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Do you speak English or my language? An LMT approach to language requirements in EU nations’ visa applications

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Chapter
Language ideologies are cultural representations, whether explicit or implicit, of the intersection of language and human beings in a social world. Mediating between social structures and forms of talk, such ideologies are not only about language. Rather, they link language to identity, power, aesthetics, morality and epistemology. Through such linkages, language ideologies underpin not only linguistic form and use, but also significant social institutions and fundamental nottions of person and community. The essays in this new volume examine definitions and conceptions of language in a wide range of societies around the world. Contributors focus on how such defining activity organizes language use as well as institutions such as religious ritual, gender relations, the nation-state, schooling, and law. Beginning with an introductory survey of language ideology as a field of inquiry, the volume is organized in three parts. Part I, “Scope and Force of Dominant Conceptions of Language,” focuse on the propensity of cultural models of language developed in one social domain to affect linguistic and social behavior across domains. Part II, “Language Ideology in Institutions of Power,” continues the examination of the force of specific language beliefs, but narrows the scope to the central role that language ideologies play in the functioning of particular institutions of power such as schooling, the law, or mass media. Part III, “Multiplicity and Contention among Ideologies,” emphasizes the existence of variability, contradiction, and struggles among ideologies within any given society. This will be the first collection of work to appear in this rapidly growing field, which bridges linguistic and social theory. It will greatly interest linguistic anthropologists, social and cultural anthropologists, sociolinguists, historians, cultural studies, communications, and folklore scholars.
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Language learning is a life-long process. In a world that connects people across nations through study, work, travel and socializing, new chances and challenges arise, intensifying a need to improve modern foreign language skills. The aim of language education, therefore, should not be limited to providing mere language instruction but it should also involve the development of learner autonomy so that students are equipped with strategies, methods, and approaches for managing their language development over the course of their whole lives. Higher Education Institution (HEI) teaching practices need to react to this reality through their teaching approaches and methodologies. The following study conducted with ŠKODA AUTO University presents an analysis of the current students’ simple language management (LM) process, which reveals their language learning attitudes, behaviors and ‘acts toward’ language. Data were collected between 2017 and 2020 from students’ written narratives describing and analyzing critical incidents (CI) that reflect the learning strategies the students adopt, the study styles they use, motivation for learning, as well as the actions they plan and conduct. As a result, these findings form the basis of a deeper understanding of the language teaching process, which in turn enhances language education methodology.
Chapter
The goal of this chapter is to discuss the dialectical relationship between linguistic landscape (LL) and state ideology, provide concepts for researching this relationship, and demonstrate them in a comparative analysis of Belarus, Czech Republic and Slovakia, countries which have recently undergone substantial political and socioeconomic transformation.
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This paper is devoted to several ways in which the language of instruction in Czech universities is managed. One of the key issues in this context is the fact that programs accredited in the Czech language are tuition-free, while those in foreign languages are paid. On the one hand, it is deemed desirable by certain actors to integrate greater numbers of students from abroad, conform to the discourse of internationalization, and even earn money through courses in English. On the other hand, it is also viewed as necessary by other actors to cultivate the Czech language and provide a solid education for local students. These multiple and often opposing interests, as well as a number of language ideologies, guide individual management acts. Utilizing the language management framework (Jernudd/Neustupný 1987; Fairbrother/Nekvapil/Sloboda 2018), I explore three selected examples of the management of the language of instruction. In the first, I show how many Czech university programs are accredited in the Czech language, but offer many classes in English. In the second, I examine one case of financial motivation for foreign-language courses through university teaching development projects. In the third, I point to the differences between the language of accreditation of some Ph.D. programs and the languages actually used in their realization. Finally, I consider the fact that all of these cases of management involve some sort of compromise between the interests of certain groups, which means that the only way forward is an increased awareness of all aspects of the management processes.
Chapter
In recent years there has been increased interest in examining the treatment of language problems across different levels of society, ranging from individual interactional issues to language policy and planning at the national or supra-national level. Among the various approaches to tackle this issue, Language Management Theory (LMT) provides a framework to address behaviour towards language problems on differet levels explicitly and comprehensively. Using LMT as a unifying theoretical concept, the chapters in this volume examine the links between micro and macro dimensions in their analyses of a variety of language problems in Asian and European contexts. This body of work illustrates that the LMT framework is able to show the characteristics of different dimensions clearly, especially when combined with a conceptualization of the micro and macro as a continuum of intertwining elements. This volume will appeal both to those interested in language policy and planning as well as those interested in interaction between speakers from different language backgrounds.
Chapter
In recent years there has been increased interest in examining the treatment of language problems across different levels of society, ranging from individual interactional issues to language policy and planning at the national or supra-national level. Among the various approaches to tackle this issue, Language Management Theory (LMT) provides a framework to address behaviour towards language problems on differet levels explicitly and comprehensively. Using LMT as a unifying theoretical concept, the chapters in this volume examine the links between micro and macro dimensions in their analyses of a variety of language problems in Asian and European contexts. This body of work illustrates that the LMT framework is able to show the characteristics of different dimensions clearly, especially when combined with a conceptualization of the micro and macro as a continuum of intertwining elements. This volume will appeal both to those interested in language policy and planning as well as those interested in interaction between speakers from different language backgrounds.
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Linguistic nationalism in Western Europe most commonly takes a monolingual form, involving the promotion of one dominant national language. This is not the only form of linguistic nationalism possible, however, as the link between language and nation can also be constructed in more multilingual ways. This article looks at the case of Luxembourg, a small officially multilingual country, to examine how political parties portrayed the language-nation link in their published election programmes for the past two national elections (2013 and 2018) and in their accompanying websites. The results reveal tension between fidelity to classic monolingual linguistic nationalism and nods towards a form of trilingual linguistic nationalism, all set against an increasingly multilingual society. The discursive balancing act required to uphold these competing ideological stances reflects broader tensions across contemporary Europe regarding how to reconcile a classic linguistic nationalist ideology with ever more multilingual societies.
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Travel visas impose additional costs to firms engaging in international trade. This paper exploits a natural experiment provided by the Schengen Agreement to document a large causal negative impact of visas on goods trade. The introduction of a visa, requested by a single Schengen Area member, considerably reduced bilateral trade flows of Ecuador and Bolivia with the members of the border-control free zone other than Spain. I show that the negative impact of visas is much larger for differentiated than for homogeneous products. By applying a general equilibrium framework, the paper shows that removing visas would increase welfare by 5% or more for some Sub-Saharan African countries and by 1,1% on average for developing countries. For policy makers this paper highlights the importance of including visa facilitation schemes into the provisions of trade agreements and economic partnerships.
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In March 2017, Georgian citizens were able to travel visa-free to the Schengen Area. This development was highly significant to Georgia, whose narrative of “belonging to Europe” has long contrasted with the travel restrictions for Georgian citizens, who were previously required to undergo complicated consular procedures. However, this was far from being a routine bilateral negotiation. Visa disparities mirrored the contractual asymmetry between Tbilisi and Brussels. This article focuses on how Georgia calibrated its political discourse vis-à-vis the European Union. After outlining both the symbolic and political relevance of visa liberalization, this work assesses the Georgian political rhetoric at different times: in 2005, when Georgia unilaterally lifted visa requirements for Western visitors, and in 2015 and 2016, when visa liberalization was widely expected. The article’s theoretical framework and the final conclusions are relevant to the study of visa regimes and the external relations of small states.
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English is often assumed to be the national language in the US and the global language in the world; yet such views fail to address the complex linguistic repertoires of people living in linguistically heterogeneous places even within the US. Spotlighting a southwestern US border town, we provide a critique of both nation-state-language ideology, and of the neoliberal view of English as the global language par excellence. Our research, drawing from notions of linguistic scaling (e.g. Blommaert, 2007. Sociolinguistic scales. Intercultural Pragmatics, 4(1), 1–19) and chronotopic identities (Blommaert & De Fina, 2017. Chronotopic identities: On the timespace organization of who we are. In A. De Fina, D. Ikizoglu, & J. Wegner (Eds.), Diversity and superdiversity: Sociocultural linguistic perspectives (pp. 1–15). Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press), focuses on language use in two distinct multilingual immigrant communities – Chinese immigrants of a Mandarin church, and resettled Lhotshampa refugees. By examining the sociolinguistic experiences our participants encounter, we explore how multilingual individuals in these two communities (re)negotiate linguistic hierarchies in chronotopic configurations. These immigrants engage in linguistic practices involving neither solely English nor their first languages, and strategically (re)scale language hierarchies in the local context of this border town.
Article
Religion and nationalism are not only two distinctive but also closely related concepts when it comes to nation-building. Their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism is pervasive. Today, in Turkey, two religious movements of the same origin play a key role in linguistic nationalism and decision-making in language policy: the Gülen movement and the Med-Zehra movement. These two non-governmental affinities are important groups in the Nur movement. The Gülen movement is supportive of Turkish nationalism and thereby Turkish language and identity, while the Med-Zehra group emphasizes Kurdish identity and separatism. This study makes a comparison between the two movements and investigates in detail their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism.
Article
This study is focused on the direction and magnitude of visa policies on bilateral trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), both of which often necessitate in-person contacts. Visa restrictions hinder cross-border travel deterring potential visitors and producing an inimical effect on trade and FDI. Liberal visa policies facilitate business travels and encourage companies engaging in international trade. This article analyzes the impact of visa restrictions using gravity-type models for the period of 2000–14 on the exports and FDI of Turkey. A panel data fixed-effects model helps elucidate time-variant and country-idiosyncratic characteristics of visa policies. The estimations indicate that visa restrictions have a significant negative effect on both trade and FDI. Two-step cluster analysis is also utilized to segment countries depending on the visa-free travel their citizens enjoy employing the Henley & Partners Visa Restrictions Index. Results suggest that effects of visa restrictions are higher for countries having higher travel freedom.
Article
Visa policies have been important instruments of control for the movement of people and what they effectuate depends on their character. They impede the flow of people when they are restrictive; they facilitate the entry and admission of people when they are liberal. Turkey has been using visa policies liberally for long to stimulate tourism growth. In this paper, the log-linearized version of gravity-type models is used to analyze Turkey’s tourism demand relating inbound travel to visa requirements, macroeconomic variables, distance and regional contiguity. The countries are segmented into clusters according to travel freedom their citizens enjoy using the Henley & Partners Visa Restrictions Index by employing the two-step cluster analysis. It is found that the visa restrictions imposed on a country has a detrimental impact of 29 percent on average on inward mobility and this impact is on the higher side for countries with almost visa-free travel.
Article
This article investigates the extent to which restrictive asylum and visa policies trigger an unintended behavioural response of potential and rejected asylum seekers. Based on our analysis of bilateral asylum and visa policies on migrant flows to 29 European states in the 2000s, we find evidence of a significant deflection into irregularity at work. Our estimates suggest that a 10% increase in asylum rejections raises the number of irregular migrants by on average 2% to 4%, and similarly, a 10% increase in short-stay visa rejections leads to a 4% to 7% increase in irregular border entries. We identify significant nuances in the impact of restrictive asylum and visa policies on the number of apprehensions ‘at the border’ versus ‘on territory’.
Article
This essay is an overview of the theoretical, methodological, pedagogical, ideological, and power-related issues of world Englishes: varieties of English used in diverse sociolinguistic contexts. The scholars in this field have critically examined theoretical and methodological frameworks of language use based on western, essentially monolingual and monocultural, frameworks of linguistic science and replaced them with frameworks that are faithful to multilingualism and language variation. This conceptual shift affords a "pluricentric" view of English, which represents diverse sociolinguistic histories, multicultural identities, multiple norms of use and acquisition, and distinct contexts of function. The implications of this shift for learning and teaching world Englishes are critically reviewed in the final sections of this essay.
Article
Purpose – This aim of this research was to discern the impacts that the visa application process has on destination perception and choice. Visas are used to respect border integrity, minimize illegal migration and reciprocate international relations. Design/methodology/approach – The research surveyed a sample of the Dubai resident population, targeting individuals who have previously been required to apply for travel visas. Findings – The outcomes of the research revealed that while visa application procedures were felt to be a “necessary bother”, certain factors such as: visa processing times and fees left participants with a negative perception of the destination, especially for travellers motivated by travel budgets, flight prices and visiting family and friends at the destination. Research limitations/implications – With available technology and the benefits of visa facilitation: cost savings, increasing tourism revenue and creating loyalty with legitimate visitors, today's nations have no excuse for not developing their policies and procedures in line with modern methods. Originality/value – For the first time, a measure of the impacts that visa application policies have on traveller destination perception and choice was assessed.
Article
This paper examines travel visa restrictions in 188 countries. We measure travel visa requirements (1) facing foreign visitors into a given country and (2) facing citizens of a given nation traveling abroad. Our analysis shows that countries are more likely to impose visas on foreign visitors when they are large, but less likely when they are rich and economically free. Citizens from richer and more populous countries face fewer travel visa requirements when traveling abroad. Countries are less likely to impose visa requirements on similar nations.
Article
In early 2006 the Swiss migration-specialist company Henley and Partners released a global ranking of visa-free travel privileges. The present paper comprises an exploratory analysis of the data, despite the lack of information as to how or when it was originally compiled. The initial hypothesis – that the ability for citizens to travel to other countries visa-free is based on the wealth and openness of their own country – is confirmed. The bulk of the world's countries, and indeed population, have very little travel freedom. A measure of global travel freedom combining the Henley data with national population figures is proposed. Any more comprehensive investigation requires the full release, or re-construction, of the dataset and knowledge of how it was compiled.
Language planning for whom
  • B H Jernudd
  • J Neustupný
  • Jernudd B. H.
Language planning ‘schools’ and their approaches and methodologies
  • R B Baldauf
  • H M Obaidul
  • Baldauf R. B.