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Hate Speech Propagation and Regulation in WhatsApp Groups: Evidence from Nigeria
Deviant Behavior
Abstract
This study examines the prevalence and effects of hate speech propagation on WhatsApp groups in Nigeria. It also explores the role of WhatsApp group administrators (WGAs) in regulating it. Online passive participant observation method was used to collect data from sixteen purposively selected WhatsApp groups in Nigeria. Results indicate high prevalence of gender, religious, political and ethnic hate speech in majority of the sampled WhatsApp groups. It also shows that hate speech generates tension and conflict among WhatsApp group participants. Moreover, the study reveals that most WGAs applied punitive measures against hate speech propagators. The findings advance the emerging area of online hate speech and brings to fore the conflict resolution, peacebuilding and third-party policing potentials of WhatsApp group administrators.
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Relying on the existing literature and empirical works, this study takes explorative perspective to identifying social media platforms that mostly propagate hate speech in Nigeria and some of the factors responsible for its spread. Anchored on the assumptions of the technological determinism theory and based on secondary data in the literature, this study found Facebook, WhatsApp and Twitter as the mostly used digital channels for hate speech among Nigerians. It was also found that explosion of hate speech on social media were factored by political interests and freedom of speech as well as ethnic and religious sentiments. it is therefore suggested that the menace of hate speech on social media can be mitigated if the Nigerian government could come up with anti-hate laws and proactive counter-statements policy through the instrumentation of Nigerian Communication Commission and the National Orientation Agency.
Recent research shows that online hate-speech is on the rise in western societies, including in Norway. This submission builds on a broader 4-year research initiative on: “Violence-inducing Behavior Prevention in Social-Cyber Space of Local Communities” aimed at gaining deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding online hate as well as developing radical technological solutions (i.e., real-time artificial intelligence tool) to support authorities in their work against the vice. This paper addresses the former with a focus on the work of the police as one of several other community resilience stakeholders engaging in the fight against online hate-speech. The paper posits a socio-cultural, technological, and ethical analysis of the challenges, posed particularly in the enforcement of legislation on hate-speech (paragraph 185). Reflections are also included on the implication of the findings for AI development for community resilience against online hate speech.
This paper addresses the question whether and to what extent the experience of online hate speech affects victims’ sense of security. Studies on hate crime in general show that such crimes are associated with a significantly higher feeling of insecurity, but there is little evidence concerning feeling of insecurity due to online hate speech. Based on a secondary data analysis of a representative population survey in Lower Saxony, Germany, on the topic of cybercrime in 2020 (N = 4,102), we tested three hypotheses regarding the effect of offline and online hate speech on feelings of insecurity. As a result, compared to non-victims, victims of online hate speech exhibit a more pronounced feeling of insecurity outside the Internet, while victims of other forms of cybercrime do not differ in this regard from non-victims. We found no effect for offline hate speech when relevant control variables were included in the statistical model. Possible reasons for this finding are assumed to lie in the characteristics of the phenomenon of online hate speech, for example, because the hateful content spreads uncontrollably on the Internet and reaches its victims even in protected private spheres.
This study relates to the Challenges of Hate Speech in Contemporary Nigeria, it mainly discusses the concept of Hate Speech and the ensuing consequences. The aim is to discourage as much as possible the use of hate speech in our day to day interaction with each other and to present the likely outcome of hate speeches in whatever we do of course taking into consideration the fact that we are in an electioneering season and politicians are usually tempted to deliberately or indeliberately make use of hateful speeches in their campaigns. This article thus uses the ugly experiences of countries like Rwanda and Kenya as the background of study. Indeed, concerns have been expressed by both the Nigerian Government and pressure groups on the continued use of words and of instigation which poses serious obstruction to national stability. As we go into another round of national election it is instructive for politicians to take note and guard there utterances and for the people to be on the watch so that the nation is not again drawn into needless political crisis owing to the ambition of either of the gladiators.
In response to a call for criminologists to consider the impact of former President Donald Trump’s presumed criminality, we analyze verbal-textual hostility (VTH) in Trump’s campaign speeches. Politicians have particular power and reach with their speech and their use of VTH is an important part of the trifecta of violence. Using a framework informed by linguistic theory and previous analysis of hate speech in recorded hate crimes, we present the categories of deprecation and denigration, and discuss their relationship to domination. In context, these forms of VTH enhance and serve as precursors to more violent speech and acts.
This cross-sectional, descriptive study conducted in January 2022 reviewed 100 TikTok videos using the # StopAsianHate. Categories of Asian abuse/attack (N = 57) and awareness of Asian hate & hate crimes (N = 52) were observed in over 50% of videos. The following themes were of significance: Asian abuse/attack (p = .0079), awareness of Asian hate and hate crimes (p < .0001), somber tone/expression of sadness (p = .0025), stop Asian hate messages (p = .0380), media report of Asian hate crime (p = .0004), and mention of COVID/virus is hate (p = .0103). Thus, the videos which raised awareness and specifically focused on abuse were more likely to be shared. TikTok is being used as a space for marginalized groups to raise consciousness on public health issues and injustices. These insights can potentially inform health communication efforts, cultural competency training, and targeted mental health support to address health equity and improve public health outcomes of Asian Americans.
The Advent Of Social Media Has No Doubt Liberated The Communication Space, Deepened Participatory Democracy And Granted Citizens Platform To Ventilate Their Anger On National And Important Discourse. Twitter Have Gained Prominence In Recent Years Because Of Nature And Quality Of Information Available On Them. Policy Statements That Are Sourced On The Conventional Media Are Replete On Twitter. However, The Platform Has Also Become Breeding Ground For Obfuscation Of Many Absurdities. Therefore, This Study Investigates The Prevalence Of Hate Speech On Twitter In Nigeria From 2015 To 2019. Using Twitter Api As Data Mining Method, The Study Content Analyzed The Mined Tweets By Categorizing The Tweets Under Political, Religious, Ethnic, Region, Gender And Disability Categories. Findings Of The Study Show That Hate Speech On Twitter Is More Frequent During The Electioneering Years. Also, Unverified Handles On Twitter Tend To Tweet More Hate Speech Than The Verified Handles. Findings Show That Twitter Users Tend To ‘Like’ Hate Tweets Than ‘Retweet’ Them. Similarly, Political Hate Speeches Are Dominant On Twitter. The Study Therefore Recommend For Regulatory Legislation On Hate Speech Within The Confinement Of Freedom Of Speech In Order Not To Infringe On The Fundamental Human Right Of The People.
Social media has become an indispensable and dominant means of communication and dissemination of information worldwide. This paper focuses on the use of Facebook by political supporters and electorates to canvass for support for their preferred presidential candidates in the 2019 general elections and the underlying hate speech that emanated therefrom. In this context, this paper seeks to critically evaluate how political supporters and electorates used the instrumentality of Facebook to share hate messages during the 2019 presidential election and its impact on Nigeria’s political space. The results of this paper indicate widespread dissemination of hate comments by political supporters and electorates in the furtherance of their support for their preferred presidential candidates. The paper advocates responsible use of Facebook in electioneering and the imperative of regulation to guard against the circulation of hate electoral comments that could heat up the political arena and trigger electoral violence.
This paper argues that the binary opposition in the treatment of hate speech in the US and Europe hides non-binary preoccupations that reflect different primary fears which do not fall along the same ‘scale’. European liberal democracies fear the consequences of hate speech being left uncensored in the public domain (a WHAT concern) whilst America fears the consequences of content interventions by government (a WHO concern). The paper then proposes that the German Network Enforcement Law of 2017 builds a bridge between American and European speech traditions. NetzDG requires major platforms to moderate content in response to user takedown notices based on legally imposed speech standards. The mechanism of public standards being enforced through private processes is arguably uniquely adept at simultaneously assuaging the primary European fear about the absence of effective speech controls in the public domain and the primary American fear about the presence of governmental censorship.
Research and official statistics alike identify women from racial minorities as a high-risk group for racial hate crime. Still, the construction of women in racial hate crime remains largely unstudied and the current knowledge on racial hate crime against women can at best be described as fragmentary. Therefore, aim of the present study is to explore the constructions of race and gender from the perspective of female victims of racial hate crime. The study draws on intersectional theory and consists of a discourse analysis based on nine interviews with women who have been targets of racial hate crime. The results show that the construction of race in hate crimes targeting women differs distinctively from the construction of race in hate crimes targeting men. The female victims of racial hate crime often find themselves entangled in racial power struggles between men: a power struggle in which men may show their status vis-á-vis out-group men by sexually controlling or abusing women. Thereby, women’s bodies are used as a tool in racial status conflicts between groups of men, as identities, scripts, and stereotypes found primarily within conservatism and right-wing ideology are enacted on the bodies of the victims.
The Internet, specifically social media, is among the most common settings where young people encounter hate speech. Understanding their attitudes toward the phenomenon is crucial for combatting it because acceptance of such content could contribute to furthering the spread of hate speech as well as ideology contamination. The present study, theoretically grounded in the General Aggression Model (GAM), investigates factors associated with online hate acceptance among young adults. We collected survey data from participants aged 18–26 from six countries: Finland (n = 483), France (n = 907), Poland (n = 738), Spain (n = 739), the United Kingdom (n = 959), and the United States (n = 1052). Results based on linear regression modeling showed that acceptance of online hate was strongly associated with acceptance of violence in all samples. In addition, participants who admitted to producing online hate reported higher levels of acceptance of it. Moreover, association with social dominance orientation was found in most of the samples. Other sample-specific significant factors included participants’ experiences with the Internet and online hate, as well as empathy and institutional trust levels. Significant differences in online hate acceptance levels and the strength of its connections to individual factors were found between the countries. These results provide important insights into the phenomenon, demonstrating that online hate acceptance is part of a larger belief system and is influenced by cultural background, and, therefore, it cannot be analyzed or combatted in isolation from these factors.
Digital information settings may not only offer an opportunity structure for democratic deliberation, but also facilitate the occurrence of negative phenomena – such as incivility, hate speech and false information. Even though extant literature has provided theoretical arguments for a discursive affinity between false or deceptive information and uncivil speech, we lack empirical evidence on whether and how false information and incivility converge. Against this backdrop, we rely on an extensive content analysis of fact-checked statements in the US (N = 894) to assess to what extent and how different forms of incivility are present in different degrees of false information. Our main findings illustrate that partisan attacks, negativity, and hate speech are most likely to occur in false information that deviates furthest from reality. These findings help us to dissect different degrees of untruthfulness based on their content features: Disinformation (goal-directed deception) may be distinguished from misinformation (unintentionally misleading content) based on the centrality of hostility, partisan attacks, and hate speech in the former.
In an effort to counter hate speech, media platforms have increasingly come to rely on ordinary users to fight abusive content. However, little is known about the predictors of this type of user engagement, which we refer to as online civic intervention (OCI). This article presents an experimental inquiry (N = 337) into whether solidarity citizenship norms promote OCI. The results show that users who support solidarity citizenship norms tend to have a greater propensity to flag hate comments and to engage in counterspeech. Overall, this indicates that “good citizens” are more inclined to stand up against hate speech online.
Plural societies have the daunting task of bridging the various cultural, religious, tribal, socio-economic and political divides that deepen the dichotomous relationships among different groups of people in their societies. This, they do, through the conscious efforts of nation-building by institutionalising policies and structures capable of integrating the fragmented society where equity and fairness become the guiding principles for allocating the ‘commonwealth’. However, such efforts have continued to hit the brick wall in Nigeria owing to the pervasiveness of the phenomenon of ethnicity. Leadership recruitment process and by extension governance have yielded to ethnic sentiments thus making the quest for national integration questionable. This chapter therefore examines the challenges ethnicity poses to governance and nation-building in contemporary Nigeria.
Hate speech has become a global concern. Nations worldwide in one way or another have to grapple with the enormous problem of this phenomenon, which is predominantly perpetrated through new media or online media platforms. In Nigeria, the situation is such that governments at the federal and state levels have continued to express concern over the growing wave of hate speech in the country. While technology propels this phenomenon, technology may just be the solution. Technology has no doubt continued to offer humanity several possibilities to better human existence. Increasingly, it is becoming an indispensable part of the daily life of individuals. The mobile phone, for instance, is used as a typewriter, a calculator, a calendar, a time piece, a communication system, an interactive database, a decision-support system and much more. In recent times, the insatiable drive for technology has reached a point where devices act intelligently. These intelligent systems are rapidly developing for use to enhance human endeavours. Artificial intelligence (AI) technologies, driven by big data, are fuelling unprecedented changes in many facets of human endeavours. Many achievements using AI techniques surpass human capabilities. If machines can recognise speech and transcribe it – just like typists did in the past – if computers can accurately identify faces or fingerprints from among millions, cars drive themselves and robots fight wars, among other remarkable things, there is no doubt there would be a way round the complex challenge of hate speech. Therefore, this study examines the inherent possibilities of AI for mitigating hate speech in Nigeria.
Hate speech and hate crime are an anathema to any society. On a United Nations level, the central tools to tackle such hatred are Article 20(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. On a Council of Europe level, the Additional Protocol to the Cybercrime Convention tackles racist and xenophobic material, threats and insults as well as revisionist rhetoric transmitted and disseminated through computer systems. On a European Union level, there is the Framework Decision on Racism and Xenophobia. In none of the above-mentioned instruments do we find provisions on homophobic and transphobic speech and crime, nor are there equivalents of documents such as the Framework Decision with the thematic of homophobia and transphobia. This creates a hierarchy of hate, with some forms of hate considered more important than others by the aforementioned institutions, a reality that goes against the very essence of international human rights law.
This study examines YouTube’s comment space. By focusing on responses to the provocative musical group, Das Racist, we offer an innovative analysis of online racialized expression as a networked phenomenon. A blend of social network analysis, qualitative coding, and thick data descriptive methods are used to interpret comments posted on the five most viewed Das Racist videos. Given the dearth of literature exploring YouTube’s comment space, this study serves as a critical means to further understand race and the production and consumption of YouTube comments in everyday online encounters. We visualized networked antagonisms, which were found to be significantly racialized, and entangled with other expressions of hostility. YouTube comments are often perceived as individual, random insults or only generalized expressions of “hate.” Our study probes deeper and discovers that racialized expressions also involved networked interactions, where hostile ideas, passed through multiple parts of the comment network, both intra-/inter-video.
This article explores hate speech against the Roma in Slovakia on Facebook between April 2016 and January 2017 and the impact of fact-checking and personal experience strategies in countering hate speech through a quasi-experimental research design. It examines how the Roma were constructed and how discussion participants reacted to our pro-Roma interventions. The research sample consisted of 60 Facebook discussions (with more than 7,500 comments) on Roma-related topics posted by the profiles of various members of the Slovak Parliament and the most popular online news media outlets. Qualitative content analysis revealed that the Roma in Facebook discussions were constructed primarily in a negative sense, as asocial criminals misusing welfare benefits. This study demonstrated that Facebook discussion participants presenting anti-Roma attitudes did not use any research evidence to support their constructions. It also demonstrated that pro-Roma comments encouraged other participants with a pro-Roma attitude to become involved.
Hate crimes have been found to have more severe consequences than other parallel crimes that were not motivated by the offenders’ hostility toward someone because of their real or perceived difference. Many countries today have hate crime laws that make it possible to increase the penalties for such crimes. The main critique against hate crime laws is that they punish thoughts. Instead, proponents of hate crime laws argue that sentence enhancement is justified because hate crimes cause greater harm. This study compares consequences of victimization across groups of victims to test for whom hate crimes hurt more. We analyzed data that were collected through questionnaires distributed to almost 3,000 students at Malmö University, Sweden, during 2013. The survey focused on students’ exposure to, and experiences of, hate crime. A series of separate logistic regression analyses were performed, which analyzed the likelihood for reporting consequences following a crime depending on crime type, perceived motive, repeat victimization, gender, and age. Analyzed as one victim group, victims of hate crime more often reported any of the consequences following a crime compared with victims of parallel non–hate-motivated crimes. And, overall victims of threat more often reported consequences compared with victims of sexual harassment and minor assault. However, all hate crime victim groups did not report more consequences than the non–hate crime victim group. The results provide grounds for questioning that hate crimes hurt the individual victim more. It seems that hate crimes do not hurt all more but hate crimes hurt some victims of some crimes more in some ways.
Acts of discrimination are stigmatizing. Preventing discrimination is therefore important in reducing the stigmatization of vulnerable minority groups. Anti-discrimination approaches are particularly useful in preventing certain acts of discrimination against certain categories of individuals. Some anti-discrimination approaches may however have difficulty in engaging stigmatizing expressions made against various groups. This may be particularly true where such approaches are focused on the existence of ‘treatment’, which, as the author discusses in this article, involved the imposition of binding changes on individuals. This includes expressions that may be stigmatizing and, while not imposing binding changes upon individuals, are in reality capable of inflicting psychological pressures, inducing potential effects that can be felt at the group and societal level. In making this point, his article compares the general anti-discrimination approach developed under Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the more specialized approach adopted by the European Union in a number of its anti-discrimination directives. As this article demonstrates, the latter type of approaches may offer more possibilities for engaging purely expressive activity that may be stigmatizing, but only in extremely limited contexts. The author of this article argues that this is largely because such approaches are less focused on the concept of ‘treatment’.
The role of racist women in hate groups remains an underdeveloped area of research, although scholars have suggested that female participation in such groups may vary among the different ideologies of the organizations. One method for exploring this research question involves examining the hate groups’ propaganda. The internet has become an increasingly popular method for distributing propaganda, thus the purpose of this exploratory study was to examine the propaganda targeted towards women on hate group websites. A content analysis was conducted on the websites of hate groups identified by the Southern Poverty Law Center. The results indicate that of 19 websites containing propaganda targeted towards women, almost all of them highlighted traditional gender roles, primarily the woman’s role in educating and raising an Aryan family, as their primary contribution to the movement. Some groups emphasized secondary roles and the implications of the propaganda push are discussed.
Since the 1960s, many liberal democracies have instituted laws that penalise hate speech and hate crimes in ways that limit the freedom for racists to express themselves. This article examines the legislation and enforcement of provisions against incitement to racial hatred, Holocaust denial, and crimes motivated by racial bias in Western Europe and the United States. Viewed over time, the pace of change has more closely resembled a slow creep than a slippery slope, and the extent of legislation and enforcement has differed across countries in different domains. This article documents the trend and highlights causes for concern, yet concludes that it is possible to enact and enforce laws that limit these forms of racism without being overly inimical to freedom of expression and opinion.
Purpose
The study investigates factors like media, tribal, religious and party politics' influence on Nigerias’ 2023 presidential election choice. It confirms dominant social media platforms and examines their influence on election polls, e-participation and political candidate choice. The main objectives of this study are to: investigate if tribal, religious and party politics affect the respondent’s choice of a presidential candidate, ascertain the respondent's most used social media platform for political engagement and determine how social media platforms influenced the election polls during the 2023 Nigerian presidential election.
Design/methodology/approach
A sample size of 384 registered voters was used to survey three states in Southeast Nigeria hinged on the technological acceptance model, the instrumentalist theory of ethnicity and the theory of reasoned action.
Findings
The study found that tribal politics did not influence political candidates during the 2023 Nigerian presidential election. However, religious and party politics influenced their choices as well as X (Twitter), found as the most used and most influential social media platform vital for enhancing participatory democracy and informing people at real-time.
Research limitations/implications
The researchers experienced challenges such as ensuring that the respondents filled the questions appropriately to reduce the number of void questionnaires and a funding problem since they had yet to receive any grant to enhance the study.
Originality/value
The study commends improved Internet connectivity and accessibility among the citizens for increased political engagement on social media. It also recommends that the Nigerian government enforce the rule of law in politics to enable diverse tribes and religions to experience democratic e-participation and development without marginalisation or subjugation by incumbent power. The findings affirm that social media is apt in political communication during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria. The study is a contribution to knowledge, timely and original.
The recent trend in journalism malpractice in the country is the dissemination of hate speech and vulgar language. Within this context, the paper analyzed the manifestation of hate speech in the 2015 and 2019 general elections in the Daily Trust, The Nation, and The Guardian newspapers. The variables of frequency, location, direction, as well as a journalistic genre were used to examine the manifestation of hate speech in the 2015 and 2019 general elections by the selected newspapers. Stratified random sampling by days of the week was used to select the editions in the newspapers. The Functional Theory of Campaign Discourse and Critical Race Theory was used as the theoretical framework. Based on the findings, to table the manifestation of hate speech was more frequent in 2015 than in the 2019 general elections by the selected newspapers. The findings reveal that the manifestation of hate speech by the selected newspapers in the 2015 and 2019 general elections was significantly high in the inside pages than in the front and back pages. The study found that the manifestation of hate speech by the selected newspapers was in a negative direction in 2015, and in a neutral direction in 2019. The study discovered that the manifestation of hate speech was on political news by the selected newspapers in the 2015 and 2019 general elections in Nigeria. The paper concludes that the manifestation of hate speech in the 2015 and 2019 general elections in Nigeria was significantly high, and this constituted a major problem in the 2015 and 2019 general elections.
When regulating hate speech and disinformation online, first, do not suppress ideas or viewpoints as such, second, protect speech and other fundamental rights as positive freedoms, not only vertically but horizontally too, and, third, counteract private disinformation as well as government disinformation.
The paper attempts to discuss the nexus between spoils politics and escalating ethnic conflict in Nigeria that has seen some communities like the Fulani herdsmen, a large semi-nomadic community found in large parts of Nigeria, especially its central and southern regions, slaughter their countrymen with impunity. It is not a debate on the recent spate of violent clashes that have reportedly been triggered by the herdsmen. It is at its core an exploration of the ethnic issues that are prevalent in Nigeria overlapping with political, economic and religious tensions causing undercurrents of distrust and suspicion in the country. The paper argues that due to the zero sum nature of local politics, the violence that has been unleashed can be seen as a kind of premeditated strategy being followed by the federal government given its complete inaction in the face of the massacres and land grabs that have occurred. The brutal intimidation faced by sections of Nigeria’s population and the inability of the state to stem it has prevented the country’s citizens from resisting the ongoing conflict and strife.
Most developing countries are ethnically diverse. Ethnic diversity may lead to increased civil strife. This perception is tottered both by some graphic individual scenes of inter ethnic violence, and by an aggregate correlation: Africa has not only the highest ethnic diversity, but also the highest incidence of civil war. Potentially, this might account for the detrimental economic effect of diversity. In countries of traditional stability, ethnic conflict is becoming an increasing factor. Ethnic conflicts have become the serious challenge of our times, which perhaps explains why ethnicity is seen as the reigning concept in African studies at present. In Nigeria, the colonial masters provided urban setting, which constitutes the cradle of contemporary ethnicity. The colonialist while pretending to carry out a mission of uniting the warring ethnic groups, consciously and systematically separated the various Nigerian people thereby creating a suitable atmosphere for conflict. With the heterogeneous nature of the country, the tendency of the various nationals is towards parochial consciousness at the expense of national consciousness. This study, therefore, relies on content analysis as its methodology to examine ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. It also examines the effects of ethnic conflicts on the country’s search for unity and identifies the possible issues for resolution. The study also proffered suggestions on how to curb ethnic conflicts in Nigeria.
In this contribution a Swedish social media discussion forum, Flashback, is studied as an arena for media criticism and journalism hate. One discussion thread on Flashback is analyzed with special attention to how the relation between a journalist and anonymous online critics of journalism is developed in the forum thread. The discussion thread is analyzed in terms of the intentions of the participants, the objects of critique and the process of the discussion. This process is further studied by looking at the phases of the discussion thread, the social relations established (inside the thread and outside), and the occurrence of specific cultures and practices of critique and accountability expressed or enacted by the participants. The conclusion is that the thread contributed to overcoming polarizations in the digital media landscape and pushed the contestation over media and journalism towards understanding rather than antagonism. It is an example of how communicative criticism can be practiced by journalist in their efforts to connect with critics of media and journalism.
There is a growing body of literature on whether or not online hate speech, or cyberhate, might be special compared to offline hate speech. This article aims to both critique and augment that literature by emphasising a distinctive feature of the Internet and of cyberhate that, unlike other features, such as ease of access, size of audience, and anonymity, is often overlooked: namely, instantaneousness. This article also asks whether there is anything special about online (as compared to offline) hate speech that might warrant governments and intergovernmental organisations contracting out, so to speak, the responsibility for tackling online hate speech to the very Internet companies which provide the websites and services that hate speakers utilise.
Existing literature demonstrates disagreement over the relationship between hate crime and terrorism with some calling them “close cousins,” whereas others declare them “distant relatives.” We extend previous research by capturing a middle ground between hate crime and terrorism: extremist hate crime. We conduct negative binomial regressions to examine hate crime by non-extremists, fatal hate crime by far-rightists, and terrorism in U.S. counties (1992-2012). Results show that counties experiencing increases in general hate crime, far-right hate crime, and non-right-wing terrorism see associated increases in far-right hate crime, far-right terrorism, and far-right hate crime, respectively. We conclude that hate crime and terrorism may be more akin to close cousins than distant relatives.
Four Observations About Hate Speech Articles & Essays, 44 Wake Forest L
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