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DEADLY ATTACK: DUBONA AND MALO ORASJE: LEAVE THE PROTECTOR
Abstract
The paper will investigate the aspects of the deadly attack on the citizens of the suburban settlement of Dubona in the city municipality of Mladenovac — the city of Belgrade, and the settlement of Malo Orašje — the city of Smederevo, from May 4th, 2023, which resulted in the loss of life and the injury of several people. The aim of the research is to come to the following conclusion, is it a legal right of a citizen to expect his life to be protected? Was the deadly attack predictable? On what principles are the powers of the authority based, which, according to them, is obliged to provide protection to the citizen — his bodily integrity and any other integrity? Did the body authorized to protect citizens from the deadly attack that was carried out on May 4th, 2023 act in accordance with its obligations in the case of the crime in the suburban settlement of Dubona of the city municipality of Mladenovac - the city of Belgrade, and Malo Orašje, a populated place - the city of Smederevo? Who is responsible for the deadly attack? Based on the research, it is established that: for the deadly attack on May 4th, 2024 in the suburban settlement of Dubona in the municipality of Mladenovac - the city of Belgrade, and Malo Orašje, a settlement in the city of Smederevo, the citizens of the Republic of Serbia who decide to entrust and transfer their powers to authority—the government that exercises the powers delegated to it on their behalf; the government of the Republic of Serbia — its Ministry of Internal Affairs — its Police Directorate and its organizational units are responsible: the Police Administration for the city of Belgrade and the city of Smederevo; managers in those organizational units who are obliged by law to provide protection to citizens for the peaceful enjoyment of their rights; the deadly attack was predictable; authorities could have prepared for proactive action and prevented the deadly attack.
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This conceptual paper explores and develops a holistic, contemporary model of crime prevention, namely the ‘Fortress Farm’ concept as introduced by the National Farmers Union in the UK. This novel idea is underpinned by the criminological theory of defensible space as posited by Oscar Newman, and by other theories of crime prevention. A holistic model of crime prevention drawing on all aspects of the topic is developed and discussed in the context of preventing and deterring farm crime. This model can be adapted by individual farms or collectives to design out crime on farms. In the process, this paper advances our understanding of crime prevention both at a farm level and in a wider rural context.
The COP meetings create global spaces for protesters to target transnational institutions, with the potential for reaching worldwide audiences through global media attention. City spaces around COPs temporarily became global public spaces, which the respective national police forces were set to govern. The challenges for the state in this context had been evident ever since the WTO meeting in Seattle in 1999, which was temporarily shut down by protesters. This became the first of a series of global justice protests against summit meetings representing global power structures. Since the decisive 2009 COP15 summit in Copenhagen, COPs have been major targets for protest activity and, correspondingly, surrounding city spaces have been subject to extensive policing. In Copenhagen, protest size peaked with a demonstration of up to 100,000 participants; police repression was also extraordinary in the Danish context, with the mass arrest of almost 1,000 demonstrators. With these developments as a backdrop, this chapter analyzes how the police and political authorities governed dissent in Paris during COP21, the modes of resistance climate activists used, and the ensuing conflictual interactions between police and protesters. The analysis has two overarching objectives: First, to clarify how the broader climate issue is governed and negotiated in the public space by identifying the main forms of governance and resistance in this crucial moment for the climate struggle; second, this chapter explores how protest and protest policing are affected by an acute state of emergency. After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, many countries introduced various forms of exceptional anti-terrorist legislation with increased repressive capacities for governing dissent. During COP21, the impact of these increased capacities for repression was significant. In response to the terrorist attacks on November 13, 2015 in Paris, killing 130 people just two weeks before COP21, the French authorities installed a state of emergency that, among other things, extended the capacities of the police and granted authorities the power to ban all protests during the COP
Highly visible police cars promote a sense of police presence in communities, and presumably, they are less likely to be hit by other motorists. The present research included two experiments that investigated police car visibility. Experiment 1 used detection and categorization tasks to investigate which paint scheme, black/white or white, was better detected and categorized. Experiment 2 used a categorization task that included stimuli consisting of complete and partially-complete police cars to investigate the defining components of police cars. The results indicated that black/white police cars were better categorized than white, but white was better detected than black/white. Further, black/white (B&W) paint was a dominant component that overshadowed the effects of light bars, make/model, or markings. Finally, light bars were more important than markings for defining police cars.
The scale and ferocity of post-war violence regularly confounds the expectations of security and development specialists. When left unchecked, mutating violence can tip ‘fragile’ societies back into all out warfare. In the context of formal peace support operations, conventional security promotion efforts are routinely advanced to prevent this from happening. These include disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) and wider security system/sector reform (SSR). There are also lesser known but no less important interventions to promote security that deviate from—but also potentially reinforce and enhance—DDR and SSR. Faced with dynamic post-war contexts, erstwhile warring parties, peace mediators and practitioners have crafted a host of innovative and experimental security promotion initiatives designed to mitigate risks and symptoms of post-war violence including interim stabilisation measures and second generation DDR. Drawing on a growing evidence base, the article sets out a host of contextual determinants that shape the character and effectiveness of security promotion on the ground. It then issues a typology of emergent practices—some that occur before, during and after DDR and SSR interventions. Taken together, they offer a fascinating new research agenda for those preoccupied with post-war security promotion.
In recent years, crises have become increasingly transboundary in nature. This exploratory paper investigates whether and how the transboundary dimensions of crises such as pandemics, cyber attacks and prolonged critical infrastructure failure accentuate the challenges that public and private authorities confront in the face of urgent threats. We explore the transboundary dimensions of crises and disasters, discuss how an increase in ‘transboundedness’ affects traditional crisis management challenges and investigate what administrative mechanisms are needed to deal with these compounded challenges. Building on lessons learned from past crises and disasters, our goal is to stimulate a discussion among crisis management scholars about the political-administrative capabilities required to deal with ‘transboundary’ crises.
School shootings have generated great public concern and fostered a widespread impression that schools are unsafe for many students; this article counters those misapprehensions by examining empirical evidence of school and community violence trends and reviewing evidence on best practices for preventing school shootings. Many of the school safety and security measures deployed in response to school shootings have little research support, and strategies such as zero tolerance discipline and student profiling have been widely criticized as unsound practices. Threat assessment is identified as a promising strategy for violence prevention that merits further study. The article concludes with an overview of the need for schools to develop crisis response plans to prepare for and mitigate such rare events.
Every day the American government, the United Nations, and other international institutions send people into non-English speaking, wartorn, and often minimally democratic countries struggling to cope with rising crime and disorder under a new regime. These assistance missions attempt to promote democratic law enforcement in devastated countries. But do these missions really facilitate the creation of effective policing? Renowned criminologist David H. Bayley here examines the prospects for the reform of police forces overseas as a means of encouraging the development of democratic governments. In doing so, he assesses obstacles for promoting democratic policing in a state-of-the-art review of all efforts to promote democratic reform since 1991. Changing the Guard offers an inside look at the achievements and limits of current American foreign assistance, outlining the nature and scope of the police assistance program and the agencies that provide it. Bayley concludes with recommendations for how police assistance could be improved in volatile countries across the world. This book is required reading as an instruction manual for building democratic policing overseas.
In its fifth edition, The Politics of the Police has been revised, updated, and extended to take account of recent changes in the law, policy, organization, and social contexts of policing. It builds upon the previous editions’ political economy of policing to encompass a wide global and transnational scope, and to reflect the growing diversity of policing forms. This volume explores the highly charged debates that surround policing, including the various controversies that have led to a change in the public’s opinion of the police in recent years, as well as developments in law, accountability, and governance. The volume sets out to analyse what the police do, how they do it and with what effects, how the mass media shape public perceptions of the police, and how globalization, privatization, militarization, and securitization are impacting on contemporary police work. It concludes with an assessment of what we can expect for the future of policing.
Crime and Everyday Life, Fourth Edition, provides an illuminating glimpse into roots of criminal behavior, explaining how crime can touch us all in both small and large ways. This innovative text shows how opportunity is a necessary condition for crime to occur, while exploring realistic ways to reduce or eliminate crime and criminal behavior by removing the opportunity to complete the act. Encouraging students to take a closer look at the true nature of crime and its effects on their lives, author Marcus Felson and new co-author Rachel L. Boba (an expert on crime prevention, crime analysis and mapping, and school safety) maintain the book's engaging, readable, and informative style, while incorporating the most current research on criminal behavior and routine activity theory. The authors emphasize that routine daily activities set the stage for illegal acts, thus challenging conventional wisdom and offering students a fresh perspective, novel solutions for reducing crime … and renewed hope. New and Proven Features Includes new coverage of gangs, bar problems, and barhopping; new discussion of the dynamic crime triangle; and expanded coverage of technology, Internet fraud, identity theft, and other Internet pitfalls; The now-famous “fallacies about crime” are reduced to nine and are organized and explained even more clearly than in past editions; Offers updated research on crime as well as new examples of practical application of theory, with the most current crime and victimization statistics throughout; Features POP (Problem-Oriented Policing) Center guidelines and citations, including Closing Streets and Alleys to Reduce Crime, Speeding in Residential Areas, Robbery of Convenience Stores, and use of the Situational Crime Prevention Evaluation Database; Updated “Projects and Challenges” at the end of each chapter Intended Audience This supplemental text adds a colorful perspective and enriches classroom discussion for courses in Criminological Theory, Introduction to Criminal Justice, and Introductory Criminology.
This book begins with the story of efforts to reform the law of homicide in England and Wales. Having wrested control over the direction of reform from the judiciary, successive governments have been content to oversee a narrowly focused, pluralist model of reform. Under this model, individuals and interest groups - extending to bureaucratised lay bodies representing a variety of special interests - compete for a reforming influence with civil servants and ministers. However, what has remained neglected is any serious attempt by government to discover the views of the general public on homicide law reform. The book argues that comprehensive research into, and a degree of deference to, public opinion on the scope of homicide is essential to the reform process. It is essential principally as a means of conferring true legitimacy on homicide reform in a democracy. Elite or expert opinion alone will never authentically secure such legitimacy. A true liberal democracy will build in to legislation opportunities for citizens in good conscience periodically to oppose cherished liberal principles currently governing homicide law. The book goes on to examine many of the key issues in the current law, such as the ever-weakening case for 'partial' defences to murder, the need to hold public authorities to account for corporate manslaughter, secondary liability for murder, the case for 'one-punch' manslaughter, and the bureaucratisation of some forms of homicide, such as causing death by dangerous driving, that have departed in their structure and operation from the common law manslaughter principles that formerly governed them.
Despite some continuity with past forms and functions, police organization in the twentieth century has evolved in response to changes in technology, social organization, and political governance at all levels of society. Major developments in police organization have occurred in the areas of command organization and mobilization of patrol officers, the organization and work of patrol officers, and the access and use of information systems by all levels of personnel. While there have been some efforts to consolidate law enforcement, police organizations generally remain resistant to this goal. Bureaucratization of the police has produced numerous changes within departments and has been strongly influenced by changing conditions from outside of departments. Community-based and problem-oriented policing are reshaping the way in which some police organizations conduct their business. However, there is an equally strong focus by many departments directed at crime events and their control.
This book provides the first empirical analysis of lone-actor terrorist behaviour.
Based upon a unique dataset of 111 lone actors that catalogues the life span of the individual’s development, the book contains important insights into what an analysis of their behaviours might imply for practical interventions aimed at disrupting or even preventing attacks. It adopts insights and methodologies from criminology and forensic psychology to provide a holistic analysis of the behavioural underpinnings of lone-actor terrorism.
By focusing upon the behavioural aspects of each offender and by analysing a variety of case studies, including Anders Breivik, Ted Kaczynski, Timothy McVeigh and David Copeland, this work marks a pointed departure from previous research in the field. It seeks to answer the following key questions:
Is there a lone-actor terrorist profile and how do they differ?
What behaviours did the lone-actor terrorist engage in prior to his/her attack and is there a common behavioural trajectory into lone-actor terrorism?
How ‘lone’ do lone-actor terrorists tend to be?
What role, if any, does the internet play?
What role, if any, does mental illness play?
This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism/counter-terrorism studies, political violence, criminology, forensic psychology and security studies in general.
Communities vary widely in the ways in which police exercise discretion; in their resources; in their mixtures of public police, private police, and voluntary citizen policing; in the nature and severity of problems requiring policing; and in the physical geography that shapes options for policing. Yet communities vary relatively little in basic police strategy. Residential neighborhoods in American metropolitan areas are policed primarily by officers driving around in unfocused patrol, largely waiting for calls for service. Public police should probably supplement the single-complaint strategy in most communities with a variety of mixed-strategy models. The specific strategies employed in any particular community should be based on the community's unique characteristics. Recent research suggests some conclusions about the relative effectiveness of various policing strategies in general, but it says little about interaction effects between strategies and neighborhoods. Informal experimentation may provide...
This paper examines US school rampage shootings, focusing on the period from the late 20th century to the present. School rampage shootings are thought to be distinct from other forms of violence because of the relatively safe rural setting in which most of these events occur, the lack of specified individual targets, and the number of deaths involved. While this type of violence seems to have spiked in the mid-1990s, school violence in general and school shootings in particular have occurred throughout the history of formal education. Research shows that certain elements of school rampage shootings are unique, while others do not distinguish them from more common forms of violence. For the most part, theory development is still nascent, with the most advanced explanations relying on psychological factors. Finally, interventions have generally been guided by situational crime prevention rather than theories about why violence occurs in school. This paper argues that more research is needed before firm policy conclusions can be made.
The author is a Senior Analyst at the RAND Corporation. The opinions expressed are solely the author's and do not represent those of RAND or any of its sponsors.
The author is grateful for comments from Daniel Byman, Russell Glenn, Thomas McNaugher, Bruce Nardulli, Kenneth Pollack, Thomas Szayna, Barry Watts, and two anonymous reviewers on an earlier version of this article.
1. Edward Luttwak, Coup D'Etat: A Practical Handbook (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969). There is a large literature on the coup and military interventions in politics, and Arab politics in particular. See S.E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics, 2d ed. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1988); Eric A. Nordlinger, Soldiers in Politics: Military Coups and Governments (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Claude E. Welch Jr. and Arthur K. Smith, Military Role and Rule: Perspectives on Civil-Military Relations (North Scituate, Mass.: Duxbury Press, 1974); J.C. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics: The Military Dimension (New York: Praeger, 1969); Eliezer Be'eri, Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society (New York: Praeger, 1970); and Amos Perlmutter, The Military and Politics in Modern Times: On Professionals, Praetorians, and Revolutionary Soldiers (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977).
2. The "how-to" format seems inevitably to lead to such a tone. An earlier book by Curzio Malaparte has a tone similar to Luttwak's, as do later handbook-style volumes. Malaparte, Coup d'Etat: The Technique of Revolution, trans. Sylvia Saunders (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1932); and Gregor Ferguson, Coup D'Etat: A Practical Manual (Poole, Dorset: Arms and Armour Press, 1987).
3. Luttwak, Coup D'Etat, p. 12.
4. Kermit Roosevelt, Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979).
5. Eliezer Be'eri, "The Waning of the Military Coup in Arab Politics," Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1 (January 1982), pp. 69-81.
6. This list replicates the recommendations and terminology of Donald L. Horowitz's section on coup prevention in ethnic conflicts. As Horowitz points out, these recommendations replicate many of the principles long used by colonial powers to recruit colonial forces. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). The techniques fit easily in the pattern of "pervasive division and personal rivalry" inherent in patrimonial leadership in the Middle East. James A. Bill and Robert Springborg, Politics in the Middle East, 4th ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), p. 166. These methods also bring the "traditional bonds" that complicate coup-making into more advanced bureaucratic states. Luttwak, Coup D'Etat, pp. 4-5.
7. S.E. Finer, "Foreword," in Luttwak, Coup D'Etat, p. xv.
8. Hanna Batatu, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq: A Study of Iraq's Old Landed and Commercial Classes and of Its Communists, Ba'athists, and Free Officers (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978); and Charles Tripp, "The Future of Iraq and Regional Security," in Geoffrey Kemp and Janice Gross Stein, eds., Powder Keg in the Middle East: The Struggle for Gulf Security (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1995), pp. 133-159.
9. Nikolaos van Dam, "Middle Eastern Political Clichés: 'Tikriti' and 'Sunni Rule' in Iraq; 'Alawi Rule' in Syria: A Critical Appraisal," Orient, January 1980, pp. 42-57.
10. It is difficult to obtain reliable population figures for these countries. Saudi Arabia has long been known as a state in which demographic measurements are suspect if public, secret if accurate, and always controversial. Syria and Iraq are just as sensitive. Iraq's last publicly available census was conducted in 1977. The Iraqi census of 1987 may be unique in making failure to register for the census punishable by death. The 1987 census helped identify the location of Kurds for later extermination campaigns. Middle East Watch, Genocide in Iraq: The Anfal Campaign against the Kurds (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1993), pp. 10, 87. Completed forms from the 1987 census were provided to local offices of the General Directorate of Security together with directions on maintaining the files as a regular information source. Middle East Watch, Bureaucracy of Repression: The Iraqi Government in Its...
Deterrence theory has been developed primarily by economists, who have viewed potential criminals as rational decision-makers faced with an array of illicit opportunities characterized by costs (time, possible adverse legal consequences, and so forth) and payoffs. The crime decision is thus characterized in a way that fits the well-developed theoretical framework of decision-making under uncertainty. Herbert Simon and others have questioned the descriptive accuracy of this theory, and are beginning to uncover systematic patterns in decision-making that violate the predictions of the economic theory: this work could usefully be incorporated into the crime choice framework. One of the most important issues for further research in this area is the way in which potential criminals acquire information about criminal opportunities and the effectiveness of the criminal justice system. A simple "realistic" model of threat communication can be outlined that yields deterrence-like effects, even though no one is wel...
Approaching the Madrid train bombings of 11 March 2004 from a security perspective, the occurrence of these highly lethal blasts made it evident not only a major intelligence failure, but also serious problems in the coordination between law enforcement agencies and deficiencies in international cooperation to prevent such deadly manifestations of global terrorism. As a result, governmental measures adopted in Spain immediately afterwards to reform the internal security structures and thus more adequately face the persisting risks and threats associated with that phenomenon, paid particular attention to increasing intelligence capabilities, advancing antiterrorist coordination and strengthening collaboration with relevant nations, alongside other initiatives aimed at preventing and countering al-Qaeda related terrorist activities. Overall, those measures enjoyed a high degree of legitimation among citizens.
Positive association of relevant characteristics is a widespread pattern among adolescent friends. A positive association may be caused by the selection of similar others as friends and by the deselection of dissimilar ones, but also by influence processes where friends adjust their behavior to each other. Social control theory argues that adolescents select each other as friends based on delinquency. Differential association theory, on the other hand, argues that adolescent friends influence each other's delinquency levels. We employ new statistical methods for assessing the empirical evidence for either process while controlling for the other process. These methods are based on ‘actor-oriented’ stochastic simulation models. We analyze longitudinal data on friendship networks and delinquent behavior collected in four waves of 544 students in 21 first-grade classrooms of Dutch secondary schools. Results indicate that adolescents select others as friends who have a similar level of delinquency compared with their own level. Estimates of the social influence parameters are not significant. The results are consistent with social control theory but provide no support for differential association theory.
Beyond noting the importance of the Act for Improving the Police in and near the Metropolis (1829) (hereafter referred to as the Metropolitan Police Act of 1829) to the origins of modern policing, law enforcement and policing textbooks commonly include a list identified as Peel's principles. In researching the origins of such lists and their principles, this study found that they are largely the invention of twentieth century textbook authors. From this understanding emerge several considerations for the future of textbook history and of Peel's principles. These include the ongoing importance of incorporating new scholarship and changing historical interpretation into texts. In such an endeavor, however, care should be taken not to impose twentieth or twenty-first century concepts on the past.
Whether on a patrol beat, in social service offices, or in public school classrooms, street-level workers continually confront rules in relation to their own beliefs about the people they encounter. Cops, Teachers, Counselors is the first major study of street-level bureaucracy to rely on storytelling. Steven Maynard-Moody and Michael Musheno collect the stories told by these workers in order to analyze the ways that they ascribe identities to the people they encounter and use these identities to account for their own decisions and actions. The authors show us how the world of street-level work is defined by the competing tensions of law abidance and cultural abidance in a unique study that finally allows cops, teachers, and counselors to voice their own views of their work. Steven Maynard-Moody is Director of the Policy Research Institute and Professor of Public Administration at the University of Kansas. Michael Musheno is Professor of Justice and Policy Studies at Lycoming College and Professor Emeritus of Justice Studies, Arizona State University.
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