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The Many Ways of Experiencing Solitude: Personality Processes, in Context, as Predictors of Time Alone
Abstract
This article integrates insights from the Journal of Personality's Registered Report‐only special issue, which explores the relationship between personality and experiences within solitude. Contrary to the traditional view that solitude primarily serves those who are introverted or seeking refuge from social interactions, findings in this issue demonstrate that solitude is actively sought by, and may hold benefits for, a broad spectrum of personality types. We discuss these findings and suggest there may be more complex interactions between personality and solitude than previously recognized. We highlight the importance of conceptual and methodological clarity in studying both personality and solitude. Studies also show that the benefits of solitude for well‐being depend on contextual factors including the function and purpose of solitude, and activities undertaken (or not) when alone. Preferences for, and enjoyment of, solitude are influenced by more than just personality traits; they are shaped by how personality interacts with specific situations and contexts. We provide practical recommendations for future research to refine methods in order to better understand the nuanced experiences of solitude. These approaches will help clarify the conditions under which solitude is most beneficial and offer deeper insights into how solitude can improve well‐being for different individuals.
... The current study relied on a brief conversation with a stranger, and while this approach resulted in the condition having a strong effect on perceptions of listening, and on the capacity of the listener to satisfy the needs of the speaker, the context cannot readily translate to realworld relationships, such as those with parents, romantic partners, friends, or therapists, and likely yielded more transient benefits. In addition, we designed a relatively naturalistic solitude period by asking participants to be alone at home rather than in-lab or in front of the computer, a deviation from solitude lab paradigms that results in questionable external validity (Weinstein & Adams, 2025), but still this brief period of time could not match the best, or worst, of solitude periods. As such, the ability of the current study to speak to the power, and lack of power, of listening within those everyday solitude periods is limited, and future research building on the findings here is important for a well-rounded understanding of the topic. ...
A live discussion experiment was designed to test the effects of highly empathic (vs. moderately empathic) listening on solitude experiences. Participants were assigned to three conditions in which they: 1) Discussed a negative personal experience with a confederate (ostensibly another participant) exhibiting highly empathic listening; 2) Discussed an experience with a confederate exhibiting moderately empathic listening; or, 3) Engaged in a positive reframing exercise. Building on previous listening theory (Weinstein et al., 2022) and research (Itzchakov & Weinstein, 2021; Itzchakov, Weinstein, et al., 2022). We then assessed the two posited mechanisms of autonomy and relatedness and tested the expectations to be in solitude. All participants were instructed to spend ten minutes alone, phones off, and distractions stored away. While highly empathic listening enhanced participants' (i.e. speakers) autonomy and relatedness need satisfaction compared to the other two conditions and predicted initial increases in self- and social-connection, it did not subsequently improve solitude experiences, with no direct effects found predicting self-connection, peaceful affect, loneliness, or self-insight. Indirect effects linked empathic listening to self-connection and self-insight through autonomy satisfaction. While empathic listening fosters immediate psychological need satisfaction in social contexts, deeper listening interventions may be necessary to improve subsequent solitude periods.
Introduction
The state of solitude may be desirable and beneficial particularly for individuals who are highly sensitive and introverted.
Methods
To test these predictions, we surveyed a nationally representative US sample of 301 adults and a sample of 99 undergraduates on their levels of sensory processing sensitivity and assessed introversion with the Big Five Inventory and the multifaceted STAR Introversion Scale. Participants then reported the frequency and duration of their volitional solitude, stress levels, and subjective well‐being across 10 consecutive days.
Results
Results revealed that Social Introversion and sensitivity significantly predicted higher motivations for solitude, both self‐determined and not. Thinking Introversion also predicted higher self‐determined solitude, but BFI introversion showed no relationship with either motivation. Social Introversion and sensitivity predicted higher frequency of solitude in daily life and longer duration of solitary episodes; BFI Introversion and Restrained Introversion showed the opposite pattern for both outcomes. Finally, stress was positively associated with daily solitude frequency, and in turn, solitude frequency was negatively associated with same‐day well‐being; there were no interaction effects with personality traits.
Discussion
These findings suggest that introversion, as measured by the STAR Introversion Scale, and sensitivity contribute significantly to solitary motivation; however, solitude appears to be sought after by people in times of stress regardless of their scores on these traits.
Objective
Further investigate the application of self‐determination theory (SDT) to experiences of solitude by examining the effects of recalling intrinsic versus non‐intrinsic memories.
Background
SDT research indicates that recalling memories associated with intrinsic goals (e.g., personal growth, relationships, altruism) enhances present moment wellness by satisfying basic psychological needs.
Method
Two studies were conducted with American adults. Study 1 included 465 participants (age = 49.49 [ SD = 19.01], 49.46% female) and Study 2 comprised 490 participants (age = 54.16 [ SD = 18.89], 51.84% female). Both studies assessed the impact of recalling intrinsic versus non‐intrinsic memories prior to a five‐minute solitude session.
Results
Study 1 found intrinsic memories were linked to more basic psychological need satisfaction than non‐intrinsic memories, but both memory types resulted in similar wellness improvements. Contrary to expectations, Study 2 revealed extrinsic memories (e.g., wealth, fame, image) led to the highest basic psychological need satisfaction and least need frustration compared to intrinsic and neutral memories, with all memory conditions showing similar wellness gains.
Conclusions
Solitude appears beneficial regardless of memory content. While different memories vary in need satisfying quality, this does not seem to impact the benefits of solitude. These findings suggest further exploration is needed before developing a “solitude skill set” for use during inevitable periods of solitude.
Taxonomic incommensurability denotes the difficulty in comparing scientific theories due to incompatible use of concepts and operationalizations. We show that item, scale, and label embeddings—representations of psychometric items, scales, and construct labels in a vector space obtained from language models—can help tackle this problem in psychology. We analyze different data sets (e.g., International Personality Item Pool) spanning thousands of items and hundreds of scales and constructs, to show that embeddings can be used to predict empirical relations between measures, perform automated detection of jingle–jangle fallacies, and suggest more parsimonious taxonomies that eliminate a number of extant psychological constructs. All in all, our work suggests that embeddings offer a useful tool to tackle taxonomic incommensurability in the sciences.
We describe three studies that together provide a first approximation to a comprehensive taxonomy of unique personality facets. In Study 1, we semantically sorted, removed synonyms, and factor analysed 1772 personality items taken from seven major omnibus personality inventories and four narrow inventories. Study 1 identified 61 base facets. In Study 2, we conducted a systematic review of the literature to identify facets missing from the 61 base facets. We identified 16 novel facets. We then created standardised, open access items for the 77 facets. In Study 3, we administered the items to a novel sample ( N = 1096) and assessed the psychometric properties of the facets. The ultimate result was 70 personality facet scales that are open access, psychometrically robust, unidimensional, and discriminant. We call this inventory the Facet-level Multidimensional Assessment of Personality or Facet MAP, version 1. The Facet MAP contains scales equivalent to almost all scales present in major personality inventories, and in most cases, many more as well. As the Facet MAP develops, we hope it will eventually provide a comprehensive taxonomy of personality facets, which will prove useful in reducing construct proliferation and facilitating numerous avenues of important personality research. The Facet MAP items and user manual can be found at: facetmap.org.
Objective: Solitude is a common experience that can elicit both positive (e.g., relaxation) and negative (e.g., loneliness) emotions. But can changing the way we think about solitude improve its emotional effects? In a previous study, our team found that positively reframing solitude buffers against a reduction in positive affect when alone. Yet, it is unknown whether people who are lonely—and thus more likely to experience solitude negatively—benefit from modifying their beliefs about being alone. Method: Here, we test whether reframing solitude as a beneficial experience or de-stigmatizing loneliness helps people experiencing moderate-to-severe loneliness (N = 224) feel more positive emotion and less negative emotion during solitude. We randomly assigned participants to read about either the benefits of solitude, the high prevalence of loneliness, or a control topic. Then, participants spent 10 min alone in the laboratory. State affect was assessed before and after the solitude period. Results: Across conditions, the solitude period reduced high-arousal positive (e.g., excited) and high-arousal negative (e.g., anxious) affect, and increased lowarousal positive affect (e.g., relaxed). Notably, people who read about the benefits of solitude experienced a significantly larger increase in low-arousal positive affect compared with the control condition.
Conclusion: Our findings indicate that lonely individuals can more readily reap the emotional benefits of solitude when they reframe solitude as an experience that can enhance their well-being.
Objective:
What are the motivational underpinnings of solitude? We know from self-report studies that increases in solitude are associated with drops in approach motivation and rises in avoidance motivation, but only when solitude is experienced as non-self-determined (i.e., non-autonomous). However, the extent to which individual differences in solitude relate to neurophysiological markers of approach-avoidance motivation derived from resting-state electroencephalogram (EEG) is unknown. These markers are Frontal Alpha Asymmetry, beta suppression, and midline Posterior versus Frontal EEG Theta Activity.
Method:
We assessed the relation among individual differences in the reasons for solitude (i.e., preference for solitude, motivation for solitude), approach-avoidance motivation, and resting-state EEG markers of approach-avoidance motivation (N = 115).
Results:
General preference for solitude was negatively related to approach motivation, observed in both self-reported measures and EEG markers of approach motivation. Self-determined solitude was positively related to both self-reported approach motivation and avoidance motivation in the social domain (i.e., friendship). Non-self-determined solitude was negatively associated with self-reported avoidance motivation.
Conclusion:
This research was a preliminary attempt to address the neurophysiological underpinnings of solitude in the context of motivation.
Mindfulness is defined inconsistently, and its various measures resemble established personality self-report scales. Therefore, jingle and jangle fallacies are likely to undermine the construct’s utility. To address these issues, we conducted two studies to test three hurdles of validity: 1) a sound definition and measurement model, 2) empirical distinctiveness, and 3) incremental criterion validity. We established an overarching and inclusive mindfulness definition covering twelve aspects. Based on this definition, we used an item sampling algorithm to select items from eight mindfulness scales. We established an eclectic bi-factor and a single-factor model, both fitting the data well. Bivariate latent variable correlations between a single mindfulness factor and big-five/six personality factors reached up to .68. Although 50% of mindfulness' variance was unaccounted for by the personality factors, it provided no meaningful incremental criterion validity over personality factors. Our results indicate that mindfulness has little or no incremental utility above established personality factors.
Time spent on being with others (social interactions) and being alone (solitude) in day to day life might reflect older adults' agentic regulatory strategies to balance the needs to belong and to conserve energy. Motivated from a joint lifespan psychological and social relationship theoretical perspective, this study examined how time spent on social interactions and solitude alternatively unfolds within individuals in daily life, relating to individual differences in trait‐level well‐being and fatigue. Over 21 days, a total of 11,172 valid records of social interactions were collected from 118 older adults (aged 65–94 years) in a smartphone‐based event‐contingent ambulatory assessment study in Switzerland. On average, a social interaction episode lasted 39 min and a solitude episode lasted 5.03 hr. Multilevel models showed that, at the within‐person level, a longer‐than‐usual social interaction preceded and was followed by a longer‐than‐usual solitude episode. Moderator analyses showed that older adults with higher trait life satisfaction and lower trait fatigue spent even more time in social interactions after longer solitude episodes, amplifying the solitude‐then‐interaction association. Our findings suggest that whereas social interaction is a means to improve well‐being, solitude is also an integral part in older adults' daily life supporting energy recovery.
Outdoor leisure experiences may represent an understudied yet effective pathway to promote connectedness to nature for urban park visitors. In contrast to outdoor recreation, this critical essay argues outdoor leisure more heavily emphasizes eudaimonic sentiments and intrinsic motivation in comparison with the goal-oriented and hedonic nature of outdoor recreation. It is further argued that two specific social psychological constructs, awe and solitude, may be especially useful in promoting leisure experiences in urban outdoor spaces. Relevant philosophical and social psychological literature is reviewed and synthesized to outline how land managers and environmental educators may facilitate experiences of awe and solitude to better promote contexts for experiencing outdoor leisure in urban parks. Specifically, reviewed literature suggests that utilizing the recreation opportunity spectrum framework and co-creative processes may be an effective path forward in better supporting urban park environments that are conducive to awe, solitude, and leisure. The review and synthesis of this research may ultimately guide environmental educators, land managers, and researchers in ways to more effectively support connectedness to nature via outdoor leisure experiences as an outcome for visitors to outdoor urban spaces.
Within the solitude literature, two discrete constructs reflect different perspectives on how time spent alone is motivated. Self-determined motivation for solitude reflects wanting time alone to find enjoyment and gain meaningful benefits from it, whereas preference for solitude concerns wanting time for oneself over others’ company regardless of reasons for why time alone is wanted. We investigated two personality characteristics: introversion from Big-Five personality theory and dispositional autonomy from self-determination theory. In two diary studies university students completed personality measures and reported about their experiences with time spent alone over a period of seven days. Across both studies, contrary to popular belief that introverts spend time alone because they enjoy it, results showed no evidence that introversion is predictive of either preference or motivation for solitude. Dispositional autonomy–the tendency to regulate from a place of self-congruence, interest, and lack of pressure–consistently predicted self-determined motivation for solitude but was unrelated to preference for solitude. These findings provided evidence supporting the link between valuing time spent alone with individual differences in the capacity to self-regulate in choiceful and authentic way.
Previous research has linked neural correlates with motivational traits and measures of impulsivity. However, few previous studies have investigated whether individual differences in motivation and impulsivity moderate the relationship between these disparate neural activity patterns. In a sample of 118 young adults, we used Electroencephalography (EEG) to examine whether behavioral activation and inhibition systems (BIS/BAS) and impulsivity facets (negative urgency, lack of perseverance), moderate the relationship between beta power and resting frontal alpha asymmetry. Regression analyses revealed a novel relationship between lesser beta power and greater left frontal alpha asymmetry (LFA). Moderation analyses suggest this relationship may strengthen as BIS/BAS levels increase, and trait impulsivity levels decrease from the mean. These results are among the first revealing a relationship between two widely investigated neural activity patterns of motivation and provide some indication individual differences moderate this relationship. The limitations of these findings and need for future research are discussed.
Background: Loneliness, a transdiagnostic feature of psychopathology, is an experience of perceived isolation only weakly linked to amount of time spent alone. Although traditional loneliness interventions aim to increase social contact, targeting maladaptive cognition about time alone may be an effective way to reduce loneliness. We investigated whether a brief reappraisal manipulation enables individuals to experience their time alone more positively. We also tested the impact of trait loneliness, compulsive social media use, and trait reappraisal on experiences of time alone.
Methods: College students and community members (N = 220) were randomly assigned to read a passage about the benefits of solitude (n = 74), the true prevalence of loneliness (n = 72), or a control topic (n = 74). Participants then sat alone for ten minutes.
Results: Across conditions, positive and negative mood significantly decreased after sitting alone. Participants who read about the benefits of solitude experienced a smaller reduction in positive mood than those in the control condition. Participants who less frequently used reappraisal in their everyday lives benefited most from the manipulation.
Conclusions: Our results provide preliminary evidence that reappraising time alone as solitude may boost resilience to the decrements in positive mood associated with time alone. Limitations, clinical implications, and directions for future research are discussed.
Keywords: loneliness, solitude, reappraisal, alone time, emotion
Autotelic personality is a constellation of dispositional attributes that facilitate engagement and enjoyment in daily activities. However, there is no existing measurement directly capturing the attributes of autotelic personality that are identified in the literature. In the three studies reported here (total N = 900), we developed an Autotelic Personality Questionnaire (APQ) and evaluated its reliability and validity. Results from the studies provide support for adequate internal consistency, longitudinal invariance, and test–retest reliability (Study 1 and Study 2). Furthermore, APQ scores were significantly correlated with measures of conscientiousness, openness to experience, extraversion, neuroticism, and internal locus of control. In addition, APQ scores predicted flow proneness and satisfaction with life (Study 2). These results provide support for construct and criterion validity. Finally, people high in autotelic personality experienced more flow state than those low in autotelic personality during a word unscrambling task (Study 3), indicating good criterion validity of the APQ scores. Limitations, future research, and implications are discussed.
Scholars over the last several decades have theorized and presented research regarding the key components of a balanced adult life. However, attempts to integrate these components are rare. This paper offers a two-dimensional model for understanding and constructing a balanced adult life: doing–being and relationship–solitude. Thriving by active doing (mastery/accomplishment) and by relationships (collaboration/engagement in positive relationships) comprise two major elements within the common models of well-being (e.g., self-determination theory and the flourish/PERMA theoretical model). However, to live a balanced life, these two socially desirable modes of existence—doing and relationships—must be complemented by being and solitude, respectively, each commanding a markedly lower profile in the literature. The two dimensions are described, followed by a presentation of the four modes generated from these two dimensions: solitary doing, communal doing, solitary being, and communal being. The benefits of each mode are presented and implications of the proposed model are discussed.
The authors aimed to outline problems related to construct validity and suggest research lines to solve them. In this Editorial the authors wanted to raise awareness concerning some of the problems the authors believe to have been identified regarding convergent and discriminant validation efforts. Summarizing the thoughts outlined above, the authors stress three aspects that papers reporting validation studies should follow: (1) The trait to be measured should be clearly defined and embedded within a nomological network. (2) Besides convergent validity, discriminant validity is important in order to gain a more complete picture of the validity of an instrument. To this end, different traits have to be assessed with different methods. The nomological network should guide the selection of the discriminant trait(s). (3) Effects of method variance should be modeled. This Editorial also suggests the need for more research in the areas of method variance producing, phenomena effects of item context, and the facet structure underlying and defining broad domains. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
Don't leave me alone with my thoughts
Nowadays, we enjoy any number of inexpensive and readily accessible stimuli, be they books, videos, or social media. We need never be alone, with no one to talk to and nothing to do. Wilson et al. explored the state of being alone with one's thoughts and found that it appears to be an unpleasant experience. In fact, many of the people studied, particularly the men, chose to give themselves a mild electric shock rather than be deprived of external sensory stimuli.
Science , this issue p. 75
Psychological scientists have recently started to reconsider the importance of close replications in building a cumulative knowledge base; however, there is no consensus about what constitutes a convincing close replication study. To facilitate convincing close replication attempts we have developed a Replication Recipe, outlining standard criteria for a convincing close replication. Our Replication Recipe can be used by researchers, teachers, and students to conduct meaningful replication studies and integrate replications into their scholarly habits.
Background
Affect recall is key to psychological assessment and decision‐making. However, self‐concepts (self‐beliefs) may bias retrospective affect reports such that they deviate from lived experiences. Does this experience‐memory gap apply to solitude experiences? We hypothesized that individuals misremember how they feel overall and when in solitude, in line with self‐concepts of introversion, self‐determined/not‐self‐determined solitude motivations, and independent/interdependent self‐construal. A pilot study comparing retrospective to daily affect reports captured over 2 weeks ( N = 104 UK university students) provided preliminary evidence of introversion and not‐self‐determined solitude shaping affect recall.
Methods
In the main pre‐registered study, participants aged 18–49 in the UK ( N = 160) and Hong Kong ( N = 159) reported their momentary affective states and social situations 5 times per day over 7 days, then recalled how they felt over the week.
Results and Discussion
Individuals higher in self‐determined solitude were more prone to retrospectively overestimate their high‐ and low‐arousal positive affect in solitude and showed less overestimation/more underestimation of negative affect in solitude. Higher not‐self‐determined solitude was associated with overestimating loneliness, and higher interdependent self‐construal with overestimating loneliness and energy levels, in solitude. Comparisons based on residence/ethnicity suggest culture influences solitude‐seeking and affective memory. Implications for well‐being and affect measurement are discussed.
Objective
This research explored arousal levels as a motivating factor for solitude‐seeking. We hypothesized that solitude becomes more desirable when high‐arousal emotions were heightened and individual differences in extraversion and neuroticism would moderate this pattern.
Method
We tracked individuals' hourly experiences throughout a day. We assessed their high‐arousal positive (e.g., excitement) and negative emotions (e.g., tension), whether they were alone or with others, and their preferred situation at the time of the signal. We gathered 4338 surveys from 362 participants, with 103 participants completing all hourly surveys.
Results
Preference for and incidence of solitude changed throughout the day. Contrary to our hypotheses, lagged analyses did not indicate high‐arousal emotions predicting reports of being alone an hour later. However, individuals were more likely to express a preference for solitude while experiencing high‐arousal negative emotions, and less so while experiencing positive emotions. Younger individuals display stronger preference for solitude during experiences of high‐arousal negative emotions. Extraversion and neuroticism did not moderate these patterns.
Conclusions
The results highlight the distinctive appeal of solitude as a space for young adults to deal with negative emotions. We discussed how these findings are connected to existing literature and implications for future research.
Objective/Background
Flow, a psychological state of intense engagement in and enjoyment of an activity, can arise during both solitary and socially interactive experiences. In the literature, whereas people high in extraversion have difficulty achieving flow in solitude, those with an autotelic personality—a combination of traits that make people prone to flow—readily experience flow in both solitary and interactive conditions. In this pre‐registered experiment, we investigated whether autotelic personality mitigates the negative association between solitary flow and extraversion.
Method
Participants and their romantic partners (final N = 368) played the game Perfection™ in three conditions (order was counterbalanced): alone ( solitary condition ), in the presence of their partner without interaction ( mere‐presence condition ), and collaboratively ( interactive condition ).
Results
There were independent, positive main effects of extraversion and autotelic personality on flow experience in mere‐presence and interactive conditions. However, the positive effect of extraversion on solitary flow was only significant among participants with high (vs. low) autotelic personality. In all conditions, flow experience was associated with greater low‐arousal positive affect and lesser high‐arousal negative affect.
Conclusions
The findings shed light on the role of personality in promoting solitary flow experiences, and particularly how traits might interact to determine optimal and non‐optimal conditions for achieving flow.
Objective
People value solitude in varying degrees. Theories and studies suggest that people's appreciation of solitude varies considerably across persons (e.g., an introverted person may value solitude more than an extraverted person), and solitude experiences (i.e., on average, people may value some functions of solitude, e.g., privacy, more than other functions, e.g., self‐discovery). What are the unique contributions of these two sources?
Method
We surveyed a quota‐based sample of 501 US residents about their perceived importance of a diverse set of 22 solitude functions.
Results
Variance component analysis reveals that both sources contributed to the variability of perceived importance of solitude (person: 22%; solitude function: 15%). Crucially, individual idiosyncratic preferences (person–by‐solitude function interaction) had a substantial impact (46%). Further analyses explored the role of personality traits, showing that different functions of solitude hold varying importance for different people. For example, neurotic individuals prioritize emotion regulation, introverted individuals value relaxation, and conscientious individuals find solitude important for productivity.
Conclusions
People value solitude for idiosyncratic reasons. Scientific inquiries on solitude must consider the fit between a person's characteristics and the specific functions a solitary experience affords. This research suggests that crafting or enhancing positive solitude experiences requires a personalized approach.
Introduction
Solitude represents an important context for emerging adults' well‐being; but to date, little is known about how emerging adults spend their time alone. The goals of this study were to: (1) describe and characterize solitary activities among emerging adults attending university; (2) examine links between solitary activities and indices of adjustment; and (3) explore the moderating role of affinity for solitude in these associations.
Methods
Participants were N = 1798 university students aged 18–25 years ( M age = 19.73, SD = 1.46; 59.7% female) who completed assessments of how/why they spend time alone and indices of psychosocial adjustment (e.g., well‐being, psychological distress, loneliness, and aloneliness).
Results
Emerging adults who spent time alone predominantly thinking reported poor adjustment outcomes (i.e., higher loneliness and psychological distress, and lower well‐being) and dissatisfaction with solitude, whereas those who engaged in active leisure activities or passive technology use while alone reported lower psychological distress and higher satisfaction with solitude. The negative implications of doing nothing were not attenuated at higher levels of affinity for solitude.
Discussion
These findings suggest that some solitary activities are more beneficial than others.
Objective
To examine the associations that narcissistic personality traits had with the preference for solitude.
Background
Preference for solitude may be impacted by various characteristics. Narcissism may be one such characteristic given its association with specific motivations for engagement with other individuals (e.g., status attainment).
Method
We examined whether the associations that narcissism had with the preference for solitude were moderated by perceived attainment of status or instability of status.
Results
Across three studies ( N = 627/479/675), extraverted narcissism had the expected aversion to solitude. Antagonistic narcissism and neurotic narcissism did not have consistent associations with the preference for solitude across these studies, nor did the perceived attainment of status consistently moderate the links between narcissistic personality features and the preference for solitude. However, perceived instability of status moderated the associations that extraverted narcissism and antagonistic narcissism had with the preference for solitude. More specifically, the more stable status was perceived to be, the greater the aversion to solitude for those high in extraverted narcissism and the greater the preference for solitude for those high in antagonistic narcissism.
Conclusions
This pattern of results suggests that the motivations underlying preferences for solitude differ depending on particular narcissistic traits that predict whether one is more concerned with maintaining, gaining, or losing status. These results build upon what is known about the connections that narcissism has with the preference for solitude.
What leads to peaceful and enjoyable solitude? Little is known about which personality and mindset qualities benefit individuals during time spent alone. The current study was designed to build a foundation for future quantitative and qualitative research making a priori predictions about well‐being (e.g., relaxation) or ill‐being (e.g., loneliness) when individuals are in solitude. Semi‐structured interviews of n = 60 participants, aged 19–80, were analyzed into themes. Exposure to the benefits of solitude early in life and personality characteristics that cross life's domains (capacity for introspection and self‐reflection and optimism) were associated with enjoying solitude. Mindsets recognizing that solitude benefits self‐connection, as well as in situ factors of creativity and curiosity, appeared to play important roles. In a final theme, self‐compassion, a present focus and perspective taking helped to alleviate discomfort during difficult moments of solitude. These findings deepen our understanding of which qualities individuals bring forward to enhance their moments of solitude.
The slim but growing literature on solitude relies heavily on survey and experimental designs but lacks a substantive understanding of the lived experiences of time spent alone, and by extension, what those experiences might reveal about the psychological functions of time in solitude. Following Gibson’s (1979) theory of affordances, solitude was viewed as an environment that offers various meaningful possibilities for action. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 43 emerging adults who shared positive and negative experiences of solitude, motivations for being alone, and perceived benefits of time spent by themselves. Narratives were examined using thematic analysis, revealing five positive affordances (focused attention, restoration, reflection, freedom, transcendence), two negative affordances (loneliness, rumination), and one mixed affordance (emotional expression). Affordances as an interactive match between environment and person, and the importance of purpose and the capacity to perceive such affordances, are discussed in relation to the benefits of solitude for emerging adults.
What does it mean to be in solitude? Researchers building this nascent field are learning much about the potential affordances of solitude, but lack an agreed-upon definition or set of definitions. Arriving at that meaning is crucial to forming a solid foundation for studies that use both naturalistic and laboratory designs to explore outcomes of solitude. This study identified themes from semi-structured interviews with adults aged 19 to 80 from diverse backgrounds. We concluded that solitude is a state in which the dominant relationship is with the self. If not physically alone, people in solitude are mentally distanced from others and away from active technology-mediated interactions. Complete solitude involves both physical separation and inner focus, but solitude is best defined through a taxonomy that recognizes physical separation and internal focus as independent, sufficient characteristics. An internal focus benefits from (but is not defined by) balancing solitude with social time, quiet, and choice.
We review literature and experimental data to distinguish solitude from other situations where people are alone but preoccupied by external activities or presence of other people. We further explore meaningful factors shaping solitary experiences, including the reasons for which we find ourselves alone, the activities that we engage in, and the characteristics of solitude that feel authentic and true to ourselves. Thus, this chapter aims to advance understanding of the nuances around our solitary experiences and emphasizes the importance of exploring the nuances of solitude instead of treating it as a unidimensional phenomenon.
Solitude is a normative human experience throughout the lifespan. Notwithstanding, there continues to be considerable debate regarding the implications of spending time alone. In this chapter, we review theory and research pertaining to the links between solitude and well-being. We begin with an overview of the conceptual and methodological approaches to the psychological study of solitude. This is followed by a brief summary of the evidence demonstrating the various potential costs of spending excessive time alone. We then closely examine the supposition that solitude can also serve beneficial functions, including some promising areas worthy of future investigation. Our goal is to begin to untangle the so-called paradox of solitude: Although spending time alone is believed to serve self-enhancing functions, solitude is often experienced as undesirable and painful.
In this research we showed that solitude generally has a deactivation effect on people’s affective experiences, decreasing both positive and negative high-arousal affects. In Study 1, we found that the deactivation effect occurred when people were alone, but not when they were with another person. Study 2 showed that this deactivation effect did not depend on whether or not the person was engaged in an activity such as a reading when alone. In Study 3, high-arousal positive affect did not drop in a solitude condition in which participants specifically engaged in positive thinking or when they actively chose what to think about. Finally, in Study 4, we found that solitude could lead to relaxation and reduced stress when individuals actively chose to be alone. This research thus shed light on solitude effects in the past literature, and on people’s experiences when alone and the different factors that moderate these effects.
A tablet may be the best media device to use to spend time alone or enjoy a moment of solitude to release stress. The goal of this study is to examine how the desire for aloneness and leisure boredom play a role in influencing diverse activities when using the tablet and how these socio-psychological states, tablet activities, and location of tablet use may affect the perception of stress reduction, especially when the tablet is used alone. Data were gathered from a probability sample of 948 respondents, of which 348 were tablet users, through a telephone survey. Results indicate that people with a high preference for aloneness were more active tablet users of utility-, information-, social-, and fun seeking-oriented activities, while those who were leisurely bored did not show any significant difference. People with a high desire for aloneness and the leisurely bored tended to have a higher perception that using the tablet in solitude can help them reduce stress. Heavy users of both social- and fun seeking-oriented activities on the tablets also significantly predicted the perception of stress reduction in tablet use alone, particularly in the privacy of their bathroom. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
The "self-regulatory processing model of narcissism" described in the target article conceptualizes narcissism as a set of intra- and interpersonal processes employed in the service of motivated self-construction. In response to the insightful and constructive commentaries, this article theoretically expands this model to elaborate more fully the paradoxical coexistence of grandiosity and vulnerability in narcissists. Toward this goal, we consider the characteristics of the processing system and cognitive-affective dynamics that might underlie narcissistic grandiosity-vulnerability, as well as possible developmental antecedents. We discuss the possible concurrent operations of two systems-one implicit, hot, impulsive, and affect driven, the other explicit, rational, or cool. This analysis allowed the model to be extended in ways that further illuminates some of narcissists' paradoxical elements and enables specific predictions about the situational features likely to activate and maintain the narcissistic pattern. It is our hope that the model will stimulate additional research and theorizing about narcissism and serve more generally as a framework for the study of other personality types.
Christopher R. Long and James R. Averill, Solitude: An Exploration of Benefits of Being Alone, pp. 21–44.
Historically, philosophers, artists, and spiritual leaders have extolled the benefits of solitude; currently, advice on how to achieve solitude is the subject of many popular books and articles. Seldom, however, has solitude been studied by psychologists, who have focused instead on the negative experiences associated with being alone, particularly loneliness. Solitude, in contrast to loneliness, is often a positive state—one that may be sought rather than avoided. In this article, we examine some of the benefits that have been attributed to solitude—namely, freedom, creativity, intimacy, and spirituality. In subsequent sections, we consider the environmental settings and personality characteristics conducive to solitude, how time spent alone is experienced differently across the life span, and the potential dangers related to the attractiveness of solitude. We conclude with a brief discussion of the theoretical and practical implications of solitude.
Approach motivation is the energization of behavior by, or the direction of behavior toward, positive stimuli (objects, events,
possibilities), whereas avoidance motivation is the energization of behavior by, or the direction of behavior away from, negative
stimuli (objects, events, possibilities). In this article, I provide a brief overview of this distinction between approach
and avoidance motivation. In addition, I provide a brief overview of a model of motivation in which this approach-avoidance
distinction plays an integral role—the hierarchical model of approach-avoidance motivation.
Getting Entangled in the Nomological net
- Ziegler M.