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Resistance to Extractivism‐Induced Water Insecurity. Does Gender Have a Role in It? A Systematic Scoping Review
Abstract
Extractivist practices threaten water security and with it, people's health and livelihoods. Numerous communities around the world are engaged in the strenuous work of resistance against mining. Through our previous research, we matured a sense that women are a major force behind organizing for water security, particularly because they often refer to an embodied sense of urgency to act against ongoing extractivism to preserve their waters and territories. Yet, a systematic assessment of the state of knowledge at the intersection of extractivism, water, resistance and gender is still missing. Thus, the goal of this article is to provide an overview, through a systematic scoping review, of the existing anglophone scientific literature focusing on water insecurity due to extractivism and its consequent community resistance, with a particular focus on gender. We identify 30 articles with only six explicitly referring to gender. All studies have in common the understanding that water insecurity is a manmade problem, particularly due to extractivism. Resistance is a great revelator of politics, and this systematic scoping review shows that dynamics of depletion and sacrifice zones—both in environmental and human terms—cannot be understood without considering gender and intersectional relations. Yet, an explicit focus on gender as an analytical lens of water and extractivism is still lacking in the literature. Importantly, this systematic scoping review shows similarities across case studies emphasizing the need to interrogate the transnationality of these phenomena.
Over the past two decades, ‘waterscape’ and ‘hydrosocial territory’ have gained momentum in political ecologies of water. These concepts explore the material outcomes of the interplay of social and biophysical processes by building on two different core concepts of geography (‘landscape’ and ‘territory’). Relying on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus comprising 113 articles (1999–2019), this paper investigates the commonalities and divergences in the spatialities of water that these concepts convey. We show that the two concepts delineate two close but nevertheless different analytical threads with regard to water-related spatialities. Yet, the use of the concepts waterscape or hydrosocial territory does not directly result from a theorisation of space that would be specific to different spatial contexts, but rather from what is studied in these spaces, that is, the socio-spatial inequalities or injustices that characterise them, and the transformations – either radical or incremental – that shape them.
Colombia's economy largely relies on an extractivist logic that increasingly focuses on industrial mineral extraction. The industry is regularly depicted as a means to bring economic development, to severe the ties of illegally armed groups to mineral extraction, and to bring peace and prosperity to mining regions in a period of macro-political transition. Yet, contrary to this plan, mining-related violence, and more specifically state-sanctioned violence, has intensified in mining regions. This article interrogates this state of affairs, drawing on Judith Butler's notion of the ‘frame’, which helps us apprehend the political work that forms of Artisanal Small-scale Mining (ASM) stigmatization set in motion in terms of legitimizing state violence. Based on a combination of ethnographic data from two mining towns in Northeastern Antioquia, interviews with state agents at different administrative scales, and the analysis of legal and policy documents, we bring out two frames pertaining ASM that help shine a new light on the violence-extraction nexus in Colombia. The first consists of a progressive conflation of ASM with informality, and of informality with criminality, and the second posits ASM in contradistinction with a more desirable large-scale industrial mining industry. We argue that these frames are part of the (re)definition of legitimate state violence, which seems to have intensified over time, which we find particularly striking in the Colombian post-demobilization context. We find these to also echo dynamics in mining contexts not usually considered as “conflict contexts” and propose that they are useful for rethinking the relationship between extractive agendas and development more widely.
The expansion of fracking, an intensive form of hydrocarbon extraction, has been met with increasing public hostility, spanning a diverse range of interests and political allegiances. However, to date, few authors have engaged with the role of gender and women activists. In this paper, I consider how gender and gendered ideas have been used as a resource to underpin fracking protests in the USA and UK. I find that a problematic gendered binary has emerged that undermined the veracity of anti-fracking protestors’ opposition and aligns with modes of planning governance that valorize universal and objective forms of knowledge. Drawing upon a feminist epistemological stance, I turn to a planning dispute over noise levels in Lancashire, England, to explore the limits to current forms of knowledge production. I argue that specific actors, behaviours, and forms of knowledge become framed as gendered and unreliable in the sphere of technical decision making, diminishing our understanding of the complexities of human experience and subjectivity within spatial planning.
Planetary Mine rethinks the politics and territoriality of resource extraction, especially as the mining industry becomes reorganized in the form of logistical networks, and East Asian economies emerge as the new pivot of the capitalist world-system. Through an exploration of the ways in which mines in the Atacama Desert of Chile—the driest in the world—have become intermingled with an expanding constellation of megacities, ports, banks, and factories across East Asia, the book rethinks uneven geographical development in the era of supply chain capitalism. Arguing that extraction entails much more than the mere spatiality of mine shafts and pits, Planetary Mine points towards the expanding webs of infrastructure, of labor, of finance, and of struggle, that drive resource-based industries in the twenty-first century.
In the context of current decolonial geographical debates calling for action-oriented approaches to changing geographical knowledge construction, we propose cuerpo-territorio as a way to achieve this goal in Anglophone feminist geography. In Anglophone geography, emotions and embodiment have been studied through a range of ethnographic methods. There are intrinsic limitations of verbal and written data, however, because sensitive emotions might be triggered by an interviewer’s questions and participants might be reluctant to share those. Cuerpo-territorio is a distinct geographical, decolonial feminist method grounded in the ontological unity between bodies and territories. We show how this visual, hands-on, and participatory method can overcome these limits and bring about coproduced validated knowledge. By having participants draw the territory on the body, knowledge is cocreated with the voices and experiences of participants having primacy in the research process. This coconstructed knowledge is produced in an accessible format for participants and the general public, facilitating a process of advocacy by participants themselves. We make the case that research in Anglophone feminist geography concerning embodiment can benefit from employing cuerpo-territorio. This article responds to the need for more practical and methodological action toward decolonizing geography and strengthens existing literature in Anglophone feminist, decolonial, and indigenous geographies that make the connection between embodiment and land through the use of the cuerpo-territorio method from Latin America.
The identity of people living in Central Appalachia is tightly connected with water. Because of the threats to water resources due to coal mining, and most recently, hydraulic fracturing and oil and gas pipeline projects, citizens have formed several nonprofit organizations to preserve or restore rivers and watersheds. Notably, women head the biggest, state-wide, most active and visible of these organizations. Grounded in 25 in-depth interviews with female water stewards in West Virginia, this article examines nurturing approaches, financial impediments, and opposition that make water stewardship in West Virginia essentially homosocial care work. Expanding on the knowledge-agency-care stewardship framework, this article contributes to the under-researched dimension of care. It also suggests that the analytical lens of homosociality is fruitful to understand the gender and power dynamics that hamper water stewardship in WV. Finally, it challenges the renewed stereotyping and essentializing of Appalachia through the representation of women as passive, ignorant, bound to their homes, victims of overdoses, sexual trafficking, and violent marital relationships by showing how, against material and societal odds, women persist in their care for water.
This article addresses how water is being represented and positioned by Wayúu people in order to claim and defend water’s territorial rights against the expansion of the Cerrejón coal mine, in La Guajira, Colombia. In a semidesertic region in Colombia, Cerrejón (the largest open-pit coal mine in Colombia and Latin America, and the 10th biggest in the world) has created environmental inequalities and control and infrastructure arrangements that transform local water dynamics, affecting Wayúu people in a differentiated way. Cerrejón has intervened the territory technically and environmentally, affecting the river Ranchería and its water streams, which has dispossessed and transformed Wayúu peoples’ cultural and daily relationships with water’s territories. In response, the organization Fuerza de Mujeres Wayúu (FMW) has not only proposed water defense strategies and resistance against mining, but also opened debates about water’s territories and water’s rights. For the FMW the defense of water’s territories (sacred places in which the spirits of water inhabit) implies that Wayúu territories and water are in an embedded relationship which is not possible to fragment or separate either by mining processes or by institutional policies. Their proposals allows us to rethink the notion of water justice, and access to water by humans and nonhumans.
La pregunta central que guía este escrito es: ¿los espacios acuáticos, ameritan una nueva manera de redireccionar y comprender los debates feministas sobre el territorio?
During the past three decades, mines have increased in number at the same time that indigenous populations have grown in size and acquired more land. The intersection of these two trends suggests that, increasingly, mining companies have tried to exploit mineral deposits on lands populated and controlled by indigenous peoples. These ventures touched off conflicts between organized indigenous peoples and state supported miners. The copper mining controversy in the Ecuadorian Amazon exemplifies this pattern. Legacies from earlier mestizo land invasions in the form of active NGOs and an extensive land base made Shuar resistance to the mines much more likely. Increasingly assertive national political leaders, pursuing an extractive imperative, reinforced the miners’ efforts to extract copper from deposits near Shuar settlements. To reduce the probability of violent conflict between these parties, indigenous people should have a seat at the table when negotiations between the mining companies and the state occur.
Latin American governments are neoextractivist: they promote exploitation of natural resources as central to economic development while acting to mitigate some of the excesses of extractive activity. In the space left open by the neoliberal state in the Salar de Atacama in northern Chile, the mining industry creates its own regulatory mechanisms and provides infrastructure and “improvement” projects to indigenous communities. While these projects gain a degree of consent to water extraction and the value of water for development, indigenous people also resist the neoextractivist project. The contradictions of extractivism-as-development are evident in everyday life and articulated in ritual and cultural practice. We take the example of a ritual and work event, the limpia de canales (canal cleaning), to narrate something of local responses to neoextractivist conditions.
Los gobiernos latinoamericanos son neoextractivistas: promueven la explotación de los recursos naturales como elemento central del desarrollo económico y al mismo tiempo actúan para mitigar algunos de los excesos de la actividad extractiva. En el espacio abandonado por el estado neoliberal en el Salar de Atacama en el norte de Chile, la industria minera crea sus propios mecanismos regulatorios y proporciona infraestructura y proyectos de “mejora” a las comunidades indígenas. Si bien estos proyectos obtienen un grado de consentimiento para la extracción de agua y el valor del agua para el desarrollo, los pueblos indígenas también se resisten al proyecto neoextractivista. Las contradicciones del extractivismo como desarrollo son evidentes en la vida cotidiana y se articulan en la práctica ritual y cultural. Tomamos el ejemplo de un evento ritual y laboral, la limpia de canales, para narrar algo de las respuestas locales a las condiciones neoextractivistas.
The present article analyses a unique database of 220 dam-related environmental conflicts, retrieved from the Global Atlas on Environmental Justice (EJAtlas), and based on knowledge co-production between academics and activists. Despite well-known controversial, social, and environmental impacts of dams, efforts to increase renewable energy generation have reinstated the interest into hydropower development globally. People affected by dams have largely denounced such ‘unsustainabilities’ through collective non-violent actions. Nevertheless, we found that repression, criminalization, violent targeting of activists and assassinations are recurrent features of conflictive dams. Violent repression is particularly high when indigenous people are involved. Indirect forms of violence are also analysed through socio-economic, environmental, and health impacts. We argue that increasing repression of the opposition against unwanted energy infrastructures does not only serve to curb specific protest actions, but also aims to delegitimize and undermine differing understanding of sustainability, epistemologies, and world views. This analysis cautions that allegedly sustainable renewables such as hydropower often replicates patterns of violence within a frame of an ‘extractivism of renewables’. We finally suggest that co-production of knowledge between scientists, activists, and communities should be largely encouraged to investigate sensitive and contentious topics in sustainability studies.
This article examines the political economic processes and gendered consequences involved in large‐scale land acquisition (LSLA) in rural South West Cameroon. The study adopts a gender‐disaggregated approach to data collection to understand local perceptions and reactions to LSLA in the region. It shows how traditional cultural prescriptions have combined with contemporary land laws to masculinize power over land to the detriment of women. It argues that although men and women are both affected by LSLA projects, the impacts are much greater for women because what the state considers ‘empty land’ is used by them to secure household food security. Second, it argues that amid societal discrimination over land‐ownership rights, perceived gender differences between men and women appear ‘rational’ in the event of LSLA – men follow their ascribed roles in overt reactions; women being more covert and much less vocal in land‐related contests. New policies that promote rural women's land rights will not only empower them during land struggles, but will also provide communities with greater security to sustain ecologically viable livelihoods.
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Hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), a method of accessing natural gas, is viewed by many as a way to reduce U.S. dependence on foreign oil, stimulate the U.S. economy, and address climate change. However, opponents of fracking argue that it is linked to health problems because it releases specific toxins that contaminate the air and ground water. In this essay, I offer a focused analysis of twenty qualitative interviews with women who live in Pennsylvania near fracking sites. The findings indicate that exposure to fracking has negative impacts on women's health by increasing their exposure to contaminated water and provokes gendered attacks on activism. © IJFAB: International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 2017.
In natural resource frontiers, local communities are on the frontlines of resisting corporate takeover of their lands. Based on ongoing fieldwork in La Guajira, a frontier region on Colombia's Northeast coast, this article describes how indigenous groups, Afro-Colombian communities, labor unions, and urban social movements have united to oppose the impacts of coal mining on local water sources. Since 2014, these actors have come together to oppose the Cerrejón Corporation's plan to divert the Arroyo Bruno stream in order to access the coal reserves that lie underneath. This article argues that in opposing the Bruno project, local people are demanding a more accountable state that checks corporate power. However, Cerrejón has often stood in for the state in providing water access to local communities, complicating where corporate responsibility ends and state responsibility begins. Cerrejón administrators and pro-mining civic actors argue that the corporation is more accountable to local needs than state institutions. Thus the struggle over the Arroyo Bruno reflects a deep ambivalence and uncertainty about the nature of state power in La Guajira. This
The governance of water resources is prominent in both water policy agendas and academic scholarship. Political ecologists have made important advances in reconceptualising the relationship between water and society. Yet while they have stressed both the scalar dimensions and the politicised nature of water governance, analyses of its scalar politics are relatively nascent. In this paper, we consider how the increased demand for water resources by the growing mining industry in Peru reconfigures and rescales water governance. In Peru, the mining industry's thirst for water draws in and reshapes social relations, technologies, institutions, and discourses that operate over varying spatial and temporal scales. We develop the concept of waterscape to examine these multiple ways in which water is co-produced through mining, often beyond the watershed scale. We argue that an examination of waterscapes avoids the limitations of thinking about water in purely material terms, structuring analysis of water issues according to traditional spatial scales and institutional hierarchies, and taking these scales and structures for granted.
During the 1980s and 1990s, an era of neoliberal reform, global development institutions like the World Bank began promoting and financing the collective titling of indigenous territories. Extending and linking existing discussions of neoliberal multiculturalism and neoliberal natures, this paper interrogates indigenous land rights as a type of “ethno-environmental fix”, designed to synergise protection of vulnerable populations and highly-valued natures from the destructive effects of markets, in an era of multiple countermovements. Using the example of the titling of TCOs (Original Communal Lands) in Bolivia, the paper explores how governmental aspirations for indigenous territories unravelled in practice, producing hybrid, double-edged and “not-quite-neoliberal” spaces – spaces which have, paradoxically, emerged as key sites for the construction of more radical indigenous projects.
The traditional Indian strategy of resolving conflict by non-cooperation, the satyagraha, has been revived in the Chipko, or Embrace Tree, movement to protect forests from commercial felling. This paper traces the development of the philosophy and the non-violent resistance activities from the beginnings of Chipko in the early 1970s in Garhwal to its present role throughout most of India. It is unique in that it is based not on the politics of the distribution of wealth but on that of sustainable ecological stability, and it is dominated by women. Today, the Chipko search for a strategy for human survival from ecological disaster has world-wide significance.-Authors
Since the year 2000, an unprecedented commodity boom has been accompanied by intense scholarly attention on the various challenges involving women and gender in extractive industries. However, instead of being a marginal “add-on” area, gender issues are now at the forefront of research mining, and the volume of research has turned the thematic area into a field in its own right. Taking 2006 as the milestone year, this paper reviews the emerging directions in literature on women and gender in both large, industrial-scale mining and informal, artisanal and small-scale mining to draw out the main research threads. It concludes with a discussion of anticipated areas of future research and the theoretical frameworks it might rely upon.
Extractivism is intensifying climate-induced water tensions in indigenous communities. As a response, climate sciences have acknowledged the capacity of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) for the design and application of ad-hoc adaptation techniques and interventions. However, the mainstream literature on indigenous water-related adaptation has often presented TEK in ways that neglect the knowledge flexibility and its political role in community perseverance and indigenous resurgence. To expand on this analysis, we examine the case of the Aymara community of Quillagua in northern Chile in the context of “extractivist droughts,” or water dispossession caused by the mining complex. Specifically, we describe how Quillagueños and Quillagueñas articulate multiple strategies to resist against, co-exist with, and flourish in the face of the entwined effect of extractivism and colonialism on water, or what we call indigenous hydrosocial endurance. Drawing upon an ethno-historical approach, we reconstruct the history of indigenous hydrosocial interventions articulated in Quillagua. Our results suggest that the Aymara community of Quillagua has resorted to four strategies to endure water dispossession over time: endurance by invention, reappropriation, ethnification, and tweaking. Each of these strategies responds to the specific and evolving hydro-political conditions produced by mining extraction that have affected indigenous livelihoods in the Atacama Desert since the 19th century. We conclude the article by arguing that adaptation literature and policy should acknowledge the embodied condition of indigenous knowledges; otherwise, it may be disempowering indigenous struggles against settler-colonialism.
Linked to extractive practices, territorial dispossession can be traced back to the colonisation of Abya Yala. From a decolonial commitment, this article complicates notions of dispossession and extractivism as merely emerging from war in Colombia and focuses on their presence in Campesinas territories. Based on the conceptualisations of the coloniality of power and coloniality of gender, I narrate how territorial dispossession and extractivism are felt in women’s ‘body-lands’ through foreign tourism/conservation development and new export crops in two rural veredas in the Colombian Andes and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta where I conducted participatory visual projects in 2016. From a relational understanding of place, I also demonstrate the ways that the rural population is resisting and negotiating within these processes. Ultimately, I make a call for feminist scholars to politically commit to the dismantling of the coloniality of gender, and to the resistances to territorial dispossession and extractivism (epistemic and economic) that rural women are leading in place in the Global South.
Resistance to nickel mining in Sorowako, Indonesia has existed since the operation started taking land from farmers in the 1970s. However, in Sorowako and beyond, little is known about the gendered nature of everyday resistance to mining. We conducted a photovoice study with women from two Indigenous communities affected by the same mine to uncover conscious intent in everyday resistance. Some scholars call for abandoning intent and consciousness in analytical frameworks for everyday resistance, but by pairing photovoice with a conjunctural exercise, we found women’s awareness of how dispossession and exploitation for mining affects them and their responses to mining as rural Indigenous women. The participants used photovoice to show that their everyday acts, such as accessing forbidden land, intend to lessen their domination and better their conditions, a kind of quiet encroachment of the ordinary theorized by Bayat.
The concept of Anthropocene has been incorporated within a hegemonic narrative that represents 'Man' as the dominant geological force of our epoch, emphasizing the destruction and salvation power of industrial technologies. This Element will develop a counter-hegemonic narrative based on the perspective of earthcare labour – or the 'forces of reproduction'. It brings to the fore the historical agency of reproductive and subsistence workers as those subjects that, through both daily practices and organized political action, take care of the biophysical conditions for human reproduction, thus keeping the world alive. Adopting a narrative justice approach, and placing feminist political ecology right at the core of its critique of the Anthropocene storyline, this Element offers a novel and timely contribution to the environmental humanities.
en In Colombia’s agrarian spaces, war and extractivism are deeply entangled. Almost four years after the peace accords signed between the national government and the FARC guerrilla, post‐conflict geographies are best characterised by the ongoing dispossession of local populations related to the entrenchment of extractivism. Drawing from ethnographic work carried out in the Colombian Caribbean on the ordinary practices and spaces of social reproduction, the ordinary geographies, this article explores gendered practices of care and their role in both sustaining and disrupting paramilitary violence and agrarian extractivism. The focus not just on the gendered effects of war and extractivism, but on gender’s constitutive role in the configuration of these processes and dynamics, allows us to contribute to recent literature on extractivism, dispossession and violence from a feminist standpoint.
Resumen
es La guerra y el extractivismo están profundamente entretejidos en los espacios agrarios en Colombia. Casi cuatro años después de la firma de los acuerdos de paz entre el gobierno nacional y la guerrilla de las FARC, las geografías del post‐conflicto están caracterizadas por el despojo sostenido de poblaciones locales tras el afianzamiento y la expansión del extractivismo. A partir de trabajo etnográfico llevado a cabo en el Caribe colombiano sobre las prácticas y los espacios cotidianos de la reproducción social, que definimos como geografías ordinarias, este artículo explora las prácticas de cuidado atravesadas por género y su papel en el mantenimiento y la irrupción de la violencia paramilitar y el extractivismo agrario. El enfoque, no solo en los efectos generizados de la guerra y el extractivismo, sino también en el papel constitutivo del género en la configuración de estos procesos y dinámicas, nos permite contribuir a la literatura reciente sobre el extractivismo, el despojo y la violencia desde un punto de vista feminista.
This publication is part of a series of research papers that was commissioned as background research for the major ILO report Care work and care jobs for the future of decent work. It provides a comprehensive overview of the extent, characteristics and historical trends of unpaid care work based on the analysis of the most recent time-use surveys carried out at the national level across the world. By discussing the concepts and methodological approaches which underlie the analysis of time-use data, this research paper shows the differences in time spent on unpaid care work between women and men and among people with different socioeconomic characteristics : geographical location, age group, educational level, activity status, employment status, income group, marital status and presence and age of children in the household.
Since 1993, the Cajamarca region of Peru has been home to the Yanacocha gold mine, associated with environmental degradation, negative health impacts, and socio-economic consequences. In 2012, large-scale protests broke out across the region over the newly proposed Conga mine. Increasingly, scholarship is devoted to recognizing socio-environmental struggles outside of mass-mobilization and public protests, at the local, household and everyday level, often performed over much longer timescales. In this context, I critically explore the everyday resistance of mestiza-identifying women in Cajamarca city. Through a discussion of how their on-going resistance critically constructs who/what belongs in place and who/what is ‘other’/‘stranger’, I analyse how they mobilize gendered local values and knowledge to continue opposing large-scale mining in the aftermath of the Conga conflict.
In Anglophone geography, proposals have called for the decolonization of geographical knowledge production to be focused on tangible and material manifestations of how dialogue is initiated and mediated among different ontologies and epistemologies. We strive to respond to this call by empirically cutting across the American continent to highlight the embodied and transnational dimensions of natural resource extraction. Across the Americas, extractive industries’ water usage often brings corporations into prolonged conflicts with local communities, who mobilize to resist the initiation and/or expansion of extractive activities that they view as threatening to their health, way of life, and their families and communities’ territories. Through two case studies from West Virginia (WV), USA, and Cuenca, Ecuador, we propose an analytical framework capturing how women organize against the extractive industry as a result of embodied water pollution. We do this with the aim of decolonizing geographical knowledge production, as we propose a decolonial, multi-sited analytical approach, which serves to rethink the scale of effects of extractive industry. By showing how resource extraction affects women’s bodies and water while also effectively allowing us to compare and contrast embodied water relations in WV and Ecuador, we better understand how extractivism works across scales—the body, the environment, and transnationally. We contend that a multi-sited approach disrupts the North–South geographical discursive divide and furthers a decolonial geographical approach in making apparent the embodied production and lived experience of territory across various scales. In this piece, we promote debates on decoloniality within Anglophone geography by proposing that we must not only consider epistemologies and spatial ontologies outside the western canon, but engage with practices and theories occurring in different parts of the globe in a simultaneous fashion as well. We call on fellow geographers to do the same.
In pursuing progress and economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Evo Morales replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Rooted tensions between indigenous communities and the state emerged due to the latter’s zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector. While the political economy of neo-extractivism has been considerably studied, how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race, and gender remains underexplored and undertheorized. To address this research gap, this qualitative study posed the following research questions: How does neo-extractivism create gendered forms of accumulation by dispossession? And what forms of resistance emerge to challenge the impact of neo-extractivism among indigenous communities? By analyzing processes of social reproduction in Oruro, Bolivia, this study shows that neo-extractivism leads to the dispossession of indigenous lands and indigenous ways of life mainly through the contamination of water. Because indigenous peasant women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities are water centric, the dispossession of water has a direr and gendered effect on them. Indigenous women and their communities, however, are not idle. Resistances against neo-extractivism have emerged. In parallel, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, have allowed indigenous peasant women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within and between communities alive. These solidarity networks provide important socio-political resources that are sites of everyday resistances that represent an ongoing threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial, and patriarchal mandates.
Artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) in Tanzania results in occupational exposures and environmental contamination to toxic chemical elements such as arsenic and mercury. Populations living in such areas may be exposed by various routes, and prenatal exposure to arsenic and mercury has been associated with adverse birth outcomes and developmental delays. The aim of this study was to determine if levels of arsenic and mercury differed among pregnant women living in areas with and without ASGM activities in Northern Tanzania. This cross-sectional study is part of the ongoing Mining and Health prospective longitudinal study. Spot urine samples and dried blood spots were collected at the antenatal health clinics from pregnant women (n = 1056) at 16–27 weeks gestation. Urine samples were analyzed for total arsenic (T-As) and dried blood spots were analyzed for total mercury (T-Hg). Women in the ASGM cohort had median T-As levels (9.4 μg/L; IQR: 4.9-15.1) and T-Hg levels (1.2 μg/L; IQR: 0.8-1.86) that were significantly higher than the median T-As levels (6.28 μg/L; IQR: 3.7-14.1) and T-Hg levels (0.66 μg/L; IQR: 0.3-1.2) of women in the non-ASGM cohort (Mann-Whitney U test, T-As: z = −9.881, p = 0.0005; T-Hg: z = −3.502, p < 0.0001). Among pregnant women from ASGM areas, 25% had urinary T-As and 75% had blood T-Hg above the established human biomonitoring reference values of 15 and 0.80 μg/L. In the ASGM cohort, lower maternal education and low socioeconomic status increased the odds of higher T-As levels by 20% (p < 0.05) and 10% (p < 0.05), respectively. Women involved in mining activities and those of low socioeconomic status had increased odds of higher T-Hg by 70% (p < 0.001) and 10% (p < 0.05), respectively. Arsenic and mercury concentrations among women in non-ASGM areas suggest exposure sources beyond ASGM activities that need to be identified. Arsenic and mercury levels in women in Tanzania are of public health concern and their association with adverse birth and child developmental outcomes will be examined in future studies on this cohort.
Recent decades have witnessed a growing scholarly interest in women's involvement in ASM, with many authors drawing attention to two frequently occurring trends: the fact that women move to mining areas to escape oppressive gender rules and norms, and the remarkable efforts of women miners to exercise agency in the typically complex and unstable socio-political environments of artisanal mining sites. An important gap in the existing literature is the lack of attention for the differences in agency and the power relations between these women. This article seeks to fill this gap by presenting an ethnographic case study on the so-called mamans moutrousses, a group of women assisting artisanal miners with the drying and cleaning of minerals in coltan mines close to Kisengo, a locality situated in the Congolese Tanganyika province. Drawing inspiration from Vigh's navigation theory, the work of Honwana, and the spatial approach advanced by Watts and Korf, the article argues that the less successful women in Kisengo's mining business have only been able to display ‘tactic agency’ while the more successful ones have succeeded in demonstrating ‘strategic agency’.
The commonplace notion of extractivism relates to the production of value through physically extractive processes (mining, oil extraction, certain kinds of agriculture, etc.) where value generation is necessarily temporary and generally followed by barrenness and an inability to sustainably reproduce livelihoods in the affected habitat. In this article we aim to rethink extractivism in more general, politico-economic terms, i.e. as a particular way of structuring the processes of production and reproduction. This allows us to ask if extractivism is limited to the sectors mentioned above or a pattern that could, actually or potentially, emerge in other sectors of the economy. This paper also aims to contribute to the debate on the rise, and current problems, of emerging economies and how they relate to global capitalism. It develops the hypothesis that at least some of the BRICS countries have operated as laboratories in which extractivism has been developed into a wider politico-economic system that is now also being applied outside the BRICS countries.
Analyzing resource extractivism as a gendered structure is important for understanding the complex social processes that create and perpetuate environmental injustice—both social inequality and environmental degradation—and for visualizing gendered resistances and opportunities for transformation. Applying Risman’s approach to Argentina’s soy model, six causal mechanisms at the institutional, individual, and interactional levels can be identified that serve either to maintain or to challenge the status quo: (1) resource distribution, (2) ideology, (3) identity work, (4) cognitive bias, (5) status expectations, and (6) state paternalism.
Analizar el extractivismo de los recursos como una estructura de género es importante para comprender los complejos procesos sociales que crean y perpetúan la injusticia ambiental—tanto la desigualdad social como la degradación ambiental—y para visualizar las resistencias de género y las oportunidades de transformación. Aplicando el enfoque de Risman al modelo de soja en la Argentina, se pueden identificar seis mecanismos causales a nivel institucional, individual y de interacción que sirven para mantener o desafiar el status quo: (1) distribución de recursos, (2) ideología, (3) trabajo de identidad, (4) perjuicio cognitivo, (5) expectativas de posición social, y (6) paternalismo estatal.
Gold prices hit historic highs following the 2008 financial crisis, catalyzing an international gold rush. Along Ghana's Offin River, recent mining activities have irreversibly transformed the landscape and lives of local people. Cocoa farms, subsistence crops, forest, and other land-uses have been cleared, with significant implications for livelihoods and food security. Rivers and streams were rerouted into mining sites to wash sediment, impacting hydrology, including water quality. Abandoned pits now stretch for kilometers and pose everyday hazards to community members. While minerals law reserves ''small-scale" mining as a right for Ghanaian citizens, both foreigners and Ghanaians control and mine concessions, reflecting complicated land-grabbing processes in the sector. Combining geospatial, ethnographic and quantitative methodological approaches with long-term international collaboration, this article examines the spatial and socio-environmental dimensions of ''small-scale" gold mining. We employed remote sensing techniques, underutilized in land-grabbing research, to assess mining-mediated land-use changes along a portion of the Offin River. The total extent of mining increased 2,772.6 percent to 998.23 hectares between 2008 and 2013; ''mine water" increased by 13,000 percent to cover 200 hectares. We argue these extensive land-use conversions are enabled through Ghana's contradictory and gendered land tenure systems. While scholars often characterize land deals as occurring through theft and dispossession, we found miners' access land through ad hoc negotiations before mining, compensation following crop destruction and outright dispossession. We detail the diverse actors and practices mediating informal land markets, and the uneven implications for people positioned within social and structural hierarchies, particularly women and ''strangers." Our research troubles ''small-scale" categorizations and discursive representations of mining, and urges land-grabbing researchers to examine prolific smaller deals alongside transactions involving thousands of hectares.
This article focuses on the right of consent for women and their communities in respect of extractives and large-scale (or ‘mega’) infrastructure projects that affect their access to, and control over, land and natural resources indispensable to their lives and livelihoods. As we point out, the right of consent is determined by prevailing deeply unequal power structures. Poor women confront a double exclusion from power and decision-making about land and resource use – on the basis of both their class and gender. The political economy of power and vested interest surrounding these projects at all levels from the community to the international spheres mean that communities, and women within them, rarely enjoy the right of consent on a free, prior, informed, and ongoing basis. In addition, women are locked out of rights of land ownership in communities living under common property and this, combined with other patriarchal power relations in family and community, inhibits their voice and influence in community decision-making. This is the second exclusion they suffer, this time on the basis of their gender. Consent, even if legislated or institutionalised in policy and systems of state, corporate, or multilateral bodies is rarely granted but rather won through struggle and demand. The article will present an inspiring case in the South African context where unequal power has been inverted and a unique community, with women playing a leading role, has claimed the right of consent in practice through struggle. It concludes with some suggestions for the work needed to strengthen women’s rights of consent in respect of mega ‘development’ projects in Africa.
Smallholders are key political figures produced or reproduced in resource frontiers where new forms of property or land use emerge. In this paper, I present what I call the ‘smallholder slot’, as read off state practices and small-scale miners’ and farmers’ histories of work in plantations and mines in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. The smallholder slot has been transformed through changes in patterns of land use and land control, racialized and violent land politics, and geological and geopolitical accidents that have located smallholders in sites of commodity booms. By expanding the definition of ‘agrarian’ beyond agriculture, I show that the smallholder slot can be occupied by small-scale gold miners as well as small farmers. It is a powerful discursive category that has had critical material, symbolic, and political effects.
Tahltan territory of northern British Columbia has been flooded with some of the largest industrial extractive projects in the world. One critical point of conflict is centered on how Canada legislates and regulates access to lands without regard to Indigenous sovereignty. This article illustrates the centrality of gender to such struggles. It argues that historic forms of dispossession paved the way for these contemporary threats to Indigenous territories. It offers a case study on how an aspect of colonial policy—the trapline registration system established in early twentieth-century Canada—prioritized white trappers and registered Indian traplines in ways that were at odds with Tahltan matriarchal systems of governance and land management. Despite colonial attempts to undermine the Tahltan’s relationship to their land and to reorder it according to gender norms, Tahltan women have adamantly revitalized and exercised their matriarchal authority to fulfill their role as protectors of lands and water.
Mineral extraction is growing worldwide, generating serious social and environmental impacts, and in the process, sparking significant resistance. The present article provides the first overview of non-fuel mining conflicts in India. The analysis is based on 100 cases of conflicts that occurred between 1992 and 2014, which constitutes the most exhaustive database compiled to date. In each case, location, mineral extracted, actors involved, cited causes of protest, conflict duration and outcomes were recorded. We found that the commodity responsible for the most conflicts is sand, the extraction of which is widespread and often carried out illegally by small-scale actors near rivers. Resistance against metallic ore mining, in contrast, typically pits local populations against larger corporations. Most resistance movements are composed of subaltern rural and/or indigenous populations; very few national and international NGOs were found to be involved in local movements. The causes of such conflicts have largely been ecological and responsible for an undermining of local livelihoods. Mineral extraction is expected to increase in India over the next decade, and with it, the number of associated conflicts.
This paper studies the regulation of concessions in the global gold mining rush. The liberalization of the gold mining sector has given way to complex forms of regulation where non-state and illegal mining entrepreneurs compete in governing mining extraction. Taking the case of gold mining in Burkina Faso, this paper analyses the conditions and dynamics under which such complex regulation takes place. We draw on extensive ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Northern Burkina Faso, in particular the Burkinabè mining sector. We argue that enclave economies in the gold mining sector are co-produced by state and market regulation through a “plurification” of regulatory authority. This “plurification” is the effect of competition among different frontier entrepreneurs, who seek to broker regulatory authority in mining concession sites. We show that concession sites are not discrete extractive enclaves, but are better understood as indiscrete sites that are entangled in local politics and social relations. Rather than thinning social relations, as is often claimed, we observe that enclave economies thicken politics around concessionary regimes, where governmental bodies re-emerge as an arbitrating regulatory force. These findings problematize policy prescriptions to formalize the gold mining sector and draw attention to the role of the state in re/producing frontier entrepreneurs with unequal political rights to claiming concessions.
Wastelanding tells the history of the uranium industry on Navajo land in the U.S. Southwest, asking why certain landscapes and the peoples who inhabit them come to be targeted for disproportionate exposure to environmental harm. Uranium mines and mills on the Navajo Nation land have long supplied U.S. nuclear weapons and energy programs. By 1942, mines on the reservation were the main source of uranium for the top-secret Manhattan Project. Today, the Navajo Nation is home to more than a thousand abandoned uranium sites. Radiation-related diseases are endemic, claiming the health and lives of former miners and nonminers alike. Traci Brynne Voyles argues that the presence of uranium mining on Dinä (Navajo) land constitutes a clear case of environmental racism. Looking at discursive constructions of landscapes, she explores how environmental racism develops over time. For Voyles, the “wasteland,” where toxic materials are excavated, exploited, and dumped, is both a racial and a spatial signifier that renders an environment and the bodies that inhabit it pollutable. Because environmental inequality is inherent in the way industrialism operates, the wasteland is the “other” through which modern industrialism is established. In examining the history of wastelanding in Navajo country, Voyles provides “an environmental justice history” of uranium mining, revealing how just as “civilization” has been defined on and through “savagery,” environmental privilege is produced by portraying other landscapes as marginal, worthless, and pollutable. © 2015 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved.
This book forges a new approach to historical and geographical change by asking how gender arrangements and dynamics influence the evolution of institutions and environments. This new theoretical approach is applied via mixed methods and a multi-scale framework to bring together unusually diverse phenomena. Regional trends demonstrated with quantitative data include the massive incorporation of women into paid work, demographic masculinization of the countryside and feminization of cities, rapidly increasing gaps that favor women over men in education and life expectancy, and extraordinarily high levels of violence against men. Case studies in Mexico, Chile and Bolivia explore changes influenced by gender practices and expectations that involve men in different ways than women; they also highlight dissimilarities and power relations between differently positioned masculine groups. Ethnographic studies of culturally diverse arrangements, together with particular attention to subordinate versus dominant masculinities, complicate the gender binaries that circumscribe so much research and policy. Drawing attention to imbalances and conflicts generated by inappropriate models and uneven developments, the book points to opportunities for experimenting with and adapting the sociocultural institutions that govern relations among humans and between humans and their environment.