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Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
Available online 10 July 2024
2590-2911/© 2024 The Author. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-
nc/4.0/).
Regular Article
Challenges facing traditional ecological knowledge in the Vhembe District
Municipality in Limpopo Province, South Africa
Ndidzulafhi Innocent Sinthumule
*
University of Johannesburg, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography, Environmental Management and Energy Studies, South Africa
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Sacred natural sites
Religion
Indigenous knowledge
Biodiversity conservation
Christianity
ABSTRACT
Although TEK has been marginalised during colonial and apartheid era, over the past four decades, there has
been a proliferation of research on TEK at local, regional and international levels. This is because, among other
reasons, TEK provides multiple benets to the bearers of such knowledge and contributes to the protection of the
environment and ecosystem services. Despite this knowledge being important both for human and non-human
environments, it faces several challenges among contemporary indigenous societies. Using the concept of
power as a lens, this study aimed to investigate the challenges facing TEK using the Vhembe district in Limpopo
Province (South Africa) as a case study. The study relied on semi-structured face-to-face interviews with local
people. This method was found to be appropriate since it is exible and allow for wide range of opinions that
exceed the limits imposed by interview schedule. Key selected respondents included custodians of sacred sites,
traditional leaders, bearers of TEK, educators, scholars dealing with TEK, curriculum experts, local pastors, and
Christians. These respondents were selected using stratied purposeful sampling approach. A thematic content
analysis was used to analyse the data obtained from the interviews. The study found that the cause of TEK system
degradation is a complicated and multidisciplinary problem, including the compounding inuences of dominant
religions, formal education, new political dispensation, modernisation and advances in science and technology,
as well as commercialisation. Recommendations for improving TEK management practices are drawn up based
on these results.
1. Introduction
Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) is “a cumulative body of
observations, oral and written knowledge, practices, and beliefs, handed
down through generations by cultural transmission, about the rela-
tionship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with
their environment” (Berkes, 1993, p. 3). As Kelbessa (2013) has noted,
such knowledge is dynamic and localized, adapting to changes in the
environment, society, economy or politics. The literature suggests that
TEK originates and expresses itself in the native languages, folklore,
rituals, land use practices, culture values, and decision-making processes
at community level (Trosper & Parrotta, 2012). In addition, it is also
entrenched in four broad interconnected knowledge categories based on
some knowledge–practice–belief framework introduced by Berkes in
1999. This includes local knowledge of animals, plants, soils and land-
scapes, land and resource management systems, social institutions (ta-
boos, customary rules, totems and proverbs), and worldviews or
cosmology (spirituality, beliefs system, sacred natural sites) (see Berkes,
1999). Although the practice of TEK is as old as the ancient
hunter-gatherer cultures (Berkes, 1993), the concept only gained inter-
national recognition in the 1980s (Jackson & Warren, 2005). Since then,
there has been a proliferation of research on TEK at local, regional, and
international levels.
Over the last four decades, appreciation of TEK has grown partly
because of recognition that this knowledge could contribute to biodi-
versity conservation and resource management. Literature on the role of
TEK in conserving or preserving biodiversity and ecosystem services has
increased globally (e.g. Kosoe et al., 2020; Sinthumule, 2023; Sinthu-
mule & Mashau, 2020). The prominence of TEK in conserving biological
diversity is also highlighted in international conventions. For instance,
Article 8 (j) of the United Nations Convention on Biodiversity recognises
the signicance of TEK in conserving biological diversity (United Na-
tions, 1992). In addition, the World Bank (World Bank, 1998), the
Millennium Ecosystem Assessment Report (Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment, 2005) and Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and
Ecosystem Services (Ruiz-Mall´
en et al., 2013) have all embraced the
* Corresponding author. P.O. Box 524, Auckland Park, 2006, South Africa
E-mail address: isinthumule@uj.ac.za.
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Social Sciences & Humanities Open
journal homepage: www.sciencedirect.com/journal/social-sciences-and-humanities-open
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssaho.2024.101027
Received 24 April 2024; Received in revised form 3 July 2024; Accepted 5 July 2024
Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
2
importance of TEK in relation to biodiversity conservation. Other
research that has been done on TEK has focused mainly on health ser-
vices (Caballero-Serrano et al., 2019); weather or climate services
(Hosen et al., 2020), oods and disaster risk management (Islam et al.,
2018), and farming practices (Harisha & Nagaraja, 2016). Thus, TEK is
vital in several research elds and have multiple ecological, social, and
economic values (Berkes, 1999; Reyes-García et al., 2014). Despite TEK
being dynamic and adaptive to changes in the environment, society,
economy or politics (see Charnley et al., 2007; Kelbessa, 2013), in the
face of urbanisation, industrialization, and globalization, there is a
growing consensus among scientists and policy makers regarding its
rapid erosion (Narchi & Cristiani, 2015; Reyes-García et al., 2013, 2014;
Shukla et al., 2017). Thus, TEK practices are facing increasing challenges
and are slowly dwindling away. For instance, McCarter and Gavin
(2011) have explored the opportunities and challenges of TEK to formal
school curricula in Malekula Island, Vanuatu, whereas Casimirri (2003)
investigated the problems associated with attempting to integrate
indigenous peoples’ knowledge into dominant State management sys-
tems within the context of Canadian resource management. In addition,
Gruberg et al. (2022) have looked at the main socioecological factors
that impact the transmission of TEK within and across generations in
Bolivia whereas Tang and Gavin (2016) developed a classication of
threats to TEK. Cetinkaya (2009) has also studied the challenges of
maintaining traditional knowledge in the Satoyama and Satoumi eco-
systems, Noto Peninsula, Japan. Problems or challenges affecting TEK
differs from one country, region or continent to another. Using structural
and discursive power in conservation as the conceptual framework, this
study contributes to this developing body of knowledge by investigating
the challenges facing TEK using the Vhembe district in Limpopo Prov-
ince (South Africa) as a case study. This study is important in showing
that despite the attainment of democracy following decades of colo-
nialism and apartheid, TEK continue to be eroded in the democratic
South Africa. Thus, the idea of TEK as a source for pride, dignity and
possible solutions to some difcult problems has not been renewed with
the introduction of democracy. This is because entrenched inequalities
and injustices regarding TEK continue to be reproduced in many areas.
This study is a wakeup call for government and policy makers not only to
recognize TEK, but also to put measures in place that can ensure that this
knowledge is protected or preserved.
2. Theoretical background
The study relies on theoretical insights from several research bodies
dedicated to power to identify aspects of power that support the erosion
of TEK in the study area. There are conceptual variations in the deni-
tions of power. For instance, Max Weber dene power as the “proba-
bility that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to
carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which
that probability rests” (Weber, 1978: 53). In this sense, power is
considered as possession, as something retained or held by those people
who are in a position of power and can dominate others (Dahl, 1957).
However, for Michel Foucault, power is not something that can be
owned or held by people or groups by way of episodic or sovereign acts
of dominion or coercion. Rather, it is co-produced in social interactions
through the way people negotiate meaning. Foucault see power as
dispersed and pervasive, meaning that it “exists everywhere and comes
from everywhere” (Foucault, 1998: 63). In this sense, power is neither a
structure nor an agency. Central to Foucault’s work is the relationship
between power and knowledge that are seen as conjoined or inextricably
linked to the same social process and often wrote them as power/-
knowledge (Foucault, 1991). This means that they work together to
create a system of control. “Knowledge is power” has become so widely
accepted and used in high school graduation speeches and bumper
stickers as it has become a clich´
e (Heizmann & Olsson, 2015).
To conceptualise power in conservation, Shackleton et al. (2023)
have put forward four basic approaches which are broadly divergent and
mutually complementary. These include structural, discursive,
actor-centered and institutional power. Of interest to the discussion of
this paper is structural and discursive power. First, in structural
approach, “power is imprinted in political and economic structures and
class relations that are socially produced but not vested in individual
actors or institutions; this manifests in uneven distribution and access to
(material and symbolic) resources” (Shackleton et al., 2023, p. 5). For
instance, Europe’s colonization did not only create a lasting structure of
class relations and political economic structures in the accumulation of
capital, and entrenched gendered roles, but also promoted Christianity
and Western values (Rubenstein, 2018). As a result, by replacing TEK
with Western educational and cultural values, colonial legacy has
damaged and destroyed many TEK values.
In the context of South Africa, experiences of colonialism were
masked by the oppressive and racist operations of apartheid (Keane
et al., 2023). However, other scholars argue that colonialism did not
end, rather, its form changed (de Souna de Sousa Santos, 2018). This is
because entrenched inequalities and injustices continue to be repro-
duced in many areas. Second, related to structural power is discursive
approach where institutions, actors, or social classes do not have power,
but certain discourses exercise power through actors and institutions
(Shackleton et al., 2023). This approach highlights how today’s con-
servation research and practice is inuenced by dominant historic de-
bates. For example, historically, the imposed Western knowledge
system, languages and cultural practices have been valued, acknowl-
edged and seen as superior to other knowledge systems, languages and
cultural practices (de Sousa Santos, 2014). All these practices have
contributed to the marginalization of indigenous knowledge, languages,
and cultural practices particularly in the Global South (Shizha, 2014).
Thus, languages, indigenous knowledge, and cultural practices were the
biggest losers whereas the Western discourse was the main winner
because of discursive and structural power.
3. Methodology
3.1. Study area
The study area is the Vhembe District Municipality, established in
2000 pursuant to Municipal Structures Act No 117 of 1998. As a Cate-
gory C (that is, district) municipality, it has municipal executive and
legislative authority over more than one municipality. Vhembe is the
northernmost district of Limpopo Province (and indeed South Africa)
bordered by Zimbabwe in the north, Botswana in the northwest, and
Mozambique through Kruger National Park in the east (Fig. 1). The
border of the district and its international neighbours is formed by the
Limpopo River valley. The district covers a geographical area that is
primarily rural. The main towns that are found in Vhembe include
Thohoyandou, Makhado, Malamulele and Musina. Thohoyandou hosts
the head ofce of the Vhembe District Municipality. The main
geographic feature of the district is the Soutpansberg which is the
northernmost mountain range in South Africa forming part of the
UNESCO Vhembe Biosphere Reserve which was ofcially declared in
2011. The mountainous landscape is the hotspot of biodiversity (home
to various rare and threatened plant species) including abundance of
endemic species which occur nowhere else on Earth (Hahn, 2006).
Vhembe covers an area of 25 597.42 km
2
with a population of 1 402
779 million, with 416 728 residing in Makhado, 497 237 in Thulamela,
347 974 in Collins Chabane and 32 009 in Musina. Thus, Musina is the
least populated municipality in the district, while Makhado is the most.
According to Vhembe District Municipality Prole of 2020, 54% of
people were female whereas the remaining 46% were males. There were
approximately 7470 child headed households, 194 980 female headed
households, and 187 378 male headed households in the district. In
2018, the number of formally employed people was 202 000 (67.20% of
total employment) whereas the number of people employed in the
informal sector was 98 800 (32.80% of the total employment) (Vhembe
N.I. Sinthumule
Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
3
District Municipality Prole, 2020). About 15.2% were unemployed
relying mainly on government grants (mainly pensions and child grants)
and remittances from relatives. Vhembe is characterised by high levels
of poverty with agriculture and mining as the main primary economic
sector contributing 3% and 10% of the total gross value added in the
district (Vhembe District Municipality Prole, 2020).
3.2. Data collection and analysis
The study relied on data collected between December 2022 and
February 2024 in Vhembe District Municipality. Before data was
collected, the research project was registered and approved by re-
searcher’s university (Ethics Reference Number: 2022-11-18/Sinthu-
mule). After gaining approval, the primary data were collected
through interviews. Recruitment of participants was done using a
mixture of stratied and purposeful sampling which Miles and Huber-
man (1998) call stratied purposeful sampling. Stratied sampling was
used to subdivide the important stakeholders who are knowledgeable
about TEK into uniform categories and within each category; purposive
sampling approach was used to choose respondents to be interviewed.
As Guest et al. (2006) have noted, in purposive sampling, there is no
overall sampling design that provides the number of respondents
needed. Consequently, informants were interviewed in each stratum or
sub-population until the point of data ‘saturation’ when no new infor-
mation was emerging. Key nominated respondents included custodians
of sacred sites (n =8), traditional leaders (n =6), elders or bearers of
TEK in communities (n =14), traditional healers (n =4), educators (n =
8), curriculum experts (n =2), local pastors (n =6), Christians (n =12)
and scholars dealing with TEK (n =6) in the region. Collectively, 66
respondents were interviewed in this study.
To identify the main challenges faced by TEK in Vhembe, semi-
structured interviews were carried out with participants. An average
duration of 1 h and 30 min (90 min) was spent in each interview. The
researcher interviewed the selected key informants alone, either in or
near their homes, and the interviews were conducted using Tshivenda
language. The collected data was analysed through thematic content
analysis which is a qualitative analytic method of “identifying, analysing
and reporting patterns (themes) within data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006: 6).
All responses that were similar from interviewees were grouped into
themes or patterns, and the bilingual researcher translated them into
English. In some cases, to communicate to the reader, the richness of the
situation examined without changing the material recorded, episodes
were pronounced, and cases described, often in the exact words used by
the respondents.
Holmes (2020) advised researcher to disclose race, gender, social
class, status, nationality, and political allegiance they bring to the study,
to explain their experiences with phenomenon under study and
reecting how these experiences may have shaped their understanding
of the topic. To this end, I was born in Thohoyandou, Vhembe District
Municipality in the province of Limpopo in South Africa. I am uent in
my native Tshivenda and English. I am a Black, middle class, South
African academic men who has more than 15 years of working as a
lecturer at a South African university. I expected my research to be
relatively uncomplicated as I was an insider researching respondents
who speak the same language, but it was not so. I did not anticipate
experiencing difculties in recruiting participants, but it was not
straightforward. I also realised that I needed to be mindful not to impose
my assumptions or expectations on my interviewee response when
analysing and interpreting the data. This was important to ensure that
my results are trustworthy and reliable.
3.3. Strengths and limitations of the methods used
The main strength of using semi-structured interviews was to
compare the previous and future data of candidates in a similar set of
questions. In addition, it allowed for open-ended responses from par-
ticipants for more in-depth information, encouraged two-way commu-
nication, and allowed researchers to make follow up on answers that
were not clear. The main limitation of this method was that it was time
consuming to sit down and listen to 66 respondents. In some cases, more
than 2 h were spent during interviews, particularly bearers of TEK who
had a lot of information to say. Some key informants were too busy to
Fig. 1. Location of Vhembe district municipality in Limpopo province of South Africa.
N.I. Sinthumule
Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
4
participate. As a result, only those informants who were accessible were
interviewed. In addition, other key informants were not willing to be
interviewed, and as a result, we had to look for substitutes within the
community until the point of data saturation was reached. These limi-
tations nevertheless did not compromise the ndings of the study.
4. Results
4.1. Respondent characteristics
Of the 66 respondents who were interviewed, 53% were men and
47% were woman. Majority of the respondents (71%) were above the
age of 50 (n =47) while the remaining 29 were between the ages of 21
and 50 years (Table 1).
The oldest participant was 87 years old whereas the youngest was 28.
In terms of education, majority of respondents (38%; n =25) had ter-
tiary education, 32% had completed at least secondary education, 14%
had attended primary school, and the remaining 17% had never atten-
ded school. The majority of respondents (42%; n =28) who were
interviewed were employed while 32% were unemployed. The
remaining 26% were pensioners.
4.2. Dominant religion
TEK is rooted in worldviews or cosmology. TEK of the indigenous
people is commonly associated with spiritualism in Africa. Analysis of
interview materials revealed that indigenous or traditional belief sys-
tems involving connecting with ancestors or spirits in sacred sites is no
longer common because of other regions, particularly Christianity
(Western value) that was introduced during colonial era. Although there
are small pockets that still follow the traditional belief system, the study
found that most of the people believe in Christianity, a legacy of colo-
nialism. In the Vhembe district, the history of Christianity dates to 1863
(colonial era) when the missionaries from the Dutch Reformed Church
rst arrived. The second group of missionaries were Lutherans who
arrived in Vhembe District in 1872, followed by the Reformed Church in
1928 (Kgatla, 2016). The missionaries-imposed Christianity over local
people because they had structural power and resources. That has been
of great importance for spreading the gospel across communities. As a
result, the traditional taboos and customs began to be neglected by local
people in favour of Christianity. As Kgatla (2016) has noted, the mem-
bership of these churches began to grow up signicantly. In addition,
many other ‘gospel’ churches such as Faith Mission Church, Roman
Catholic Church, Zion Christian Church, Apostolic Church, Christian
Worship Centre, Rhema Kingdom Church, and Church of Christ etc. have
since been established in the region.
The study thus found that most people have embraced Christianity
and as a result, it is the dominant religion in the Vhembe district. It is
ironic to note that even the children of those who are custodians of
sacred sites or who believe in traditional belief systems have chosen
Christianity over traditional religion (#Interview, community elder,
November 22, 2022). Similarly, many of the traditional leaders who are
supposed to enforce taboos, customs, rules and regulations in villages
are now Christians as well. As one respondent explained, “the chiefs and
headmen who are supposed to protect TEK are Christians. How do you
think that they can protect something that is not close to their heart?” (#
Interview, TEK bearer, November 24, 2022). Local people are taught
about the Bible and prayer not only in churches but also in schools,
community meetings and taxi ranks, on streets and at funerals. Thus, the
gospel is taught seemingly everywhere (# Interview, community elder,
November 26, 2022).
Since TEK is rooted in cultural values that include customs, rituals,
myth, taboos, and customary rules and regulations, the conversion to
Christianity is making people neglect these values in support of Western
values and ideas that are the basis for Christian beliefs. Therefore, a lot
of people have stopped or terminated traditional customs, taboos, and
rituals that form the core of TEK in favour of Christianity because they
are seen as irrelevant and unimportant. Those who are still engaged in a
traditional belief system are seen as outcasts – as made clear by one
bearer of TEK:
“When we are seen performing rituals, we are labelled as demonic
and satanic. We are seen to be stupid and useless and are called all
the names,but we are not worried because when we perform rituals
and connect with our ancestors, it is for the benet of all people and
not only us” (#Interview, TEK bearer, 23/11/2022).
Traditional religion is seen as inferior, backward and insignicant. It
is further viewed as something that should be undermined and neglec-
ted. Thus, historical discourses continue to shape religion in the
contemporary Vhembe. Even sacred natural sites that are critical in
conserving biological diversity are seen and labelled as ‘satanic’ and
‘demonic’ (#Interview, church pastor, November 29, 2022). Similarly,
this study also found that some Christians who were interviewed see
indigenous medicines that people get from traditional healers or that
they can harvest by themselves as satanic and demonic (#Interviews,
various Christians, November 27, 2022). This is despite the Bible’s
explanation of the importance of plants in healing. For instance, 2 Kings
20 verse 7 and Revelation 22 verse 2 both describe the importance of
natural plants in healing. Perhaps it should be noted that Christians
might overlook the fact that medicines found in pharmacies across the
globe are made from plants and animal species.
4.3. Formal education
Related to Christianity is formal education which was identied as
another factor undermining TEK in the study area. The teachers and
curriculum experts interviewed were of the view that despite the de-
mocracy attained in 1994, the education system in South Africa has done
very little to transform and incorporate TEK into the school curriculum.
This information was corroborated by checking the annual teaching plan
for 2023 for life sciences, agricultural sciences and geography – and
there was nothing on the topic of TEK. This is not surprising because the
formal education in South Africa is rooted in Western values (human
rights, individualism, Christianity, modern technology and scientic
thinking) that are frequently in divergence with the local culture of ta-
boos, customs and rituals. These Western values are a legacy of colo-
nialism (structural power) and continue to be reproduced in the current
democratic state. As one secondary school principal narrated:
“Our curriculum is largely entrenched in Western values. There has
been very little change, and our curriculum is silent about TEK. Why
should our kids know about conservation in the Kruger National Park
and not know about TEK and how it contributes to the conservation
of natural resources? Why can’t we teach our children about taboos,
totems, customs and rituals and how they contribute to biodiversity
Table 1
The socioeconomic prole of the respondents in the study area.
Categories Class N =66 %
Age 21–30 years 03 4
31–40 years 07 11
41–50 years 09 14
51–60 years 26 39
>61 years 21 32
Gender Male 35 53
Female 31 47
Education None 11 17
Primary 09 14
Secondary 21 32
Tertiary 25 38
Occupation Unemployed 21 32
Employed 28 42
Pensioner 17 26
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Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
5
conservation? It is a shame that we are in a democratic government,
but we are failing to transform our own education system” (#Inter-
view, school principal, 03/12/2022).
Since TEK is not part of the school curriculum, school children grow
up without the knowledge of traditional taboos, customs and rituals. As
emphasised by a teacher who was interviewed in Thohoyandou:
“We teach learners about their rights and that they can change from
being a girl to being a boy if they want. Instead of teaching them
about cultural values and TEK practices, we teach them about
Western values. It is a sad reality” (#Interview, schoolteacher, 03/
12/2022).
When asked about the appropriate subjects in which TEK can be
taught in schools, respondents (mostly teachers, TEK experts and cur-
riculum advisors) identied four separate domains of knowledge (sub-
jects) that present suitable opportunities for inclusion of TEK in the
formal school system. These cover geography, life sciences, agriculture
and vernacular language. Participants also noted that formal education
is eroding TEK through promoting the use of the colonial language of
English. As expressed by another teacher in Thohoyandou:
“If you look at what is happening today, our kids start learning in
English from creche and in schools all subjects are taught in English
except Tshivenda. We interact with school children in English, and
they interact among themselves and with their parents in English.
The parents expect us to speak with their children in English. If you
cannot speak in English, you are like an idiot” (#Interview, school-
teacher, 03/12/2022)
This quotation shows that English has become the main mode of
instruction in schools in preference to vernacular languages. Since TEK
is rooted and expressed in indigenous languages, the use of English as
the main mode of communication has made the new generation also
adopt Western culture and values. As one chief explained, “Our kids see
English culture on television and the internet and they view this as more
civilised than their own culture” (#Interview, traditional leader,
November 23, 2023). Thus, they see their own languages, culture and
values as insignicant and outdated. This is contributing towards
eroding of TEK.
While formal education is rooted in Western values, this study found
that informal education which used to be carried out by parents at home
has done very little to resolve the problem. The analysis of results
showed that informal education used to be done through word of mouth
from the older to the younger generation. However, the older generation
is nding it difcult to communicate their views and practices to the
younger generations, with the latter being more interested in speaking
English than their local languages (Interview, TEK bearer, December 07,
2022). As the older generation passes away, the TEK disappears with
them. The parents who were interviewed confessed that they no longer
teach their children about cultural values and TEK at home. They no
longer share folklore about culture and TEK with young ones. Analysis of
interview material revealed that instead of teaching their kids about
culture, TEK and associated stories, they help their kids to complete their
homework. Some indicated that the children tend to be busy on their
laptops and cell phones, and some spend their evenings watching tele-
vision. Thus, the younger generation are growing up without proper
knowledge about their cultural values.
4.4. New political dispensation
South Africa’s apartheid system of government from 1948 to the
early 1990s systematically separated groups of people based on racial
classication. Under this system, the Black majority were required to
live in Bantustans or so-called homelands that were created by the
government to prevent Black people from living in the urban areas of
South Africa. Black people were either persuaded to give up or vacate
their land peacefully or were dispossessed of their land by the govern-
ment to these Bantustans (Kgatla, 2016). The idea was to separate Black
from White people and give the former the responsibility of running
independent governments far away from cities. The Bantustans were
abolished in 1994 and were re-integrated into the nine new provinces of
the democratic South Africa. After decades of colonialism and apartheid
in South Africa, democracy was welcomed and celebrated. Democratic
rule ensures fundamental freedoms and human rights for all citizens of
this country, as guaranteed by the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996).
Although there are traditional leaders who are responsible for over-
seeing traditional affairs (particularly in villages), politicians who are
mostly elite have the power to govern. As one traditional leader
explained:
“We are toothless, and communities no longer respect us. We can no
longer punish or banish offenders from our communities who violate
traditional rules and customs. We are in a democratic state where
every person has a right and can do as they please and this has eroded
our power. In most cases, the decisions that we take against offenders
are overruled by courts” (#Interview, traditional leader, 23/11/
2022).
Thus, traditional leaders have lost the authority to enforce compli-
ance with traditional rules, regulations and taboos within their
jurisdiction.
4.5. Modernisation and advances in science and technology
Although modernity is a contested word, it is dened by a Concise
Oxford English Dictionary as meaning, ’of the present or recent times
and current fashion.’ Modernity can be dened as “a condition of social
existence that is radically different to all past forms of human experi-
ence”, whereas modernisation refers “to the transitional process of
moving from ‘traditional’ or ‘primitive’ communities to modern soci-
eties” (Shilliam, 2010, p. 1). In the study area, both the younger and
older generations were interviewed. The analysis of this study has
shown that generation of young people is more interested in the present
or recent past, as opposed to the remote past. Thus, they are interested in
recent technology such as cell phones, televisions, software, computers,
internet, articial intelligent and robotics. Since TEK is always passed by
word of mouth from one generation to another, the older generation
who were interviewed indicated that they now nd it hard to transfer
their beliefs and practices to most of the younger generation whose in-
terest is on modern science and technology. As one respondent narrated:
“The younger generation views TEK as outdated, backward, old
fashion and irrelevant because it does not advance technology. They
also do not see this kind of knowledge practice on television, which
makes it difcult for them to understand and accept it” (Interview,
TEK bearer, 05/12/2023).
Despite TEK eroding and some younger generation not interested in
TEK, efforts have been made to protect TEK by an organisation called
‘Dzomo la mupo’ meaning ‘voice of nature’ which was founded in 2007.
This organisation aims to protect the natural environment in all its forms
and work with teachers and students on restoring cultural biodiversity
through networking, celebrations and facilitating intergenerational
knowledge transfer between people of different ages.
4.6. Commercialisation
Over the years, the harvesting of medicine has always been done by
traditional healers. The traditional healers who were interviewed indi-
cated that they promote sustainable harvesting practices. Thus, there are
indigenous or traditional ways of harvesting plant species. For instance,
regarding the traditional methods of harvesting of plants, harvesters
were not allowed to return to the same area in a year and this practice
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6
allowed the plants to recover. In the same way, it was believed that the
bark of a tree should be harvested from its eastern side due to its high
nutritional content. To help recover the tree, a mixture of soil and water
was applied to the wound. Concerning the harvesting of roots, only
lateral roots (not tap roots) of plants were harvested and the soil was
returned after harvesting to ensure that the roots could recover. These
practices were performed to ensure that the trees or plants remain sus-
tainable (Interview, traditional healer, December 15, 2022). However,
over the past two decades, the harvesting of plants has been commer-
cialised. In most cases, it is therefore no longer the traditional healers
who harvest plants; rather, middlemen harvest and sell the products to
traditional healers. For instance, this study found that female healers
prefer relying on middlemen rather than carrying out harvesting
themselves.
The use of middlemen has created a lot of problems because they are
not sufciently cautious about the protection of the environment; rather,
they simply want to make a prot. For instance, Securidaca long-
ipedunculata (locally known as Mpesu) has been commercialised. Mid-
dlemen harvest the roots of this plant and sell them not only to
traditional healers but also to anyone who may want to start a business
selling it (#Interview, university scholar, November 22, 2022). It is
popularly used by men for enhancing male sexual performance. Since
the middlemen do not follow traditional or indigenous methods of
harvesting the roots of these plants, the plant is currently under threat
because harvesting is not done sustainably. Thus, the commercialisation
of this species is threatening its survival. Since Securidaca long-
ipedunculata is only found in Muswodi Village in Limpopo Province,
there are fears among community members that it can go locally extinct
because of commercial harvesting (#Interview, community member,
December 20, 2022). This study also found that traditional leaders who
are supposed to protect the culture and enforce rules and regulations to
protect nature are also commercialised. The analysis of the results of this
study revealed that chiefs and headmen no longer protect culture
because they are after money. As one elder from Ngovhela Village
recounted:
“Our traditional leaders are commercialised. They will do anything
to get money. Look at what they have done at the at Phiphidi
Waterfall (sacred site). The chief himself is responsible for building a
lodge in a sacred site in the name of economic development and this
has already destroyed the area. Our leaders are greedy and selsh”
(# Interview, community elder, 24/11/2022).
Thus, it is alleged that chiefs and headmen can allocate plots of land
anywhere, irrespective of taboos, as long as you give them money. Since
the chiefs and headmen are commercialised, the perception is that they
no longer enforce the rules and regulations that protect taboos and
customs.
5. Discussion
The results of this study have shown that the erosion of TEK systems
is the consequence of complex and multifaceted factors, including the
compounding inuences of dominant religions, formal education, new
political dispensation, modernisation and advances in science and
technology, and commercialisation. Regarding the rst point, Chris-
tianity was conrmed to be the dominant religion in the study area. This
has involved most local communities changing from animist practices,
and as Sambe et al. (2021) have noted, this has reduced the ideological
and popular support for TEK in favour of Christianity. Some custodians
of sacred natural sites have been converted from the traditional religion
to what is perceived in the context to be a modern religion. Similarly,
some local traditional leaders whose traditionally perceived duty is
enforcing traditional rules, regulations, taboos, and customs have con-
verted to Christianity.
The abandonment of indigenous religious beliefs has been widely
recorded in the literature, particularly in regions with a history of
colonization (Tang & Gavin, 2016). For example, several people in
Nigeria (Sambe et al., 2021), Ghana (Kosoe et al., 2020), Guatemala
(Cook & Oft, 2008) and Taiwan (Tang & Tang 2010) have accepted
Christianity, hence avoiding traditional religions and taboos. Similarly,
in Botswana, Phuthego and Chanda (2004) reported that the Catholic
and Lutheran churches have trained rural communities to ignore or
neglect TEK as being insignicant and unimportant. As in the study area,
in Ghana and Nigeria, taboos, customs and traditions associated with
TEK practices have been downgraded and are viewed by Christians as
‘useless’, ‘fetishes’, ‘satanic’ and ‘demonic’ (Kosoe et al., 2020; Sambe
et al., 2021). The Bible is seen as the most important book and should
therefore be taught to people by church priests (Diawuo & Issifu, 2017).
As Reyes-García et al. (2007) have noted, the inuence of dominant
religions has in many cases reduced the interest of indigenous youth in
learning traditional practices because they are seen as inferior. This
originates from the belief that Westerners should be positioned as su-
perior and non-Westerners inferior (Shackeroff & Campbell, 2007).
Regarding the second point, the results of this study have shown that
despite democracy, formal education in the study area is largely
entrenched in Western values. Thus, the curriculum of primary and
secondary schools is silent about TEK. Such silence mirrors the trend
elsewhere as far aeld as formal education in places such as Botswana
(Phuthego & Chanda, 2004), Ghana (Diawuo & Issifu, 2015), Malekula
Island in Vanuatu (McCarter & Gavin, 2011), and Malaysia (Gopal,
2005) is similarly rooted in Western culture. Such Western knowledge
hegemony partially stems from the history of colonial domination and
partly from the globalising trends that continue to cement Western
ideals as the only possible conduit for socio-economic development
(Shava, 2016, pp. 121–139). Thus, Western knowledge systems deny
pupils the ability and opportunity to bring their own lived experiences
into educational processes. While the education system investigated in
this study area has ignored the need to incorporate TEK into the cur-
riculum, many developed nations such as Australia, Canada and New
Zealand have not only developed such modules but also recognize the
role of indigenous knowledge as a national heritage. This is the basis for
a sustainable living example in the modern world (Gopal, 2005). In
addition, the study found that the main medium of instruction in schools
in the study area and South Africa in general is the colonial language,
which is English. The use of local native dialects is seen as inferior,
particularly by young generations. Since TEK is passed from one gen-
eration to another through local languages, the loss of interest in
traditional languages by the youth is threatening the survival of TEK
(Tang & Gavin, 2016). The situation is made worse when the elders pass
away without transmitting the TEK to younger generations.
Democracy has also appeared as a reason undermining the use of
TEK in the study area. Africa has been colonised by European countries
for many years. The European immigrants who colonized the continent
in the late 19th century sought to destroy, degrade, or marginalise local
people and their TEK, replacing them with the West’s views and ap-
proaches, which were consistent with their imperial objectives (Mapira
& Mazambara, 2013). The demise of colonial rule and the idea of TEK as
a source for pride, dignity and possible solutions to some difcult
problems has become renewed with the introduction of democracy in
Africa. Despite the applause and celebrations of democracy following
decades of colonialism, it also poses a challenge to TEK. Democratic
governance assures or promises all citizens’ freedom and human rights.
As Jimoh et al. (2012) have noted, given this set of circumstances,
traditional leaders have lost their power over the villagers. For instance,
as in the study area, if lawbreakers or criminals in villages in Nigeria feel
that they have been ill-treated or their human rights have been violated
by the chiefs or headmen in trying to enforce the traditional rules and
regulations, they could litigate the community leaders (Jimoh et al.,
2012). This study found that in many instances, the court rules in their
favour. Thus, traditional leaders have reduced power to enforce
compliance in local communities; the power to rule rests mostly with
politicians who tend to be privileged and wealthy. In the name of
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Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
7
democracy, there is also the tendency of a group of vocal people in the
community to adopt resolutions on behalf of the majority. For instance,
in Botswana, the now defunct veld products domestication project was
embarked on after only a few optimistic and inuential local people had
approved it (Phuthego & Chanda, 2004). In Cameroon, traditional
forestry committees have overseen forest protection and ensured that
rules on the exploitation of natural resources are respected by local
councils. However, the management of the park has recently set up
village forest management committees that are perceived to be politi-
cally motivated, inefcient, unrepresentative and in conict with the
local council and the local population (Ntoko & Schmidt, 2021). The role
of the Traditional Councils in forest resource management was therefore
weakened by setting up village forestry committees.
Concerning modernisation and advances in science and technology,
this study has found that the youth are modernised and this makes it
difcult for them to participate in TEK. Studies by Mekoa (2018) and
Tang and Gavin (2016) revealed similar results whereby the younger
generation has moved away from perceived ‘primitive’ ways of doing
things to the present or current approach that relies more on technology.
For instance, the youth rely mostly on modern products and technolo-
gies such as cell phones, iPads, computers, and television, which makes
it difcult for them to appreciate TEK (Tang & Gavin, 2016). Mekoa
(2018) also found out that there is resistance to the use of TEK by the
youth because TEK is considered unscientic and backward. As Tang
and Gavin (2016) have noted, younger generations are more interested
in the knowledge and skills that enable them to nd a job in towns and
cities, resulting in TEK being ignored and relegated to a low-priority
status. This is in line with ndings of Reyes-García et al. (2013), who
argued the Tsimane communities of Bolivia, who consider that this form
of knowledge does not provide them with a sufcient level of informa-
tion to deal with today’s social and economic conditions, have
contributed to the abandonment of ancient knowledge. As in the present
study area, Mekoa (2018) reported that the older generation who are
bearers of TEK nd it difcult to communicate their beliefs and practices
to the younger generation, with the latter being relatively educated and
technologically orientated.
This study also found that commercialisation is also eroding TEK.
Over the years, indigenous people have relied on traditional medicines
to treat various diseases. In the process of extracting or harvesting
nature-based medicines, they were usually concerned about environ-
mental sustainability. As a result, taboos, rules and regulations were
used (Constant & Tshisikhawe, 2018) to promote selective harvesting to
ensure that the removal of selected parts did not retard regeneration and
recovery of the affected plants (Msuya & Kideghesho, 2009). Traditional
healers and herbalists held the view that cutting off all the roots, and
ringbarking plants or harvesting the whole plant for medicinal purposes
would result in patient death (Kanene, 2016). In the study area, tradi-
tionally, the selective harvesting of leaves, roots and stems is done in
such a way that allows the plants to regenerate. This is not unique in the
study area; rather, this practice is also common among the Tonga people
in Zambia (Kanene, 2016) and the Teso community in Kenya (Ayaa &
Waswa, 2016). However, the increased demand for medicinal plants
such as Securidaca longipedunculata in recent years has led to commercial
harvesting of plants. Thus, the indigenous ways of harvesting of plants
have been neglected in favour of making prot. As a result of the tran-
sition from subsistence use to commercial trade in medicinal plants,
there has been an increase in the number of medicinal plants harvested
out of wild areas (see Van Wyk & Prinsloo, 2018).
Consequently, overharvesting of plants for medical purpose pose
threat to species and make them vulnerable to extinction. For instance,
the increased demand for Anemone altaica (a traditional Chinese herb)
over the last few years and more intense harvesting activities of the
species in China has largely impacted the natural recovery of the har-
vested populations (Huai et al., 2013). In addition, this study also found
that traditional leaders who are supposed to enforce taboos, rules and
regulations are also commercialised. Thus, they are after money and will
do anything in their power to get money. In the study area, traditional
leaders particularly in villages are entrusted with the responsibility of
allocating land for residential, commercial, and farming purposes. A
previous study identied that land at the sacred natural site in Phiphidi
Waterfall in the Vhembe district has been allocated for tourism devel-
opment by the local chief. Thus, instead of protecting this culturally
important area, a lodge has been developed without the approval of the
custodians of the area (Sinthumule et al., 2021). This has destroyed the
trees that had been protected for decades and has created conict be-
tween traditional leaders and the custodian of the area. This violation
can be linked at least in part to the custodians of the sacred natural site
not having property rights or title deeds for the area; the latter would
empower them to have greater control over the area.
6. Conclusion
Overall, the data collected in this study has demonstrated that
although there are still pockets of TEK, this knowledge is under threat
from complex processes and multifaceted sources. These include the
compounding inuences of dominant religions, formal education, post-
apartheid political dispensation, commercialisation, and modernisa-
tion/advances in science and technology. Although these ndings
cannot be generalised to other countries, the changing conditions linked
to the situations described in this study are faced by indigenous pop-
ulations living in rural and urban areas of developed and developing
countries. Therefore, the ndings of this study can be considered a
warning sign for an overall trend in TEK deterioration between today’s
indigenous societies. The loss of TEK is concern because it does not just
provide those who hold this knowledge with a wide variety of benets
but also contribute to protecting the environment and ecosystem
services.
To ensure that TEK is not lost forever in communities, there is a need
for decolonization of TEK in order to sustain traditional practices. To
ensure that South African children do not continue to be caught up in
Western frameworks of thinking that caused serious cognitive conicts,
there is an urgent need for Basic Education Department to decolonise
school curricula. The curriculum for subjects like geography, agricul-
tural science, life sciences and languages should be redesigned to
incorporate indigenous knowledge. Government funding institutions
like the National Research Funds should prioritise students research at
university level that has TEK component or that entirely deal with TEK
practices. Thus, schooling, research, and other forms of knowledge
production that focus on indigenous knowledge should be prioritised by
both state and non-state actors. There is also need for government and
education sector to document the existing pockets of TEK in both rural
and urban areas for current and future generations. This will ensure that
this knowledge is not lost forever when knowledge carriers pass away.
The promotion of TEK practices, as well as their role for improving
livelihoods, protecting biodiversity and providing ecosystem services,
also needs to be promoted by the government through radio and tele-
vision programmes. In this way, this knowledge can reach young people
who, otherwise, seem more interested in listening to the radio or
watching television. Traditional leaders should be empowered by the
government to enforce taboos, customs, rules and regulations, particu-
larly in rural areas so that they become protectors rather than destroyers
of TEK. Efforts should be undertaken to confer legal personhood and
natural rights on sacred sites at a time when almost all of them are
threatened by man’s activities.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Ndidzulafhi Innocent Sinthumule: Writing – review & editing,
Writing – original draft, Visualization, Validation, Supervision, Soft-
ware, Resources, Project administration, Methodology, Investigation,
Funding acquisition, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization.
N.I. Sinthumule
Social Sciences & Humanities Open 10 (2024) 101027
8
Declaration of competing interest
The author declare there is no potential conict of interest with
respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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