shed light on the
historical, socio-cultural, and political processes and events that have over time shaped the
industry's development by examining archival materials, including trade agreements and
marketing campaigns. This historical perspective can help contextualize the contemporary
socio-ecological impacts of the avocado agribusiness and provide a deeper understanding of
the complex relationships between political, economic, and environmental factors.
35 Ayala Silva, Tomas, and Noris Ledesma. 2014. "Sustainable Horticultural Systems: Avocado History, Biodiversity
and Production." In Sustainable Development and Biodiversity, 157–205. Vol. 2. Miami, FL: Springer International
Publishing Switzerland. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06904-3_8.
34 Landero-Torres, Ivonne, Nisao Ogata-Aguilar, María Elena Galindo-Tovar, and Amaury M. Arzate-Fernández.
2007. "The Avocado (Persea Americana, Lauraceae) Crop in Mesoamerica: 10,000 Years of History." Harvard
Papers in Botany 12, no. 2 (December): 325-334. https://doi.org/10.3100/1043-4534.
33 De la Verga, Alfoso, and Leticia Merino. 2021. "Socio-Environmental Impacts of the Avocado Boom in the
Meseta P'urhépecha, Michoacán, Mexico." Sustainability 13 (13). DOI: 10.3390/su13137247
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
1.3 Relevance and Contributions
The booming popularity of avocados in recent decades has had signicant
consequences for both communities and the environment in Mexico, particularly in
Michoacán. Rising international demand has led to the illegal clearing of forests for avocado
plantations, transforming the region into a hotbed of cartel violence and environmental
disputes. With over 300,000 jobs directly or indirectly relying on avocado production and
trade, the stakes are undeniably high. Amid these challenges, local activists and environmental
preservation eforts have become essential in addressing these pressing issues. This thesis aims
to raise awareness of the struggles faced by those ghting for socio-ecological justice in Mexico
and Latin America. The unresolved case of the death of Homero Gómez (2020) highlights the
vulnerability of individuals working to confront these complex problems. With Mexico being
named the deadliest country for environmental activists by Global Witness in 2022, the
urgency of this work becomes increasingly apparent.
The existing literature on the political ecology of avocado agribusiness underscores the
necessity for locally informed, historically grounded research that meaningfully engages with
afected communities. Much of the current knowledge does not adequately address the
socio-economic contexts and power dynamics within the industry, especially in Mexico. This
thesis addresses these gaps by employing autoethnographic, participatory research, and
historical perspectives to provide a comprehensive understanding of the avocado industry's
intricate interplay of political, economic, and environmental factors, along with its broader
implications within the global food system.
The signicant gaps in the literature may result from the challenges of obtaining
approval for eldwork in locations like my home state, Michoacán, where conducting research
can be perceived as dangerous. In my experience, I navigated a seven-month Institutional
Review Board (IRB) process before receiving permission to carry out eld observations in my
home community.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
While ensuring researcher safety is undeniably important, it is also vital to recognize
the value of interpersonal and community-based relationships as criteria for accessing and
evaluating research sites. This recognition allows for a more nuanced approach to assessing
research risk, considering the broader context and connections that may enhance the research's
validity and relevance while adhering to IRB guidelines and prioritizing researcher safety.
Addressing these methodological concerns is essential, as neglecting research in areas
deemed 'too risky,' such as Michoacán, may contribute to the underrepresentation of specic
geographies and socio-economic contexts. This oversight can result in overlooking connections
between global issues, like the avocado industry in Mexico, and how its social and
environmental aspects reveal broader, multi-layered challenges within the international food
system. This thesis contributes to the eforts of political ecologists and others in making
research more accessible to those directly impacted by the issues under investigation. By
emphasizing interpersonal and community-based relationships in social science research, my
approach challenges prevalent academic expectations promoting scholarly detachment and
tries to ofer a more inclusive perspective that integrates the experiences of afected
populations.
In the subsequent chapters, I examine the complex relationships between avocado
agribusiness, cartels, state policies, and community resistance. My aim is to comprehend the
dynamics involved and identify potential avenues for a more sustainable and equitable future
for my home community. I invite readers to approach the research with this perspective in
mind. Although the question I frequently encounter, "should I still eat avocados?" may not have
a denitive answer, I provide a glimpse into the lives of those directly afected by the industry.
By showcasing a vivid and nuanced portrayal of the challenges they confront, I strive to raise
awareness and encourage thoughtful relection on our choices, their consequences, and their
constraints within the broader context of power structures and agro-capitalist systems.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
1.4 Overview of Thesis Research
This thesis comprises six chapters that explore the political ecology of Mexico's avocado
agribusiness through an autoethnographic lens.
Chapter 2 outlines the methodological approach, employing a qualitative,
mixed-methods strategy with a phenomenological emphasis on lived experiences. Data is
gathered from diverse stakeholders, such as agricultural workers, government personnel,
community members, and activists across multiple locations within Michoacán State. This
approach seeks to provide a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of Mexico's avocado
industry and its socio-ecological impacts. The chapter also relects on my unique position as
both an investigator and participant in this context.
Chapter 3, titled Avocado Mania – The Rise of a Global Fetishized Commodity, delves into
the socio-environmental interplay shaping Michoacán's avocado industry and the insights a
political ecology perspective provides. Tracing the timeline from the pre-Columbian roots of
avocado cultivation in Mexico to Michoacán's avocado empire emergence after NAFTA's
signing in 1994, the chapter reveals the industry's origins in California, aggressive marketing
strategies, trade barriers, and ongoing eforts to make the fruit more marketable. It highlights
that each avocado on a U.S. shelf results from calculated marketing eforts, commercial
lobbying, and export-oriented international trade policies. By revealing the mechanisms that
enable "international" foods to cross borders and appear in local consumers' daily food choices,
the chapter establishes the political ecology parameters of the study, examining stakeholders,
historical development, geographic focus, and economic, political, and environmental factors
inluencing the avocado industry's growth.
Chapter 4, Findings and Analysis: The Political Ecology of the Avocado Industry, provides
a comprehensive examination of the social, economic, and environmental impacts of the
avocado agribusiness on individuals involved in its production at multiple levels. The chapter
also explores potential strategies for mitigating the industry's associated violence and resource
dispossession.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Section 4.1, From Farm to Table, unpacks the avocado commodity chain, situating local
markets within the global demand context and the intricate processes shaping avocado
distribution from farms to the worldwide market. The analysis reveals how Michoacán's
25-year monopoly (1997-2022) on avocado production in Mexico has resulted in numerous
socio-environmental impacts in the region, such as deforestation, water scarcity, soil
degradation, land-use conlicts, cartel violence, and community displacement.
Section 4.2, Green Gold or Environmental Disaster? delves into the environmental
consequences of avocado production in Michoacán's "Avocado Belt," which includes 65
municipalities, 52 of which are among the world's leading avocado producers. The rapid
expansion of avocado cultivation in Mexico has led to a range of environmental issues, such as
deforestation, erosion, and water pollution, all of which contribute to water scarcity. Clearing
native forests for avocado orchards disrupts ecosystems, diminishes the land's capacity to retain
water, and exacerbates erosion. This process results in sediment-laden water obstructing
streams and rivers, potentially causing looding and putting additional strain on water
resources. Moreover, the high water demands of avocado trees, coupled with excessive use of
chemical fertilizers and pesticides, intensify water pollution. This pollution depletes water
bodies and contaminates aquifers, highlighting the complex relationship between the
environmental impacts of the avocado industry and the growing issue of water scarcity.
The environmental crisis driven by the avocado industry not only afects the physical
landscape but also has consequences for those involved in its production and distribution. To
better understand these dynamics, I use a political ecology framework to examine the power
relations within the avocado industry's environmental crisis.
Therefore, in Section 4.3 the focus shifts to the distribution of resources and
hydrosocial territories, investigating the avocado agribusiness infrastructure and its
implications for the accumulation and movement of water resources. The analysis reveals how
powerful industry actors manipulate water infrastructure to their advantage, often at the
expense of local communities and traditional crops.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Water and land rights struggles in Michoacán intensied after the implementation of
NAFTA in 1994. This led to many farmers selling their land and water rights to large
agribusiness corporations, which are often under the control of cartels. As a result, water
resource control in Michoacán is intrinsically linked to land grabs and political struggles. In
response, afected communities have pursued alternative strategies to build social pressure for
change. However, resistance is often met with retaliation, as evidenced by the kidnapping and
torture of multiple environmental organizers. The unequal distribution of resources raises
questions about power and control, particularly within the avocado industry. Cartels have
become deeply involved in the industry since the mid-2000s, engaging in land seizures,
extortion, and violence while inltrating the supply chain and controlling resources within the
hydrosocial regime.
Section 4.4 explores the intricate relationship between cartels and the avocado
agribusiness. One key nding is the connection between organized crime's territorial presence
in Michoacán, such as CJNG, and the territorial inventory of avocados, which mirrors the
industry's expansion. This discovery leads to the development of the "production frontier"
concept, emphasizing the gradual expansion of avocado production towards the eastern region,
home to the Rosario Monarch Butterly Reserve, and a shrinking production frontier emerging
between the avocado-dominant west and the forest-covered east.
Cartels in Michoacán, including Familia Michoacána, Caballeros Templarios, and
Jalisco Nueva Generación, have accompanied the industry in its territorial expansion, driven by
their interest in diversifying income following the Mexican Drug War. They inltrate the supply
chain, spanning cultivation, transportation, distribution, and exportation, while also
controlling resources in the hydrosocial regime. Cartel-led agro-capitalism impacts frontline
communities in various ways, such as land seizures, forest res, extortions, kidnappings, and
control over the hydrosocial regime. The Mexican government recognizes the threats cartels
present to environmentalists and those involved in the avocado industry. In 2019, the Financial
Intelligence Unit of the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit reported on alleged links
between Michoacán avocado producers and organized crime, highlighting money laundering
activities and cartels' involvement in the nancial management of avocado production.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Section 4.5 examines the role of state policies and interventions in addressing
challenges arising from cartel involvement, socio-environmental issues, and the prioritization
of commercial interests. The lifting of the US import ban on Mexican avocados, facilitated by
NAFTA and USMCA, led to increased avocado exports and production growth. This situation
puts global commercial interests above socio-environmental welfare in Mexico. While the
export-oriented model of the avocado industry contributed to economic growth and job
creation, it also exacerbated socio-environmental issues like deforestation, water scarcity, and
cartel exploitation of local communities. Additionally, prioritizing investor interests over
farmer livelihoods and environmental concerns resulted in unsustainable practices and illegal
avocado orchard expansions. In Mexico, the lack of state regulations has led individuals to
assume monitoring responsibilities in the absence of state regulatory capacity, a phenomenon
known as "subsidizing the state." These individuals also advocate for policy changes to mitigate
the industry's adverse efects.
The nal section, 4.6, delves into the compelling stories of Michoacán's local
communities, who confront violence and environmental dispossession in formal and informal
settings amidst an inadequate state response. Focusing on emerging socio-environmental
movements in the region, the analysis draws from Latin American environmental thought,
embracing an "ecology of the poor." Two case studies, Villa Madero and Cherán, exemplify
social tensions, power dynamics, and violence resulting from cartel involvement in the avocado
trade. Cherán, a P'urhépecha indigenous community, successfully reclaimed its forests and
established an autonomous territory after a 2011 armed uprising against illegal loggers and
cartels. This movement has inspired other communities, including Villa Madero, to ght for
their rights, territory, forests, and culture. However, while Cherán has expelled cartels and their
supporting political institutions through community organizing, Villa Madero still endures
repeated violence.
The analysis highlights the contrasting community responses to the avocado industry's
impacts, the power of grassroots movements, the unique challenges faced by communities like
Villa Madero, the importance of understanding the political ecology framework, and the
necessity for context-specic strategies to address the complex issues at hand.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
2
Methods
2.1 Research Design and Methodology
The thesis utilized a phenomenological approach to investigate the avocado
agribusiness, focusing on individual and collective experiences of participants to understand
the ground-level processes afecting local communities. This approach places individual and
collective experiences at the center of intellectual inquiry, focusing on emic perspectives to gain
insight into the ground-level processes afecting local communities.
Units of analysis encompassed various levels, from subnational geographical units
(Michoacán State, Mexico) to the macro, meso, and micro-levels of the avocado issue. Target
subjects included agricultural workers, governmental personnel, and community members
afected by water scarcity and deforestation due to avocado orchards. Sampling procedures
utilized non-probability methods based on occupation or geographic location to develop a
more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. Inclusion criteria required
participants to be adults ≥18 years of age, have direct involvement with avocado
commercialization, and agree to give informed consent. Exclusion criteria included minors <18
years of age, no direct involvement with avocado commercialization, and refusal to give
informed consent.
A mixed-methods approach was employed for data collection, including
autoethnography, participant observation, 30 semi-structured conversational interviews, and
qualitative observations across the four selected sites. Quantitative data was collected using
open-source descriptive and inferential statistics and geospatial land change maps. Data
management protocols were established to protect sensitive information, anonymize data, and
securely store it on a cloud-based platform, backed up regularly.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Data analysis strategies encompassed both quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative
data analysis involved descriptive and inferential statistics on avocado commercialization,
maa violence, land/water access, and disputes, as well as a geospatial land change analysis of
avocado expansion in the region. Qualitative data analysis utilized thematic analysis for coding
and organizing data, identifying key themes, and discourse analysis for contextualizing
ndings.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
2.2 Research Locations
This study is primarily based in Michoacán, the epicenter of avocado production in
Mexico, responsible for over 85% of the country’s yearly produce.36 Michoacán is situated in
western Mexico, bordered by the states of Colima, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Querétaro, the State of
México, and Guerrero. The state's geographic features include a stretch of coastline on the
Pacic Ocean to the southwest and is composed of seven regions.37
Until 2019, avocado production was primarily concentrated in the western part of the
state. However, since then, there has been a gradual expansion towards the eastern region,
which is home to the world-renowned Rosario Monarch Butterly Reserve. This expansion has
led to an increasingly-vanishing production frontier between the avocado-dominated west and
the forest-covered east, a signicant element in the political ecology analysis. To capture the
diverse dynamics of the avocado industry, I focused on three key regions: the P'urhépecha
region, the Oriente region, and the Tierra Caliente region.
1. P'urhépecha Region: The rst area of interest, the P'urhépecha region, is home to
Uruapan, the city with the highest number of orchards, packaging houses, and exporters in
Michoacán. This region represents the well-established avocado industry in the state and the
political economic dynamics that have shaped its growth.
2. Oriente Region: The second region, Oriente, is situated at the far east of the state,
with a focus on the municipality of Angangeo. Known as País de la Monarca, Angangeo hosts
the world-renowned Rosario Monarch Butterly Reserve. Over the past ve years, the forests in
this region have become increasingly threatened by the expansion of avocado production,
although not nearly to the same extent as in Uruapan. This area represents the conlict and
transition between the forest and the burgeoning avocado industry, highlighting the
intersection of conversation eforts and agribusiness expansion projects.
37 Verduzco, Jose, Lourdes Vazquez, and Nicolas Romero. 2022. "Estructura por Regiones." Gobierno del Estado de
Michoacán. http://sfa.Michoacán.gob.mx/coeac/regiones.php.
36 Peña, Enrique. 2014. "Michoacán, primer productor de aguacate | Presidencia de la República EPN | Gobierno |
gob.mx." Gobierno de México. https://www.gob.mx/epn/articulos/Michoacán-primer-productor-de-aguacate.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3. Tierra Caliente Region: The third region, Tierra Caliente, lies in the middle of the
production frontier between the well-established industry in the west and the forest-covered
east. The focus here is on the village of Madero, where local populations are actively ghting to
defend their remaining forests. This area is also one of the most dangerous places in the state,
representing the social tensions, power dynamics, and violence associated with cartels involved
in the avocado trade.
In addition to these three regions, I have included a comparative case study of Cherán, a
P'urhépecha indigenous town that became autonomous in 2011 following an environmental
rebellion against avocado-led deforestation. The town's successful ght against illegal logging
and planting has created a clear divide between avocado production and pine forests.38
However, this achievement has been possible only through a decade-long political revolt in
which Cherán's townspeople declared themselves independent from the Mexican state and
formed their own governmental structures and environmental reforms. Cherán now stands as a
"forest island" in the P'urhépecha plateau, providing a unique microcosm for analyzing the
"what if" scenarios of the avocado trade and community-based environmental responses to
ongoing exploitation. Therefore, Cherán sheds light on the interplay between local agency,
resource governance, and environmental resilience within the broader context of political
ecology.
38 Stevenson, Mark. 2022. "Mexican town protects forest from avocado growers and drug cartels." Los Angeles
Times, January 31, 2022.
https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2022-01-31/mexican-town-protects-forest-from-avocado-growers-cartel
s.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
2.3 Research Timeline and Methodological Considerations
The research design for this project began in January 2022, with a literature review and
open-source research carried out through July 2022. From August to September 2022, eldwork
was conducted in Angangueo, Madero, Uruapan, and Cherán, with a week spent at each
location for primary data collection through semi-structured interviews and qualitative
observations, aiming to understand the lived experiences of individuals involved or afected by
the avocado agribusiness. To deepen the understanding of ongoing community struggles and
developments, as well as to monitor the evolving socio-ecological impacts of the industry,
additional eld visits to Cherán and Madero took place in December 2022 and
January-February 2023.
Collaborations with local institutions, experts, and community organizations, such as
universities and the Community Government of Cherán K'eri, enabled a comprehensive
understanding of the avocado industry's efects on the environment, society, and local
governance, while incorporating diverse perspectives and local expertise for a nuanced
analysis. In compliance with the approved research protocol for this project, engagements with
key informants were conducted condentially and strictly on background, ensuring that all
interactions were carried out ethically and responsibly.
23
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
2.4 Theoretical Framework
The analysis of avocado agribusiness in relation to power dynamics, global and local
markets, and institutional arrangements was crucially informed by political ecology, as outlined
by Paul Robbins (2019).39 Erik Swyngedouw's work (2009) also provided a solid foundation for
examining the complex socio-ecological landscape of Mexico's avocado agribusiness,
particularly with regard to the systematic challenges that calls for "universal" water rights face
from powerful property rights and exclusive usage arguments.
Incorporating Latin American environmental thought, such as Arturo Escobar's
"Territories of Diference,"40 allowed this study to examine the socio-economic and political
dimensions of the avocado agribusiness, while ensuring cultural relevance and grounding in
the specic context of Mexico. Joan Martínez-Alier's "The Ecology of the Poor"41 added an
ecological economics perspective, focusing on resource use, environmental impacts, and
distributional conlicts. This framework facilitated the exploration of thoughts and cultural
consciousness among community organizers in Michoacán – who confront the avocado
business without state support.
A phenomenological approach, drawing on Alfred Schutz's work,42 captured the lived
experiences of diverse stakeholders by exploring the interplay between individual subjectivity
and social structures. Using intersectionality and Patricia Hill Collins' "Black Feminist
Thought,"43 the research explored interconnected systems of oppression, focusing on how
ethnicity, class, and other social categories intersect and inluence environmental benets and
burdens.
43 Alinia, Minoo. 2015. "On Black Feminist Thought: thinking oppression and resistance through intersectional
paradigm." Ethnic and Racial Studies. 38 (13): 2334-2340. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2015.1058492.
42 Schutz, Alfred. 1999. Alfred Schutz on phenomenology and social relations. Edited by Helmut R. Wagner. Vol.
Heritage of Sociology Series. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
41 Folci, Mauricio. 2019. "Ecologismo de los pobres: conflictos ambientales y justicia ambiental." Social-ecological
Systems of Latin America: Complexities and Challenges, Suiza: Springer Nature Switzerland, (November), 95-115.
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Mauricio-Folchi/publication/337224098_Ecologismo_de_los_pobres_conflicto
s_ambientales_y_justicia_ambiental/links/5dcc196c92851c81804bf454/Ecologismo-de-los-pobres-conflictos-ambie
ntales-y-justicia-ambiental.pdf.
40 Escobar, Arturo. 2015. "Territorios de diferencia: la ontología política de los "derechos al territorio."" Cuaderno
de Antropología Social 41. ISSN 1850-275X (Julio).
http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?pid=S1850-275X2015000100002&script=sci_arttext&tlng=en#nn*.
39 Robbins, Paul. 2019. Political Ecology: A Critical Introduction. N.p.: John Wiley & Sons. pp. 5-11.
24
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Andrew Vayda's progressive contextualization44 linked the environment and
development by analyzing power dynamics of non-place-based forces, such as transnational
corporations, over place-based activities like agriculture, emphasizing global-local
connections.
Finally, critical moment analysis, developed by Mohammad T. Khan,45 facilitated
examination of key policy and commercial events, such as NAFTA, that have shaped the
avocado industry's meteoric rise to prominence. This analysis uncovered relationships among
various actors and forces in the avocado agribusiness, guiding the socio-natural historical
analysis, and identied potential strategies for mitigating violence and resource dispossession.
To summarize, this study drew inspiration from diverse sources, including political
ecology, Latin American environmental thought, phenomenology, and intersectionality in its
theoretical framework to address the research questions and provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the avocado industry's impacts and potential strategies for environmental
justice. This framework can serve as a valuable reference for analyzing other industries with
similar socio-ecological dynamics.
45 Khan, Mohammad T. 2013. "Theoretical frameworks in political ecology and participatory nature/forest
conservation: The necessity for a heterodox approach and the critical moment." Journal of Political Ecology 20, no.
1 (December): 460-472. 10.2458/v20i1.21757.
44 Vayda, Andrew. 1983. "Progressive contextualization: Methods for research in human ecology." Human Ecology
11:265–281.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3
Avocado Mania:
The Rise of a Global Fetishised Commodity
The avocado has become a worldwide culinary sensation, earning a place as a brunch
menu favorite, grocery store staple, and a social media icon. Avocados From Mexico, the leading
avocado brand in the US, has seen impressive growth over the last two decades, with
consumption doubling in the past seven years to over 8 pounds (~3.6 kilos) per person
annually.46 Most of these avocados hail from Michoacán, a Mexican state covering only 22,625
mi²,47 which dominates as the top avocado supplier – responsible for over 82%48 of the 2.9
million tons exported by Mexico in 2020,49 making up over 70% of the global avocado trade.
While avocado production is largely localized, its impact is felt worldwide. The global avocado
market was valued at over 9 billion U.S. dollars in 2021 and is expected to maintain its
impressive growth, with experts forecasting a value of over 20 billion U.S. dollars by 202650 –
solidifying its status as "green gold" in the agricultural sector.
But how did we get here? What exactly makes the avocado so popular? Is it the buttery
texture or its adaptability in various dishes, from guacamole to smoothies to avocado toast? Or
is it the broader economic and political forces that have shaped the avocado's trajectory?
50 Shahbandeh, M. 2023. "Avocados: global market value 2026." Statista.
https://www.statista.com/statistics/931183/global-avocado-market-value/.
49 USDA Foreign Agricultural Service. 2020. "Mexico: Avocado Annual." USDA Foreign Agricultural Service.
https://www.fas.usda.gov/data/mexico-avocado-annual-5.
48 Agronometrics. 2022. "Michoacán avocado exports grew by 25.2%." Agronometrics, October 25, 2022.
https://www.agronometrics.com/stories/Michoacán-avocado-exports-grew-by-25-2/.
47 INEGI. 2021. "México en Cifras." INEGI.
https://www.inegi.org.mx/app/areasgeograficas/default.aspx#collapse-Resumen.
46 Ilyas, Sarah. 2022. "Agronometrics in Charts: The advent of Hass Avocados from Jalisco." Agronometrics.
https://www.agronometrics.com/stories/agronometrics-in-charts-the-advent-of-hass-avocados-from-jalisco/.
26
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
This chapter provides a historical analysis of the avocado industry, combining its natural
history with social and institutional developments. I journey from pre-Columbian avocado
cultivation in Mexico to Michoacán's avocado empire's emergence post-NAFTA. I explore the
industry's inception in California, pivotal marketing eforts that drove demand, trade barrier
challenges, and the continuous attempts to present the fruit attractively for increased
marketability.
At the heart of the avocado's story lies the mechanisms by which "international" foods
cross borders to appear in local consumers' daily food choices. In this context, food choices and
eating habits are not just personal preferences but are shaped by broader cultural, economic,
and political forces. Popularity goes beyond questions of nutrition alone. The avocado’s appeal
is informed by its materiality – its unique lavor, versatility, and nutritional benets – as well as
by broader market institutions that have played a key role in its popularization. As Sidney
Mintz notes in his seminal work "Sweetness and Power," (1985), the ways in which "foods and
the ways to eat them are added to a diet or removed from it" can reveal signicant changes in
the global economy and consumer culture.51 In this sense, the avocado's transformation from
an "exotic", foreign fruit to a year-round staple in North America and Europe relects a broader
shift towards globalized food systems that prioritize convenience, taste, and nutrition over
local traditions and socio-ecological sustainability. The avocado's popularity may seem like an
obvious outcome of its many appealing features, but its arrival and popularization were
contingent on a variety of events, choices, and eforts by various actors within the industry.
51 Mintz, Sidney W. 1985. Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history. N.p.: Viking. 6.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3.1 The Materiality of the Resource Matters
Imagine the picturesque rolling hills of Michoacán, Mexico, where towering avocado
trees lourish, bearing an abundant harvest of fruit. Each year, these trees yield 200-300
avocados, carefully hand picked or harvested using clippers and poles. The avocados then
undergo cleaning, sorting, grading, and packaging at processing facilities before embarking on
a journey to distribution centers, where they are further sorted by size and quality.
Transportation plays a crucial role, with most avocados being shipped via sea or air freight.
Retailers also play an essential role in ensuring that these delicious fruits are properly stored,
displayed, and sold to consumers in grocery stores, supermarkets, and specialty food shops.
Finally, the journey of the avocado from the fertile lands of Michoacán ends in the hands of the
consumer, ready to be enjoyed in a variety of delectable dishes.
However, this seemingly straightforward picture of the farm-to-table supply chain story
belies the complex and multifaceted nature of the avocado industry. To gain a deeper
understanding of its rise to fame and its social and environmental implications, we must begin
by answering the seemingly obvious question of "What is an avocado?" By examining the
fundamental characteristics of this resource, we can gain a better understanding of its
ecological impact and the social and environmental implications of its production.
Political ecologists, such as Karen Bakker and Gavin Bridge (2006), have emphasized
the signicance of analyzing the specic nature of the resource at hand and how its materiality
shapes the social systems impacted by or beneting from it. Materiality, in this context, refers
to the physical and biological properties of natural resources that inform the social and
economic relations between human and non-human actors. These properties include the
physical attributes of the resource itself, such as size, weight, shape, texture, and chemical
composition, as well as the environmental conditions required for its production and the
technical infrastructure involved in its exploitation.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Other political ecologists have also highlighted the signicance of materiality in shaping
social systems and how they interact with and benet from the resource in question. For
instance, Mary Lawhon and James T. Murphy (2012) have suggested that the materiality of
nuclear and petroleum-based energy cannot be small-scale and local, given that their
development requires signicant capital investments and more centralized upper-scale control,
while wind and solar power can be invested in and controlled at the community scale, enabling
a more decentralized form of governance over energy use. In another example, the materiality
of genetically modied organisms (GMOs) shapes the rules and practices required for their
production and distribution. While GMO seeds can produce viable ofspring, contractual
agreements between farmers and seed companies often prohibit farmers from saving and
replanting seeds. This practice, combined with the potential variability in traits among
subsequent generations, encourages farmers to purchase new seeds annually. As a result, this
creates power imbalances and path dependencies, concentrating the control of seed access in
the hands of a few large corporations.52 These examples highlight how the physical and
biological properties of a resource can have signicant social and economic implications,
particularly in terms of who benets and who bears the costs.
Therefore, socio-material relations can create power imbalances and path
dependencies, which are crucial to understanding the socio-technical system within which the
avocado industry operates. By considering the materiality of the avocado and how it shapes
relationships between humans and non-humans, we can gain critical insights into the
industry's development and its environmental and social impacts. In other words, the material
properties of the avocado tree, the fruit it produces, and the ecological conditions necessary for
its cultivation are crucial determinants of the impact of the avocado industry and can provide
insights into its social and environmental challenges, opportunities, and power relations.
52 Lawhon, Mary, and James T. Murphy. "Socio-technical regimes and sustainability transitions: Insights from
political ecology." Progress in Human Geography, vol. 36, no. 3, 2012, pp. 354-378. SAGE Journals,
doi/pdf/10.1177/0309132511427960. Accessed 26 February 2022.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
The avocado is a member of the Lauraceae family, one of the oldest groups of
angiosperms53 – which includes over 2,500 species of trees and shrubs distributed throughout
the world's tropics and subtropics. There are eight main varieties of the fruit, which difer in
taste, texture, size, and shape, as well as the environmental conditions required for their
cultivation – these are Hass, Bacon, Fuerte, Gwen, Lamb Hass, Pinkerton, Reed, and Zutano.54
Mexico's avocado production is heavily focused on the Hass variety, which account for
97% of the three avocado types grown in the country (Hass, Criollo, and Fuerte). In 2021,
Mexico produced around 2.4 million metric tons of Hass avocados, representing 30% of the
global output and making it the largest producer. The planted area is constantly expanding at a
rate of 3% year-on-year, with Michoacán, Mexico's most productive state, accounting for 75% of
the national output and 81% of the overall production value.55
The Hass avocado originated in California, where Rudolph Hass, a postman and
self-taught horticulturist, grew a seedling of a Guatemalan avocado tree in his backyard during
the 1920s. Hass discovered that the fruit was extremely lavorful and had a longer shelf life than
other types, leading him to begin growing and selling the Hass avocado.
55 Wood, Laura. 2022. "Global Hass Avocado Market Report (2022 to 2027): Growth, Trends, COVID-19 Impact
and Forecasts - ResearchAndMarkets.com." Business Wire.
54 Each variety has its own unique genetic makeup, reflecting its evolution and adaptation to different ecological
niches over time. Namely, scientists have examined the genetic makeup of three distinct varieties of avocados:
Mexican, Guatemalan, and West Indian and discovered that they contain different versions of certain genes, which is
known as "haplotype" in genetic research. This finding implies that these avocado varieties were isolated from one
another for an extended period of time, likely due to geographic barriers such as mountains and oceans. However,
once humans began cultivating avocados for food, they rapidly disseminated them and domesticated them in various
ways, leading to the evolution of the different types of avocados we know today. This process of domestication and
diffusion has contributed to the incredible genetic diversity of avocados, as well as to the complex social and
environmental relationships that surround their production and consumption.
Sourced from: Galindo, María, and Amaury Arzate-Fernández. "Consideraciones sobre el origen y primera
dispersión del aguacate (Persea americana, Lauraceae)." Cuadernos de Biodiversidad, vol. 33, no. 11, 2010, pp.
11-15, 10.14198/cdbio.2010.33.02.
53 Angiosperms are a group of flowering plants that produce seeds encased within a fruit. They are one of the most
diverse groups of land plants and include many economically important crops such as the avocado; a single-seeded
fruit with a fleshy edible mesocarp.
Sourced from: Allaby, Michael, editor. A Dictionary of Plant Sciences. 2 ed., Oxford University Press, 2006. Oxford
Reference.
30
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Gradually gaining popularity, the Hass received a patent in 1935,56 and in the 1970s and
1980s, its cultivation expanded internationally – notably to Chile and Mexico. Today, the Hass
avocado dominates the global avocado market, accounting for more than 80% of global
production.57 The Hass avocado is preferred by consumers over other varieties, such as the
Creole and Fuerte, because it has a higher oil content and a creamier, smoother texture – which
is a result of its genetic makeup and cultivation conditions. The ideal environmental
requirements for growing the Hass avocado include warm weather, a semi-humid climate, and
well-drained soil. This has restricted avocado production to regions with biogeography similar
to that of Mexico, such as Chile, Peru, California, and South Africa. However, the growing
demand for avocados has led to their cultivation in new areas, including Israel, Spain, and
Colombia.58
As previously mentioned, in Mexico, the majority of Hass production occurs in the state
of Michoacán. Through this research, Michoacán plays a crucial role as the origin of the
agrarian change brought about by the avocado industry, which has had a signicant localized
impact despite being informed by largely globalized processes. The following chapters will
explore how the globalization of the avocado industry has afected this region. It is therefore
vital to understand the link between the materiality of the avocado fruit and the biogeographic
history of Michoacán, as this explains the relationship between the two and why Michoacán has
become the world's avocado capital.
Avocado cultivation can be challenging due to the specic climate conditions required,
but the combination of rich soils, natural irrigation, and unique topography in Michoacán has
created an ideal environment for avocado trees. Located in the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt,
which includes the Michoacán–Guanajuato volcanic eld, the region's volcanic soil is rich in
minerals and nutrients essential for avocado trees' growth – such as phosphorus and
potassium.
58 IPG. 2019. "Overview Global Avocado Market – International Produce Group." International Produce Group.
https://internationalproducegroup.com/overview-global-avocado-market-2/.
57 Business Wire. 2022. "Global Hass Avocado Market Report (2022 to 2027) - Growth, Trends, COVID-19 Impact
and Forecasts" Business Wire.
56 Shepherd, John, and Gary Bender Ph.D. 2001. "A History of the Avocado Industry in California." California
Avocado Society Yearbook (85): 36-37.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Additionally, the volcanic activity creates well-draining soil, which is crucial for healthy
root development and water retention. Nevertheless, volcanic terrains in the region are
relatively young and result in shallow soils. As a result, avocado roots have adapted to these
conditions by growing horizontally, allowing them to access a larger area of soil and absorb
nutrients more eciently. This adaptation has contributed to the expansion of the avocado
industry in the region. However, it also informs some of the most signicant environmental
impacts of commercial-scale avocado production, such as soil erosion and land run-ofs.
Horizontal roots tend to create weaker root systems than vertical roots, which can lead to
reduced stability and increased soil erosion. Additionally, because more than 80% of Michoacán
is mountainous terrain59, commercial-scale avocado orchards often require mountain
deforestation to clear land for planting, which can exacerbate soil erosion and increase the risk
of landslides during heavy rains.
In this regard, the mountainous terrain surrounding Michoacán greatly impacts the
region's microclimate, by ofering protection from strong winds and cold temperatures,
creating a warm and semi-humid climate ideal for avocado trees. The optimal temperature for
Hass avocado growth is between 18°C and 30°C, with temperatures above 35°C being
detrimental to growth.60 Michoacán's warm climate, with an average temperature of 22.6°C, is
suitable for these requirements.61
61INEGI. n.d. "Clima. Michoacán de Ocampo." Cuentame INEGI. Accessed March 10, 2023.
https://cuentame.inegi.org.mx/monografias/informacion/mich/territorio/clima.aspx?tema=me&e=16.
60 Alfonso Bartoli, José Angel, FINTRAC, and Entrenamiento y Desarrollo de Agricultores. 2008. "Manual técnico
del cultivo del aguacate Hass (Persea americana L.)." Centro de Comunicación Agrícola de la Fundación Hondureña
de Investigación Agrícola (FHIA), 1-48. https://www.avocadosource.com/books/AlfonsoJose2008.pdf. 6.
59 The Transversal Neovolcanic Axis covers 26,956 km2, representing 46% of Michoacán's territory, while the Sierra
Madre del Sur province extends over 31,643 km2, comprising 54% of the state's area.
Sourced from: Gopar-Merino, Luis Fernando, and Alejandro Velázquez. 2016. "Componentes del Paisaje como
Predictores de Cubiertas de Vegetación: Estudio de Caso del Estado de Michoacán, México." Investigaciones
Geográficas 90 (August). https://doi.org/10.14350/rig.46688.
32
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
The region also has adequate precipitation levels, with average annual rainfall ranging
from 700 to 2,200 mm,62 which helps to partially sustain the avocado trees throughout the year.
The majority of avocado orchards in Michoacán are located in Uruapan, which receives around
64 inches of precipitation annually. This rainfall feeds rivers and lakes that are redirected
through pipes to provide irrigation to 63% of avocado orchards in the state, while the
remaining use articial drip irrigation.63
In addition to rainfall, the altitude of the volcanic mountains in the region provides
natural shading for avocado trees, reducing sun exposure and preventing damage to the fruit.
Most of this "shading" is provided by the forest cover that surrounds the orchards, as over
69.9% of Michoacán is covered by pine and oak forests (2014).64 This forest cover also helps to
help retain moisture, regulate temperature and prevent soil erosion, which – as I have
previously noted, is a signicant concern due to the horizontal root system of avocados.
Paradoxically, the expansion of avocado orchards has led to deforestation in some parts of
Michoacán, as farmers clear land to plant more avocado trees. Therefore, the same forests that
provide natural benets to avocado growth are being destroyed, which could lead to a decline in
the quality and quantity of avocado production. As a result, the future of the avocado industry is
intimately tied to the conservation of the forests that it has contributed to destroying.
Moreover, the combination of Michoacán's climate and mountainous terrain enables
avocado growers to operate 42,000 orchards at diferent elevations, ranging from 2,000 to
10,000 feet, across various microclimates. As a result, the state has four overlapping bloom
seasons: Loca (June to September), Aventajada (August to October), Normal (September to
February), and Marzena (March to June).65
65 Rocha-Arroyo, José Luis, Samuel Salazar-García, Ana E. Bárcenas-Ortega, Isidro J. L. González-Durán, and Luis
E. Cossio-Vargas. 2011. "Fenología del aguacate 'Hass' en Michoacán." Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Agrícolas 2,
no. 3 (May-June): 303-316. https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=263119714001.
64 CONAFOR. 2021. "Programa Operativo Estatal de Sanidad Forestal: Resultados 2021 y Avances 2022."
http://sivicoff.cnf.gob.mx/ContenidoPublico/02%20Informes%20de%20acciones%20operativas/DiagnosticosEstatal
es/2022/Michoacán.pdf. 6.
63 USDA. 2021. "Avocado Annual Report." In Report Number: MX2021-0060.
chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://apps.fas.usda.gov/newgainapi/api/Report/Download
ReportByFileName?fileName=Avocado%20Annual_Mexico%20City_Mexico_12-01-2021.pdf.
62 IMPLAN: Instituto Municipal de Planeación. 2022. "D3.303 Clima." 187-190.
https://implanuruapan.gob.mx/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/II.D3.303-Clima.pdf.
33
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
After maturity, the fruit can remain on the tree for up to six months depending on the
elevation's climate, giving growers ample time for harvesting. This enables the fruit to grow
year-round in diferent temperatures, ensuring a consistent supply for exports. This feature has
likely played a role in the trade architecture of this globalized food item, making Michoacán the
production center for avocados.
Altogether, Michoacán biogeographic conditions result in a Hass avocado variety with a
thicker skin, delicate lavor, and creamier texture compared to other varieties grown elsewhere.
These characteristics possibly inspired the famous "Always Good" slogan for Avocados From
Mexico.66 Additionally, the Hass avocado has a longer shelf life than other avocado types,
making it more attractive to consumers. Its skin also turns dark as it ripens, which is unlike
other varieties that remain green or black, making it easier to determine when the fruit is ready
to eat. The hard shell of the Hass avocado is also easier to remove than other types, and its
"natural packaging" makes transportation and storage through the supply chain more
convenient.
In conclusion, the materiality of the avocado fruit is crucial to understanding the social
and environmental implications of the industry. The physical and biological properties of
natural resources shape the social and economic relations between human and non-human
actors, highlighting the signicance of understanding the biogeographic history of Michoacán
and the ecological impact of avocado cultivation. The next section will delve into the history of
the avocado industry, focusing on the globalization of the avocado and how it has shaped the
agribusiness and the people of Michoacán. By examining the history and materiality of the
avocado, we can gain critical insights into the industry's development and its environmental
and social impacts.
66 Avocados From Mexico. 2023. Avocados From Mexico. https://avocadosfrommexico.com/.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3.2 The Pre-Columbian Roots of Avocado Cultivation in Mexico
The world's obsession with avocados is undeniable, but how did this fruit come to
capture the hearts and stomachs – and instagram feeds – of so many? To understand the
avocado's rise to fame, we must delve into its origins in pre-columbian Mexico, where it has a
long history spanning over 10,000 years. The Tehuacán region of Puebla is home to the oldest
remains of the species Persea americana Mill, dating back to 8,000-7,000 B.C., which were
discovered in a cave in Coxcatlán.67 The avocado was deeply intertwined with the Mexica
culture, which was part of the Aztec empire. In fact, its name "avocado" has its roots in the
Náhuatl68 language, with the word "āhuacatl" which translates to "testicle,"69 possibly alluding
to the fruit's shape and the way it grows in clusters, or the Aztec belief in the fruit's aphrodisiac
qualities.70
In addition to the physical remains and etymological origins, there is ample evidence
that highlights the cultural importance of avocados in Mesoamerica.71 Glyphs representing
Ahuacatlán, a city known for its abundance of avocados, were featured in the 16th-century
Codex Mendoza72, a manuscript painted by an Aztec artist known as Tlacuilo. According to the
Codex, the avocado was also utilized as a form of tribute or payment by the Mexica, which
implies that it held signicant value in Mesoamerican cultures during that period.73
73 Landero-Torres, Ivonne, Nisao Ogata-Aguilar, María Elena Galindo-Tovar, and Amaury M. Arzate-Fernández.
2007. "The Avocado (Persea Americana, Lauraceae) Crop in Mesoamerica: 10,000 Years of History." Harvard
Papers in Botany 12, no. 2 (December): 325-334. https://doi.org/10.3100/1043-4534.
72 The Codex Mendoza is a 16th-century manuscript that provides a detailed account of Aztec life, including their
customs, religious beliefs, social structure, economic practices, and political organization. It is also notable for its
detailed illustrations, depicting scenes of warfare, religious ceremonies, and daily activities. Today, it is housed in
the Bodleian Library at the University of Oxford and is considered one of the most important surviving Aztec
manuscripts.
71 Mesoamerica is a region in the Americas that includes parts of present-day Mexico and Central America. It is
known for its rich cultural history, including the development of complex civilizations such as the Aztecs and Maya.
70 Villanueva, M., and S. Verti. 2007. "Libro: El Aguacate: Oro Verde De México, Orgullo De Michoacán." ISBN No
978-956-17-0413-8., Viña Del Mar, Chile: Proceedings VI World Avocado Congress (Actas VI Congreso Mundial
del Aguacate). 3.
69 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México and INAH. 2012. "Gran Diccionario Náhuatl, Paleografía:
AHUACATL." Gran Diccionario Náhuatl. http://www.gdn.unam.mx.
68 Náhuatl is a language spoken by the Nahua people, who are indigenous to Mexico and Central America. It was the
language of the Aztec empire and continues to be spoken by some communities in Mexico today.
67 Sánchez Colín, Salvador, Pedro Mijares Oviedo, Luis López-López, and Alejandro F. Barrientos-Priego. 2001.
Historia del aguacate en México, Memoria: Informe Anual. México: Centro de Investigaciones Científicas y
Tecnológicas del Aguacate del Estado de México (CICTAMEX).
35
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Additionally, the Mayan Haab calendar, created around 800-300 B.C., included a glyph
representing the avocado in its fourteenth month, which was related to seasonal and
agricultural events. The avocado is also depicted in the tomb of the Mayan ruler King Pakal,
where the tree is shown behind a female gure.74 In an Aztec legend, the avocado appears as a
tree that a man was transformed into as punishment for disobeying the gods.75 Therefore, the
avocado was highly valued and held great relevance in Mesoamerican cultures, as evidenced by
its use as a tribute payment, depiction in pre-columbian documents, and inclusion in myths
and legends.
The earliest recorded mention of avocados by non-indigenous people dates back to the
early 16th century when Spanish conquistadors encountered the fruit during their exploration
of the so-called "New World".76 In 1554, the historian Francisco Cervantes de Salazar made a
record of avocados being commonly sold in the markets of Tenochtitlan.77 The Aztecs believed
that avocado aided digestion and generated natural heat, and its pit was used to make oil and
butter. Other Spanish Conquistadores, such as Martin Fernandez de Enciso (1519), Gonzalo
Fernandez de Oviedo (1526), and Pedro de Cieza de Leon (1550), reported that avocados were
widely cultivated across a vast area from northern Mexico to northwestern South America and
the Andean region of Venezuela.78
78 Zentmyer, GA, E. Schieber, and W. Popenoe. 1987. "Early history of the avocado during the time of the
Conquistadores." South African Avocado Growers' Association Yearbook 10 (Proceedings of the First World
Avocado Congress): 11-12.
77 Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco. 2011. "Volumen I." In Crónica de la Nueva España I, 480.
76 According to Tomas Ayala Silva and Noris Ledesma (2017), the earliest known written account of avocado in
Europe is that of Martín Fernández de Enciso (c.1470–c.1528) in 1518 or in Suma De Geographia Que Trata De
Todas Las Partidas Y Provincias Del Mundo in 1519. The first written record of the word 'avocado' in English was
by Hans Sloane in a 1696 index of Jamaican plants. It is likely that the avocado was introduced to Spain in the early
1600s by the conquistadors, as there are documents that mention the tree in the Botanical Garden of Valencia and
some orchards in the province of Malaga in 1770. Additionally, affluent families and Indian traders transported
avocado trees to Spain during the 18th and 19th centuries, primarily to provide shade in their gardens. These trees
eventually spread worldwide.
Sourced from: Ayala Silva, Tomas, and Noris Ledesma. 2014. "Sustainable Horticultural Systems: Avocado History,
Biodiversity and Production." In Sustainable Development and Biodiversity, 157–205. Vol. 2. Miami, FL: Springer
International Publishing Switzerland. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06904-3_8.
75 Uhrová, Lucia. 2021. El Simbolismo Del Aguacate Como Planta Cultural a Través de los Tiempos y en Diversos
Entornos Culturales: Desde la Mesoamérica Precolombina Hasta la República Checa Contemporánea, Premio
Iberoamericano. Embajada de México en la República Checa: Universidad de Masaryk. 9-10.
74 Arzate-Fernández, AM, and ME Galindo-Tovar. 2010. "West Indian Avocado: Where Did It Originate?"
International Journal Of Experimental Botany Phyton 79:203-207. ISSN 0031 9457. 205.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
These historical accounts provide an intriguing glimpse into the early history of avocado
cultivation in Latin America, including its introduction to Peru shortly before the Spanish
conquest. Avocados, along with other Mexican fruits and vegetables like corn and chili, were
introduced to the world shortly after by the Spaniards during colonial times. However, despite
their long standing presence, Mexico did not begin exporting signicant quantities of avocados
until the early 20th century, when it began exporting them to the United States.
37
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3.3 California Dreamin': The Birth of the Avocado Industry in the US
The avocado industry's rst substantial expansion started in 1911 after the "Fuerte"
variety was introduced to California from Atlixco, Puebla, Mexico.79 However, there is a lack of
information regarding the fruit's history in the two decades that follow – between 1911 and 1927,
likely due to the Mexican Revolution, a period of armed conlict that occurred in Mexico during
those years (1910-1920).
To date, no research has been conducted to establish the impact of the Mexican
Revolution on the growing avocado industry in North America during that time. However, it is
likely that the revolution had an efect on the industry's growth, as the upheaval forced a
signicant number of Mexican farmers to migrate to the United States – especially to
California.80 Unfortunately, many of these migrants were undocumented, making it dicult to
provide exact numerical examples. Nonetheless, it is estimated that approximately one million
Mexican immigrants arrived in the United States between 1900 and 1930, with many of them
seeking new opportunities in agriculture.81 The migration of these experienced Mexican
farmers may have played a role in the formation of the California Ahuacate Association
(hereinafter CAA) in 1915 – which would later become the California Avocado Association.82
Their knowledge and expertise in avocado cultivation would have undoubtedly been an asset in
establishing the industry in California, which was beginning to experience a surge in demand
for avocados.
In this sense, the CAA played a pivotal role in the growth and development of the
avocado industry in the United States by providing a platform for farmers to share resources
and knowledge, and helping to establish marketing and distribution channels for the fruit.
82 Shepherd, John, and Gary Bender Ph.D. 2001. "A History of the Avocado Industry in California." California
Avocado Society Yearbook (85): 33.
81 Gutiérrez, Ramón. 2019. "Mexican Immigration to the United States." Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American
History, (July). https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.146.
80 Henderson, Timothy J. 2011. Beyond Borders: A History of Mexican Migration to the United States. Vol. 17. N.p.:
John Wiley & Sons. 25.
79 Ornela, J. de Jesús, and Elhadi M. Yahia. 2002. "El aguacate en México." Horticultura Internacional 38:76-85.
ISSN 1134-4881. 79.
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Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Through its eforts, the association heightened awareness and demand for avocados, leading to
their widespread popularity not only in the United States but also beyond.
However, the road to success was not without obstacles. Initially, avocado farmers in
California faced a signicant challenge as the fruit had an unappealing name and appearance,
having been primarily used as an ornamental plant. The long-used moniker "Alligator Pear"83
did not exactly conjure up an appetite in potential customers. The bumpy, green skin of the
avocado bore a resemblance to the scaly skin of a large, carnivorous reptile, creating an
unappetizing association in the minds of consumers who were unfamiliar with the fruit.
Consequently, Californian farmers realized that they needed to rebrand the fruit to increase its
appeal. They formed a marketing coalition named the California Avocado Growers Exchange
(1924) to change the name of the fruit to "calavo", later adopting the term "avocado"84 – giving
it a fresh commercial image as a luxury item. This rebranding efort was a pivotal factor in the
success of avocado production and consumption in California during the following decades.
As anthropologist Sidney Mintz has pointed out, when "unfamiliar" foods enter new
places, they take on new meanings and are incorporated into pre-existing social contexts85. In
the case of avocados, their traditional consumption in Mexico was vastly diferent from how
they started to be consumed in the United States – where they were sold as luxury items due to
their rarity and high prices. Advertisements in publications like Vogue and The New Yorker
during the 1920s declared the avocado as the "aristocrat of salad fruits," (Figure 1) and famous
chefs were hired to serve it to wealthy customers in dishes like grapefruit-avocado mix and
lobster-stufed avocado.86
86 Rude, Emelyn. "Avocado Cost Changed How Americans Eat the Green Fruit" TIME, 27 June 2017,
https://time.com/4832655/avocado-american-history/. Accessed 3 March 2023.
85 Mintz, Sidney W. 1985. Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history. N.p.: Viking. 6.
84 When deciding on a name for the fruit, the California Avocado Association (CAA) members took into account
that Florida growers referred to it as "avocado," a name initially used by the USDA. The CAA determined that the
California version of the fruit was superior and deserved a unique name. Therefore, the California Avocado Growers
Exchange purchased a warehouse and packing facility in Vernon, California, and began selling their product under
the name Calavo in 1926.
83Street, Richard S. 1979. "Marketing California Crops At the Turn of the Century." Southern California Quarterly
61 (3): 239–253. https://doi.org/10.2307/41170829. 248.
39
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
The rebranding of the avocado as a luxury good in the US in the 1920s can be seen as a
manifestation of commodity fetishism, a concept introduced by Karl Marx in 1867.87
Commodity fetishism refers to the way in which commodities take on a kind of life of their
own, independent of the human labor that produces them. Namely, commodity fetishism
occurs when the value of a product is attributed to its exchange value which serves to conceal
the labor that went into its production.88 This results in a situation where commodities are
treated as though they have inherent value, independent of the social relations that created
them. In the case of the avocado, the rebranding as a luxury good created an idea of its value
that went beyond the labor necessary to produce it: the avocado became an object of desire and
social status, rather than just a product of human labor.
Understanding commodity fetishism is crucial for continuing the analysis of the history
of the rise of the avocado and its impact today, because by recognizing the social relations that
underpin the production of commodities, we can better understand the inequalities and power
imbalances that exist within the global avocado industry. The majority of avocados are
produced in developing countries – beyond Mexico–, where labor standards and environmental
regulations are often lax, and workers are paid low wages. This creates a situation where
consumers can enjoy the benets of this global trade without having to confront the social and
environmental costs involved in the production of this commodity.
From the 1920s onward, the avocado continued to rise in popularity, gradually
diminishing its 'cachet' as a luxury delicacy to establish itself as a staple of a progressively
globalized food system.
88 Billig, Michael. 1999. "Commodity Fetishism and Repression: Reflections on Marx, Freud and the Psychology of
Consumer Capitalism." Theory & Psychology 9 (3): 313–329. https://doi.org/10.1177/0959354399093003.
87 Marx, Karl. [1867] 1990. "Chapter One: Commodities. Section 4: The Fetishism of Commodities and The Secret
Thereof." In Capital Volume One, Part I: Commodities and Money, transcribed by Bert Schultz, 1-10. N.p.: Stanford
University.
40
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Figure 3. During the 1920s, the California Avocado Society ran advertisements in popular
magazines like "Vogue" and "The New Yorker," promoting avocados as the "aristocrat of salad
fruits." 89 Extracted from TIME Magazine, 2017.
With the neoclassical market forces of supply and demand at play, the avocado industry
experienced a surge in production and a drop in prices, plummeting from $1 (the equivalent of
roughly $24 today) to 25 cents per fruit in the 1950s.90 This development garnered the attention
of North American consumers, propelling the avocado into the spotlight. Along with this
boom, a multitude of new avocado varieties were introduced, including the Hass, Fuerte,
Bacón, Rincón, Zutano, and Mexican-bred Criollos, which were widely cultivated throughout
the 50s, 60s, and 70s.
90 Ash, Andy. 2021. "Avocados Require Costly Resources and Labors to Grow." Business Insider, May 5, 2021.
89 Rude, Emelyn. "Avocado Cost Changed How Americans Eat the Green Fruit | Time." TIME, 27 June 2017,
https://time.com/4832655/avocado-american-history/. Accessed 3 March 2023.
41
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
By the 1970s, the Hass avocado had become the dominant variety in California and
began to spread throughout the world. Today, the Hass avocado retains market control,
accounting for over 80% of the world’s avocados.91
Food historian Emelyn Rude sheds light on another contributing factor to the avocado's
rise in popularity in the 20th century: the growing inlux of Latin American immigrants into the
United States after the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act.92 Rude suggests
that given that avocados are indigenous to Central and South America and are an integral
component of the cuisine of these regions, immigrants from countries such as Mexico,
Guatemala, and Honduras brought with them a strong cultural anity for the fruit upon their
arrival in the United States.93 This trend is relected in the ndings of the Hass Avocado Board,
which in 2022 reported that while 90% of Hispanic Americans consume avocados, only 50% of
the general population shares this preference.94 It should be noted, however, that while cultural
heritage and food preferences are often closely intertwined, these factors are complex and
multifaceted and should be approached with sensitivity and nuance: it is important to avoid
broad generalizations and acknowledge that cultural preferences are diverse and multifaceted.
Other factors, such as changing dietary trends, marketing eforts, and the rise of global food
culture, played a dening role in shaping the popularity of the fruit – as suggested previously in
this chapter.
In response to the upsurge in national and international demand, Mexico opened more
operations for avocado exports, and in the 1980s, Mission Produce, based in California,
established the rst packing plant in Uruapan.95 However, the 1980s were also marked by a
nutritional trend that hindered the popularity of avocados: low-fat craze.
95 Larmer, Brook. 2018. "How the Avocado Became the Fruit of Global Trade (Published 2018)." The New York
Times, March 27, 2018.
94 The Hass Avocado Board and Cooper Roberts Research. 2022. "Avocados Consumer Tracking 2022: Segment
Report." The Hass Avocado Board.
93 Rude, Emelyn. "Avocado Cost Changed How Americans Eat the Green Fruit | Time." TIME, 27 June 2017,
https://time.com/4832655/avocado-american-history/. Accessed 3 March 2023.
92 The 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act abolished the discriminatory national origins quota system and
established a preference system based on family ties and skills. It allowed for increased immigration from Asia,
Africa, and Latin America and granted visas to refugees fleeing persecution.
91 Handwerk, Brian. 2017. "Holy Guacamole: How the Hass Avocado Conquered the World." Smithsonian
Magazine, July 28, 2017.
https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/holy-guacamole-how-hass-avocado-conquered-world-180964250/.
42
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
The low-fat craze of the 1980s was a widespread movement that promoted the
consumption of low-fat foods as a means of preventing heart disease and obesity. This trend
was largely inluenced by a 1984 report by the National Cholesterol Education Program, which
recommended limiting dietary fat to less than 30% of daily caloric intake.96 As a result, many
food manufacturers began to market low-fat or fat-free versions of their products, and
consumers began to seek out these options in order to adhere to the new dietary guidelines.
This movement had a negative impact on the avocado market, as avocados are a high-fat food,
with over 67% of their total fat being monounsaturated.97 Therefore, many people who were
trying to follow a low-fat diet started to avoid avocados because they believed that the fat
content would be harmful to their health.
Despite its many challenges, the low-fat trend also posed an opportunity for the avocado
industry to reshape their image and capitalize on the fruit's health benets. The CAA invested
signicant time and resources into establishing a lobby to conduct scientic studies and create
advertisements to highlight the health benets of avocados. To assist in this transformation,
they hired a prominent PR agency, Hill & Knowlton. The agency introduced a character named
"Mr. Ripe" in 1992 to represent the "healthy lifestyle and wellness ethos" associated with
California.98 Mr. Ripe aimed to educate the public on how to properly enjoy avocados once they
were ripe, as most varieties, with the exception of Hass, maintain a green skin through the
ripening process.
98 Khazan, Olga. 2015. "The Selling of the Avocado." The Atlantic, January 31, 2015.
https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2015/01/the-selling-of-the-avocado/385047/.
97 "Avocados | The Nutrition Source | Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health." 2022. Harvard T.H. Chan School
of Public Health. https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/nutritionsource/avocados/.
96 La Berge, Ann F. 2008. "How the Ideology of Low Fat Conquered America." Journal of the History of Medicine
and Allied Sciences 63, no. 2 (April): 139–177. https://doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jrn001.
43
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Figure 4. In 1995, CAC announced a marketing campaign to search for Ms. Ripe as a companion
for Mr. Ripe Guy. The target contestants were women who embodied the "California lifestyle of
good health and healthy eating."99 Extracted from The Rice Thresher, 1995.
This shift in focus towards public relations marked a signicant turning point for the
avocado industry, resulting in a renewed demand for the fruit and the creation of new markets
for avocado-based products. However, it was the signing of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (hereinafter NAFTA) between the United States, Mexico, and Canada in 1994 that
truly changed the game for the avocado agribusiness.
99 The Rice Thresher. 1995. "The Rice Thresher," Image. In Searching for Ms. Ripe, Page: 19 of 20. Vol. 82, No. 25,
Ed. 1 ed. N.p.: The Portal to Texas History by the Rice University: Woodson Research Center. Texas Digital
Newspaper Program. https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth246510/m1/19/.
44
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3.4 NAFTA and the Rise of Michoacán's Avocado Empire
Before NAFTA, the United States had banned imports of avocados from Mexico since
1914100 due to concerns over pests and diseases. Specically, the United States Department of
Agriculture (hereinafter USDA) imposed the ban after discovering the presence of the
Mediterranean fruit ly in Mexican avocados.101 The ban remained in place for many years, with
occasional brief lifts until the 1990s – when it was nally overturned.
The process of overturning the ban began in 1987 when the Mexican government
launched a campaign to convince the USDA that their avocados were safe for export. They
worked closely with the USDA to establish a program to monitor and control fruit lies in the
region of Michoacán102, which is the main region for avocado production in Mexico due to its
fertile volcanic soils and temperate climate. This cooperative surveying was followed by the
signing of NAFTA, which played a crucial role in the United States' decision to allow the import
of Mexican avocados despite the opposition from domestic growers who feared cheaper
competition.
The agreement, which was implemented in 1994, enabled the US to export corn and
other agricultural products to Mexico, and the Mexican government sought export
arrangements that could help balance trade between the two countries. Avocados were selected
as a potential product for this purpose, opening the door for their importation into the US.103
Finally, in 1997, the Mexican government and the USDA signed an agreement to allow Mexican
avocados to be exported to the United States, but only from a limited area in Michoacán that
had been certied as free of fruit lies.104
104 Groves, Martha. 1997. "U.S. Lifts Ban on Avocados From Mexico." Los Angeles Times, February 1, 1997.
https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-02-01-fi-24310-story.html.
103 Miller, Jeffrey. 2022. "How Mexico's Lucrative Avocado Industry Found Itself Smack in the Middle of
Gangland." Colorado State University News.
102 In 1973, avocado surveys were carried out in the State of Michoacán, while in 1976 surveys were conducted in
the States of Nayarit and Sinaloa, followed by two more surveys in Sinaloa in 1977. The following year, surveys
were conducted in Sinaloa, Southern Sonora, and the Territory of Baja California Sur.
101 Bellamore, Tom. 2002. "Mexican Avocados: History." California Avocado Society Yearbook 86:51-71. 51.
100 Prior to 1914, the majority of avocado exports were shipped to European nations, specifically France, with a
smaller proportion being sent to Canada and Japan. During the 1996-97 cycle, for instance, roughly 50% of the
exported avocados were directed towards France, whereas Canada and Japan received 20% and 11% of the total
volume, respectively.
45
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Despite the fact that other regions in Mexico have tried to export avocados to the United
States, Michoacán remained the only region allowed to do so for nearly three decades105 due to
its adherence to the protocols established by the USDA. These circumstances helped
Michoacán establish itself as the world's avocado capital, producing over 5.5 billion pounds of
the fruit each year – which account for approximately 44% of the world's total avocado
production and over 80% of the avocados bought in the US.106
As evidenced here, the increase in availability and lower trade costs provided by NAFTA
created an opportunity for the avocado industry to promote Mexican-exported fruit in the US
market. In the 1990s, the avocado industry intensied its marketing campaigns, this time
aiming at increasing the consumption of Mexican avocados in the US. During this period, one
of the most successful campaigns was the creation of the "Guacamole Bowl" in 1997, which
would change the industry forever.
106 Descalsota, Marielle. 2022. "Inside Michoacán, Mexico's Biggest Avocado-Producing Region." Insider.
https://www.insider.com/Michoacán-mexico-biggest-avocado-producing-region-photos-2022-2.
105 Last August 2022, the state of Jalisco also received USDA approval to export avocados to the United States.
46
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
3.5 The Game Changers: The Super Bowl and "Avocados from Mexico"
The Super Bowl107 is one of the biggest sporting events in the world, with over 113
million viewers in the United States in 2023 alone.108 Over time, certain 'traditions' have
emerged surrounding the event, including the choice of food that fans typically consume while
watching the game. A big favorite: the guacamole. The avocado industry's presence at the Super
Bowl began in 1997 when the CAA launched its "Guacamole Bowl" campaign, which featured
NFL players and their families, who were tasked with creating their own signature guacamole
recipes using fresh avocados.109 The resulting publicity helped cement guacamole's status as a
Super Bowl staple and further increased the fruit's popularity. Namely, between 1997 and 2006,
volumes shipped to the US increased by 1788%.110
In the same year – in July of 1997, the Asociación de Productores y Empacadores
Exportadores de Aguacate de Michoacán A.C. (hereinafter APEAM) was established as a result of
the increasing demand for avocados from Mexico. APEAM set a requirement for avocado
producers and companies to be members of this association and pay a membership fee to be
authorized to export to the US. 111 In this way, the establishment of APEAM served to fortify the
Mexican avocado market, and by 2005, Mexican producers had gained entry into all 50 states,
despite California being the sole domestic producer within the United States. The popularity of
guacamole and the immense success of the Mexican avocado prompted APEAM to collaborate
with the US Mexican Hass Avocado Importers Association in 2013, culminating in the inception
of the Avocados From Mexico advertising brand. The brand was registered under the Hass
Avocado Promotion Research and Information Order with the aim of fostering a greater demand
for Mexican avocados in the US.112
112 "Avocados from Mexico." 2022. APEAM. https://www.apeamac.com/avocados-from-mexico/?lang=es.
111 Echánove Huacuja, Flavia. 2008. "Abriendo fronteras: el auge exportador del aguacate mexicano a Estados
Unidos." Anales de Geografía de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid 28 (1): 15.
https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/AGUC/article/view/AGUC0808110009A.
110 Echánove Huacuja, Flavia. 2008. "Abriendo fronteras: el auge exportador del aguacate mexicano a Estados
Unidos." Anales de Geografía de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid 28 (1): 11.
https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/AGUC/article/view/AGUC0808110009A.
109 CBC Radio. 2018. "How the Super Bowl Saved the Avocado." CBC, February 5, 2018.
https://www.cbc.ca/radio/undertheinfluence/how-the-super-bowl-saved-the-avocado-1.4513613.
108 Stoll, Julia. 2023. "Super Bowl TV Viewership 2023." Statista.
107 The Super Bowl is the annual championship game of the United States National Football League.
47
Green Gold: The Avocado Agribusiness in Mexico
Since its inception, Avocados From Mexico has continued to leverage the Super Bowl as a
powerful marketing platform. Notably, it was the rst agricultural brand to invest in a TV
commercial113 during the 2015 Super Bowl, which is the priciest advertising slot in the US
market – with a 30-second spot costing approximately US $6.5 million.114 Despite the high cost,
the advertising campaigns have proven to be efective, with studies indicating a signicant
increase in avocado consumption during the Super Bowl.115
In this regard, APEAM identies January and February as the most crucial months for
avocado exports and sales due to the high demand generated by the sporting event. In 2023, for
instance, the event was supplied with 130,000 tons of Mexican avocados, which equates to
nearly 80% of all avocados consumed during the rst ve weeks of the year.116 To put this into
perspective, in 2018, the BBC reported that a truckload of avocados departed from Michoacán
every 8 minutes during the winter months leading up to the Super Bowl to meet the high