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The NATO Expansion: Did the West Deceive Gorbachev?

Authors:
Author: Saidbek Mamasoliev
Graduate of California State University (BA)
and the University of Denver (MA), USA.
Current PhD student at Lincoln University, USA
Email:
saidbekmamasoliev@gmail.com
smamasoliev@lincolnucasf.edu
The NATO Expansion: Did the West Deceive Gorbachev?
Abstract

   !" #$# 
%  &      %  '   ((  
&"')&"'&&&!!"
%*'&&&!""'+
 !"&&
"" !",&   +  & &&& 
' !"%"
"'& %(+&
&"&&&'+
"-%'&''.+
#/#0'')&'+' +1
''''##'!"  $%
&2+'&
+!"'& +1+&+%
Keywords34)!"
Introduction
1 45%6.7+&""+4%68Time89#%
2 (%
3 %%999%("3' %8International
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<7'''77+;%
5   + 7"  '
!"=%'')&+'
''''. >!)&>%
''+"?"+
 '%' &&!+ ?"
&'& +1+& !"''
?"'"'!":%
+?"&##9
.&%!7& "
'?"+*##9&+'
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(5A"99?"
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@&.7'')&+'?"'
 +1+$%+
"!)&   +  & ' "  ?" +%
D+  !?"3 )D
7.9:++&''
10 54> &4%6&3&%6 8International
Politics8;:993-:,$99%
11 '@4%(7+% 6I G '    '' &
?"%68International Security8$9%$9=3:,$$%
12 171%657)!&I3+%68Hamilton and
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?"%68International Security8$9%$9=3:,$$%
14 54> &4%6&3&%6 8International
Politics8;:993-:,$99%
;
"&)+& ++
4%'&+& 
+""'+?"&57
);%  & +    & + )  + &
&?"+&.77
&+4&)?"
+"7N.9:%I"
&"&++++&
?"&''+&7%
&+&+) 
&&&""4'
?"+=%+&)
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7""&%(4"&)
4 +%  ++ '4 
!!""+?"%?"
4&'  "  ''+'
"++'"'%
Current level of situation
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""  & &"C    C57 & ) %C  .
&"&74%1.
&"+44'&&!
!"' "/%1.&
'4M&1&
#%1C""7++
+'7'&"+
4%
 !"    +  4 ' 
'',+'&'&"?+-9%
+''' !",4"%7
' 1."7 &+  
4%&&"''&&
!!"7)+1
""%&'0'&?+&
4""''%4"
>' 7&-%(
"+" "
7&""+&'-%4
26 AF%6,4''!"%6 8Arms Control Today8$:%9:3/,
;%
27 1*%6*&&%(($""9#%6
9#%
28  % H * ' ,4 4 1,99%J Global Risk Insights. 99%
"3KK7%&K99KK,',',,,,",99K
29  % H * ' ,4 4 1,99%J Global Risk Insights. 99%
"3KK7%&K99KK,',',,,,",99K
30 *7 !% 6 * ' 3 +   ""%68GMFUS. org. The German
Marshall89#%
31 I %H1"&&"?"%J<&'&9=%
"3KK+++%+%&KK","&,&,,",,,?"K,-=$=;;-$
32 Ibid
#
&?7+!!"
""+''--%, &4
'+7'&'+ %
Conclusion
*'+4?"
'% & 7& 
4'?"''4%+
""',4 !"'+
4%4"&"
  ,  &      '   
&%!""'&
"'+7+%+
& "%  C ""' 
''+'&4-$%+'+
""&""'
+4%
."
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;%
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9#%
9
I %H1"&&"?"%J<&'&
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?"K,-=$=;;-$
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In late 2024, near the end of their first term in office to the sound of trumpets and including many photo-ops, the Australian Federal Labor government enacted new Federal laws criminalising ‘industrial manslaughter’. They also introduced a new Federal criminal offence of ‘wage theft’ while significantly increasing penalties for other offences. Immediately forgiven is anybody confused by the rhetoric and grandstanding who imagines this is just electioneering to lay a foundation for a second term for an Australian Labor government.
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Is Australian Labor still considering ploughing ahead with an Australian Republic? If so, what is the Doctrine of the Separation of Powers likely to look like under an Australian Republic, with an all-powerful executive Prime Minister? Will the judiciary and the legislature be further reduced in power and stature until they are merely subservient apparatchiks?
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In an increasingly interconnected world, the interplay between global politics and international business is critical for economic stability and growth. This paper explores the pivotal role of diplomacy in fostering economic security and facilitating international trade. Diplomacy serves as a bridge, addressing political uncertainties and enabling businesses to navigate complex geopolitical landscapes. Through effective diplomatic channels, governments and corporations collaborate to reduce trade barriers, mitigate risks associated with political instability, and foster economic partnerships. The study emphasizes the importance of economic diplomacy in safeguarding national interests while promoting global economic interdependence. Case studies illustrate how countries leverage diplomatic strategies to secure access to key markets, resources, and investment opportunities. Multilateral institutions and trade agreements emerge as platforms where diplomatic negotiations shape the global economic order, ensuring equitable growth and reducing economic disparities. Additionally, the research highlights the challenges posed by protectionism, economic sanctions, and trade wars, which disrupt global supply chains and create uncertainty in international markets. In such scenarios, diplomacy becomes essential in conflict resolution and rebuilding trust among nations. The role of technology and digital transformation in modern diplomacy is also examined, focusing on its impact on fostering transparent and effective communication. The findings underscore the need for businesses to adopt adaptive strategies aligned with global political shifts. By fostering collaboration between public and private sectors, diplomacy not only enhances economic security but also promotes sustainable development in the global marketplace.
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Global governance plays a pivotal role in addressing the pressing issue of climate change, as the intersection of economics and politics is essential for the formulation and implementation of effective policies. Climate change is a global challenge that transcends borders, requiring international cooperation and multilateral action. However, the gap between economic interests and political will often hinders progress in addressing the crisis. This abstract explores the complexities of global governance in the context of climate change, focusing on how economic considerations and political dynamics influence decision-making at the international level. Economic concerns, such as the potential costs of transitioning to green technologies and the impact on growth, often clash with political motivations, including national sovereignty, international power dynamics, and geopolitical considerations. This tension has resulted in a fragmented approach to climate policy, with some nations prioritizing short-term economic gains over long-term environmental sustainability. The abstract also discusses the role of international organizations, such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, in bridging this gap. These institutions facilitate dialogue and cooperation among nations, encouraging policies that reconcile economic and environmental priorities. Furthermore, the increasing prominence of private sector involvement and green finance mechanisms are highlighted as key drivers of change, helping to align economic incentives with climate action. A balanced approach that integrates economic strategies with political will is crucial for the development of comprehensive climate policies that can foster sustainable development, mitigate the impacts of climate change, and promote global cooperation.
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The digital age has dramatically transformed the practice of diplomacy, introducing both new opportunities and challenges for international relations. The advent of digital communication technologies, social media, and advanced data analytics has reshaped how states, international organizations, and non-state actors engage with one another on the global stage. Diplomacy, once confined to face-to-face negotiations and traditional channels of communication, now operates in an increasingly digital environment where information flows rapidly across borders and public opinion can be influenced instantaneously. One of the key opportunities presented by the digital age is the ability for states to engage directly with foreign publics, bypassing traditional diplomatic channels. Social media platforms, for example, have become powerful tools for diplomatic outreach, allowing governments to communicate their messages in real-time to a global audience. Digital diplomacy also enables faster and more efficient communication between states, enhancing the speed and effectiveness of negotiations. However, the digital age also introduces significant challenges. Cybersecurity threats, misinformation, and the erosion of traditional state sovereignty in the digital space are major concerns. The rise of digital diplomacy has created new avenues for cyber-attacks and disinformation campaigns that can undermine diplomatic efforts and destabilize international relations. Moreover, the digital divide between developed and developing nations can lead to imbalances in access to digital tools, exacerbating inequalities in global diplomatic engagement. It examines how digital tools have reshaped diplomatic practice, the implications for global governance, and the strategies that states must adopt to navigate this new diplomatic landscape.
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The rapidly changing global landscape, marked by technological advancements, shifting power dynamics, and interconnected crises, necessitates a re-evaluation of traditional international relations (IR) theories. Realism, liberalism, and constructivism, as the cornerstone paradigms of IR, provide distinct lenses through which state behavior, global governance, and international cooperation are analyzed. This paper revisits these foundational theories, examining their relevance and adaptability in addressing contemporary global challenges such as climate change, cyber threats, pandemics, and the re-emergence of great power competition. Realism continues to emphasize the centrality of power and security in an anarchic international system, offering insights into state-centric responses to threats and the resurgence of geopolitical rivalries. However, its limitations in addressing non-traditional security issues and transnational actors are evident. Liberalism, with its focus on international institutions, interdependence, and normative frameworks, highlights the potential for collective action and rule-based order. Yet, the weakening of multilateral institutions and the rise of nationalism test the theory's effectiveness in fostering global cooperation. Constructivism, emphasizing the role of ideas, norms, and identities, provides a dynamic perspective on how global challenges reshape state interests and international norms. It underscores the transformative potential of ideational shifts in addressing issues like climate governance and human rights. This study critically evaluates how these theories complement and diverge in explaining the complexities of the current world order. It argues for a pluralistic approach that integrates insights from all three paradigms, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of state and non-state interactions in the face of unprecedented challenges.
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Sanctions have become a central tool in international diplomacy, used by governments and international bodies to influence the behavior of target states or entities. These measures, which can range from trade restrictions to asset freezes, are often deployed in response to perceived violations of international law, human rights abuses, or threats to global security. The effectiveness of sanctions in shaping foreign policy, however, remains a subject of significant debate. This paper examines the economic impact of sanctions on target nations, exploring both the intended and unintended consequences. While sanctions are designed to impose economic pain on the target state, forcing political change or compliance with international norms, their success is often contingent upon several factors. These include the level of multilateral support, the resilience of the target economy, the strategic objectives of the sanctioning nation, and the ability of the target state to circumvent sanctions through alternative partnerships. Through case studies, such as those of North Korea, Iran, and Russia, this paper evaluates the varying degrees of success sanctions have had in altering state behavior. The analysis also highlights how sanctions can have broader geopolitical implications, potentially harming the interests of the sanctioning countries or their allies. While sanctions can exert significant economic pressure, their overall effectiveness in shaping foreign policy depends on the political context, the unity of the international community, and the ability of sanctioned states to adapt to the economic challenges they face. Understanding the economics of sanctions is crucial for assessing their utility and exploring more effective alternatives in influencing global politics.
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