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Murder–Suicide (Dyadic Death)
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Homicide–suicide is an event in which an individual murders one or more persons and then takes his/her own life. The present study aimed to assess the incidence of homicide-suicide in Italy over a 10-year period (between 2009 and 2018) and to compare its findings with national and international data. Furthermore, a time series analysis was carried out employing an autoregressive integrated moving average model. Data regarding homicide-suicide cases were collected from press agencies and four major Italian newspapers. In the considered time frame, 368 cases of homicide–suicide were identified, with a total of 808 deaths. Findings aligned with international data, highlighting that the murderer is typically an older male who, for romantic jealousy, kills with a firearm his current or former female partner. The average rate of homicide–suicides was 0.06%, showing an increase compared to the previous decades. In addition, the forecasting model predicted a further increase in cases in the coming years, highlighting the need to systematically gather data on this phenomenon.
The phenomenon of homicide followed by suicide (HS) has a low prevalence worldwide, although the literature has identified that these cases represent a significant percentage in homicide subtypes such as intimate partner homicide or filicide. In the present study, HS (n = 41) and homicides in which the perpetrator did not commit suicide after the event (n = 556) are compared. The information was extracted from police reports of homicides committed in Spain between 2010 and 2012 and belonging to the jurisdictions of the National Police and Civil Guard. The results showed that out of the total number of homicides analyzed, HS accounted for 4.9%, which implies a rate of 0.05 per 100,000 inhabitants. The findings of the study show that the profile of a HS victim of a 52-year-old Spanish woman. The perpetrator is of Spanish origin, 50 years old, unemployed, or retired, with a mental disorder, and with substance use being uncommon at the time of the event. HS events take place at the perpetrator’s home, are related to interpersonal conflicts, involve a single perpetrator, several victims, and are mainly committed with a firearm. The findings are mostly consistent with previous studies and the prevalence of HS in the couple setting is highlighted (56.5%). However, the importance of studying cases outside of this setting is emphasized since it has been found that 30.5% of cases involve other family relationships and 13% occurred outside the domestic sphere.
This paper describes for the first time the epidemiology of homicide-suicide events in the whole of the United States using archival data. From 1968 to 1975, there were 2215 homicide-suicide events out of 123,467 homicides. The mean rate of homicide-suicide events was 0.134 per 100,000 per year. The murderers in these events differ from the typical murderer and the typical suicide in socio-demographic characteristics. Details of the characteristics of this population may be valuable for understanding the circumstances of homicide-suicide events and planning preventive measures.
Previous studies have implicated significant differences between military members and civilians with regard to violent behavior, including suicide, domestic violence, and harm to others, but none have examined military murder-suicide. This study sought to determine whether there were meaningful differences between military and civilian murder-suicide perpetrators. Using data from the Center for Disease Control’s (CDC) National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS), military (n = 259) and civilian (n = 259) murder-suicide perpetrators were compared on a number of demographic, psychological, and contextual factors using chi-square analyses. Logistic regression was used to determine which variables predicted membership to the military or civilian perpetrator groups. Military murder-suicide perpetrators were more likely to be older, have physical health problems, be currently or formerly married, less likely to abuse substances, and to exhibit significantly different motives than civilian perpetrators. Logistic regression revealed that membership to the military, rather than the civilian, perpetrator group was predicted by age, physical health problems, and declining heath motive—reflecting the significance of a more than 15-year difference in mean age between the two groups. Findings point to the need to tailor suicide risk assessments to include questions specific to murder-suicide, to assess attitudes toward murder-suicide, and to the importance of assessing suicide and violence risk in older adult military populations.
Homicide followed by suicide (H-S) is a lethal event in which an individual kills another individual and subsequently dies by suicide. This article presents a review of research carried out in Asia, Australia, Canada, Europe, and the United States of America over the past 60 years on the prevalence of mental illness among the perpetrators of H-S. Analysis of the available data indicated a great disparity in the results of the different studies. Overall, depression was the most frequent disorder reported (about 39% of the cases in the 20 studies that assessed depressive disorders), followed by substance abuse (about 20% in 10 studies) and psychosis (about 17% in 11 studies). This review, therefore, indicated that mental illness plays an important role in H-S. The prevention of these events depends on the identification and treatment of psychiatric disorder in potential perpetrators.
The objective of this study was to determine the annual incidence of homicide-suicide and to compare patterns and antecedents in old and young spousal/consortial cases.
Homicide-suicide cases were ascertained in four medical examiner districts covering seven entire Florida counties from 1988 to 1994. The districts were chosen to determine rates in two regions of Florida, comparable in size of the total population and proportion of older persons. Annual homicide-suicide incidence rates per 100,000 population and homicide-suicides as a percentage of total homicides and total suicides separately were calculated by age group and Florida region. Complete medical examiner files were obtained, and 160 variables were coded from medical examiner reports to compare features and clinical characteristics by age and region.
Annual incidence rates ranged from 0.3 to 0.7 per 100,000 for persons under age 55 and from 0.4 to 0.9 per 100,000 for persons age 55 and older, with higher rates in the older group every year but two. Cases of spousal/consortial homicide-suicide were the most common in both age groups. The younger couples in both regions were comparable, except for racial composition, but the older couples differed. West central Florida couples were in their seventies, Caucasian, usually married, and both in poor health; and there were indications of depression or alcohol abuse in half the perpetrators. Two-thirds of the southeastern Florida couples were Hispanic; there was a mean age difference of 18 years between perpetrators and victims; and verbal discord, physical violence, and separation were prominent antecedents.
The base rate for homicide-suicide in both age groups was higher than that reported in previous studies. Spousal/consortial homicide-suicides were the dominant form, and although psychopathology was strongly implicated, homicide-suicides are violent lethal acts resulting from additive or multiplicative effects of diathesis, including culture, and stressful experiences.
Homicides followed by the suicide of the perpetrator are a rare yet very serious form of interpersonal violence that occurs mainly in partnerships and families. No systematic research on homicide-suicide has ever been conducted in the Netherlands. This study provides an overview of the international homicide-suicide literature. Additionally, this article describes, for the first time, the incidence and patterns of homicide-suicide in the Netherlands and compares these to homicides not followed by suicide. To do so, an existing record containing all homicide cases in the Netherlands in the period 1992-2006 was used. Additional information on homicide-suicide events was retrieved through newspaper analysis. A total of 135 people died in 103 events. Homicide-suicide occurs with an annual incidence of 0.07 to 0.02 per 100,000 persons per year. People who commit homicide-suicide cannot be easily equated to those accused of other types of homicide.
Synopsis
A comparison of the homicide rate of mentally abnormal offenders and murderers who subsequently commit suicide, from a range of different populations, shows a uniform consistency when compared with the overall rates. ‘Laws’ are proposed which govern the rates within these subgroups in comparison with the population as a whole and which determine fluctuations. Qualitatively different psychiatric and sociological factors are thought to account for these findings and require further elucidation.
This study provides the first systematic research of homicide-suicide (HS) in a Chinese society. Data were drawn from the HK Homicide Monitoring Data-base computer file derived from investigation and death reports held by the HK Police Force and the Coroner's Court. During the 10-year study period, 56 events involving 133 deaths were identified. The majority of offenders were males (75%) and most victims were female (64%). The mean age of offenders and victims were 41.9 and 32.3 years, respectively. Spouses and lovers comprised the majority of victims (46.4%) followed by child victims (36%). Most HS events were motivated by separation or termination of marital or sexual relations (39%), economic reasons (25%) and other domestic disputes (20%). The most frequent modes of killing were strangulation/suffocation (26%), stabbing/chopping (24%), followed by gassing/poisoning (14%) and falling from a height (14%). The commonest method of suicide was falling from a height (48%). It was followed by gassing/poisoning (22%) and strangulation/suffocation (13%). Depression (18.3%) was found to be the commonest mental disorder. Most offenders were from low-socio-economic background. Two-third were unemployed and 76.6% had 9 or less years of education. HS in HK were distinguished from those reported in the western literature in respect to the high relevance of economic factors, the absence of mercy killing between old couples, a higher percentage of pedicide-suicides and the infrequent use of firearms.
A 1995 classification of combined homicide‐suicide was based on the psychopathology of the perpetrator and the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim(s). A three‐part model was proposed for the study and potential understanding of individual homicide‐suicide acts. This triarchic model consisted of the concepts of ego weakness, stress, and vector, the vector representing the ideational component. Today, approaching a quarter of a century after this initial classification based on a review of the literature available then, a considerable volume of experience and investigative knowledge has been published advancing our knowledge of homicide‐suicide. The present review updates and revises the original classification, retains the two‐part, psychopathological and relational classification, and adds several categories. Because this updated classification is more expansive than the original, it is presented in three parts. Part I, the present article, provides the introduction to this classification and the classification of mental conditions that may attend homicide‐suicide. Parts II and III will address intrafamilial and extrafamilial homicide‐suicide, respectively, the two major divisions of the classification based on the relationship between the actor and the homicide victim(s). All three parts are integral to this classification and belong together.
This Part II of the three‐part presentation of the updated classification of combined‐homicide published in the Journal of Forensic Sciences addresses intrafamilial homicide–suicides (H–Ss). Intrafamilial H–Ss in this classification includes all close relationships including dating and intimate partners, not just traditional family relationships, in contrast to extrafamilial H–Ss where the victim(s) of homicide are either strangers or in a more formal but nonintimate relationship with the actor. Intrafamilial H–Ss are further divided and classified as intimate partner, filicide, familicide, parricide, and siblicide H–Ss, respectively, and are typically so grouped in the literature.
The subclassification of homicide‐suicide into psychopathology and intrafamilial homicide‐suicides having been presented in the foregoing Parts I and II, this Part III concerns extrafamilial homicide‐suicides. Extrafamilial homicide‐suicides are divided into adversarial, autogenic mass, cult, and terrorist homicide‐suicides. Adversarial homicide‐suicides involve a “formal” relationship between actor and homicide victims, further divided according to the role of the actor in their relationship as employee, current or former pupil/student as in school shootings, patient, and litigant. For comparison, school shootings were divided into those resulting in 10 or more homicide victims and those with fewer. The autogenic mass homicide‐suicide, wherein victims are strangers to the actor, was heuristically bifurcated here depending on the number of homicide victims, 10 or more or fewer. As expected, the homicide‐suicides with larger numbers of victims were more homogenous.
From January 1987 to December 2012, 19 homicide-suicide events were registered at the Brescia Institute of Forensic Medicine (Northern Italy), leading to 39 deaths (20 homicide victims and 19 suicide victims). The homicide victims were females in the total of the cases (100%), while perpetrators were exclusively males (100%). Only one event involved foreigners as both victim and perpetrator, all the other cases regarded Italian people. The average age was 37.3 years for the homicide victims and 41.57 years for the offenders. Perpetrators usually used a firearm both for murder (65%) and suicide (84%). In 66% of the cases the homicide-suicide events occurred at home; homicide victims were strictly bound to their perpetrators (husband, boyfriend or ex boyfriend, father) in all the events.
Murder followed by suicide (M-S) is a rare phenomenon that has been studied in several countries. Previous studies show that offenders of M-S are predominately men who live in an intimate relationship. Amorous jealousy is often the trigger to commit M-S. Shooting is the most common way to kill a partner and/or children. In general, women are likely to become victims. The aim of this study was to identify M-S and detect patterns of M-S in the district of Ghent and the surrounding areas, since no research on this event was conducted in Belgium. Over a period of 75 years, a total of 80 M-S incidents was recorded involving 176 individuals. Eighty-six percent of the offenders were males and 14% were females. Murder-suicides were mostly completed with firearms. The main motive for offenders to execute M-S is amorous jealousy (56%), followed by familial, financial, or social stressors (27%). In addition, three types of M-S were selected (e.g., spousal murder-suicides, filicide-suicides, and familicides-suicides). Our results suggest differences in these types of M-S in which younger couples' intentions were amorous jealousy; as for older couples the prominent motive was mercy killing; most likely women killed their children and only men committed familicides. Finally a study of the evolution during this period was carried out.
Highlights
► Male possessiveness is a key motivating factor in the majority of cases of dyadic death. ► While domestic abuse is found in some cases, there are others with no such history. ► ‘Suicidal abrogation’ frees perpetrators to commit homicide before they die.
Homicide-suicide is an event in which the murderer commits suicide after the homicide. There are at least 14 epidemiological studies on the topic, and all have found that homicide-suicide is more common among family members. The murderers are most often males and the victims females. There is no recent research on this phenomenon in Italy. The purpose of the study was to evaluate the incidence of homicide-suicide in Italy over a period of 24 yrs and to compare Italian data with published international data. We used information gathered by press agencies and from the four major Italian newspapers. Between 1985 and 2008, 662 cases of homicide-suicide were identified, with 1776 deaths. The murderer was male in 84.6% of the cases, typically using a firearm. The most common motivation was romantic jealousy, followed by socio-economic stress. The rate of homicide-suicide was 0.04%. Comparison with international studies is not always possible due to the lack of information for certain categories. The common factors identified may be helpful for prevention.
Homicide-suicide (HS) events in Yorkshire and the Humber have been documented previously by Milroy in a study of the period 1975 to 1992 (Milroy, Med Sci Law. 1993;33:167-171; Milroy 1994; Milroy, Forensic Sci Int. 1995;71:117-122; Milroy, Med Sci Law. 1995;35:213-217; and Milroy, J Clin Forensic Med. 1998;5:61-64). Reported here is an update of that study covering HS events in the same region from 1993 to 2007. Data from cohort 1 (1975-1992) and cohort 2 (1993-2007) are presented and compared, where data are available, with the findings of 2 previous studies in England and Wales (Barraclough and Harris, Psychol Med. 2002;32:577-584; and West 1965). Homicide followed by suicide is often defined in the literature as homicide(s) followed by the suicide of the perpetrator within 1 week of the homicide(s) (Barraclough and Harris, Psychol Med. 2002;32:577-584; Campanelli and Gilson, Am J Forensic Med Pathol. 2002;23:248-251; and Hannah et al, 1998;19:275-283). All the cases reported here fall within this definition. Findings are consonant with international literature, and suggest that HS is most likely to be carried out by an older, white, married, or cohabiting working man, who kills his female partner and/or their children and then himself. There are indications that restricting access to significant methods of killing can reduce the incidence of HS.
A study was undertaken to research the occurrence of homicide-suicide events in the Pretoria region from January 1997 until October 2001. It is important to attempt understanding this tragic phenomenon from psychiatric and forensic perspectives. This uncommon phenomenon has attracted widespread and sensational media coverage, but little is known about the causal factors and demographic profile of perpetrators and victims, and possible sites of intervention. Case files of the Pretoria Medico-Legal Laboratory (where all cases of unnatural death in Pretoria are investigated) were reviewed and information collected from relevant investigating officers of the South African Police Services. The average annual incidence of homicide-suicide in Pretoria over the period studied was found to be 1 per 100,000 of the population. Two profiles of typical perpetrators seem to emerge: a younger, single, black male shooting his girlfriend and himself at home; and an older, married, Caucasian male shooting his wife and himself at home. Employment in peace forces and unemployment are shown to play significant roles, suggesting need for the availability of psychological support systems to members of peace forces and for intervention regarding unemployment.
To review the epidemiology, patterns, and major determinants of murder-suicide and to discuss the clinical and research strategies for identifying the individuals at greatest risk for this type of violence.
Data were obtained from English-language articles based on searches using MEDLINE (from 1966), PsychINFO (from 1967), and EMBASE (from 1974) programs. In addition, relevant articles, books, and monographs identified from the reference list of retrieved articles were reviewed.
Case-control studies, descriptive epidemiologic surveys, and case series were chosen for review.
Because of the limited scope of the pertinent research literature, all data relevant to the incidence, demographics, circumstances, and precipitants of murder-suicide were summarized by the authors.
Murder-suicide occurs with an annual incidence of 0.2 to 0.3 per 100,000 person-years and accounts for approximately 1000 to 1500 deaths yearly in the United States. The annual incidence of these events is relatively constant across industrialized nations and has not significantly changed over several decades. The principal perpetrators are young males with intense sexual jealousy, depressed mothers, or despairing elderly men with ailing spouses. The principal victims are female sexual partners or consanguineous relatives, usually young children. Clinical depression, specific motivations such as male sexual proprietariness or maternal salvation fantasies, and a history of previous suicide attempts are important in explaining underlying psychopathological mechanisms.
Murder-suicide occupies a distinct epidemiological domain that overlaps with suicide, domestic homicide, and mass murder. These events may be categorized into one of only several phenomenologic typologies that share similar demographics, motivations, and circumstances. Despite the disruption of families and communities caused by murder-suicide, there are no standardized operational definitions, validated taxonomic systems, or national surveillance networks for these events, all of which are needed to develop prevention strategies.
Fifty-two episodes of homicide-suicide were examined to determine the reasons behind the episodes. Forty-nine of the assailants were male. The major reason for homicide-suicide was breakdown in a relationship (46%), the victim usually being the spouse. Mental illness was the second commonest reason (21%). Physical ill health (11%) and financial stress (10%) were important reasons in older couples. Criminal behaviour was the reason in 11% of cases. Alcohol was detected in 15 (29%) of assailants, with 10 (19%) having a blood-alcohol level over 100mg/100ml. The results are compared with other published studies.
The national and international rates of homicide and homicide-suicide (dyadic death) have been studied by examination of the available literature. The rates of homicide-suicide episodes between different countries showed considerable variation, though not as great as overall homicide rates. Despite the variation the features of the episodes were similar, with a man usually killing his spouse and/or children with a firearm. The commonest motive for killing is jealousy and/or revenge, often as the result of a breakdown in the spousal relationship.
In England and Wales 5-10 per cent of homicides are followed by the suicide of the assailant. Fifty-two episodes of homicide-suicide occurring in Yorkshire and Humberside have been studied. Forty-nine of the assailants were male with a mean age of 49 years. There were 65 victims, who were usually the spouse and/or children of the killer. Shooting was the most frequent method of killing and subsequent suicide. The results are compared with other homicide statistics and previously published studies of homicide-suicide.
Thirty-nine incidents of homicide-suicide occurring in Victoria, Australia between 1985 and 1989 were examined. In 33 cases the assailants were men. The victims were spouses or women living in a de facto marriage. The majority of the victims were shot, and this was also the most frequent method of suicide. Breakdown in a relationship was the most frequent reason for killing. Mental illness of the assailant accounted for the killing in approximately 20% of cases. Physical ill health and financial stress were identified as important associative factors, particularly in the elderly. The pattern of homicide-suicide in Victoria is similar to that observed in other jurisdictions and represents an important and distinct subgroup of homicide.
Combined homicide-suicides have been classified based on the psychopathology of the perpetrator and the nature of the relationship between perpetrator and victim(s). To further understand the nature of this tragic phenomenon and to test the validity and practicality of a previously suggested classification system, investigators systematically collected data on all combined homicide-suicide events that occurred in Galveston County, Texas over a continuous 18-year period (n = 20). The most common psychopathological finding for perpetrators was high serum alcohol levels that suggested intoxication. Most combined homicide-suicides fell into one of the relational categories and most of these, as predicted, were of the consortial type, possessive subtype. As expected, due to the small sample size, the less common types of combined homicide-suicide were not represented in this sample.
We describe for the first time the epidemiology of homicide-suicide incidents for England and Wales. Previous descriptions have been of incidents in London (1946-62) and Yorkshire and Humberside (1975-1992).
Death certificates were obtained for all who died in homicide-suicide incidents in England and Wales (1988-1992) that were reported by the police to the Home Office. Incidents were included in the analysis if the interval between death or fatal injury of victim and suspect was 3 or fewer days.
Three hundred and twenty-seven people died in 144 incidents (180 victims and 147 suspects). Eighty per cent of incidents had one victim and one suspect. Three incidents were also suicide pacts between two suspects killing their children. Eighty-eight per cent of incidents exclusively involved members of the same family, 9 % acquaintances or strangers, and 3 % both family and acquaintances or strangers. Seventy-five per cent of victims were female, 85% of suspects male. The victims of male suspects were predominantly their womenfolk, past and present, and their children, and of female suspects their young children. Car exhaust and firearms accounted for 40% of victim and 50% of suspect deaths. Of all homicides during 1988-1992, 3 % of male, 11% of female and 19% of child deaths occurred in homicide-suicide incidents. Similarly, of all suicides, 0.8% of male and 0.4% of female deaths occurred in homicide-suicide incidents.
Homicide-suicide in England and Wales is mostly 'a family matter', men of predominantly lower social class killing their kin, and pre-menopausal mothers their young children, before they kill themselves. A few men kill strangers during a crime and then themselves.
Homicide is followed by the suicide of the assailant in around 4% of homicide-suicide episodes in England and Wales. The assailant is invariably a man who most commonly kills his spouse and/or children. Shooting is the most common method of suicide and homicide in these cases. It has been asserted that the low rate of homicide and relatively high rate of suicide in killers is a result of English killers internalizing their culture's abhorrence of killing. However, examination of homicide-suicide episodes indicate that in most episodes the decision to commit suicide has been taken before the decision to kill and that only a minority of suicides in assailants are out of remorse. Homicide followed by suicide is a distinct category of homicide which has features that differ from other forms of killing. These episodes are complex and do not reflect simple remorse following the killing. Homicide-suicide episodes in England are similar to those in countries with higher homicide rates.
Homicide-suicide forms a distinct form of homicide. An analysis of cases in the Yorkshire and Humberside region of England between 1991 and 2005 revealed 37 episodes with 42 victims. Previous studies have shown a high rate of use of firearms. Over the last 2 decades firearms legislation has become more restrictive. In this study all assailants were male, mean age 46.8 years. The commonest method of homicide was strangulation (36%) with 16% killed by firearms. This is a reduction compared with a previous study in the same region. All killers who shot their victims killed themselves with firearms. There were no multiple killings with firearms in this study and no stranger killings. Hanging was the commonest method of suicide. During the same period the use of firearms as a method of homicide increased in England and Wales with handguns, the most common weapon. Nationally, suicide after homicide has remained at a similar rate over the half century and is an uncommon phenomenon. Firearms use remains low in both homicide and homicide-suicide episodes in England, and further analysis is required to determine changes in patterns of killing.
Murder-suicide, Georgia 1988–1991. Comparison with a recent report and proposed typology
- Hanslick