Values of Urban Greening – Voices of Residents on Highly Intensive Densification (HID) in a Swedish Case Study

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Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
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Original article
Values of urban greening –Voices of residents on highly intensive
densication (HID) in a Swedish case study
Per G. Berg
a
,
1
, Fredrik Eriksson
a
, Tuula Eriksson
a
, Madeleine Granvik
b
,
*
, Per Hedfors
b
,
*
a
Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Departement of Urban and Rural Development, Unit of Landscape Architecture, Uppsala, Sweden
b
Uppsala University, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala, Sweden
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Functional density
Green infrastructure
Social network
Eriksberg Uppsala
Sweden
Fractal greenery
Case study research
ABSTRACT
Effects of planned Highly Intensive Densication (HID) were investigated in southern Eriksberg, a residential area
located four km from the city center, mainly built in the 1950s in western Uppsala, Sweden according to the
planning ideal Houses-in-Park. Uppsala municipality has proposed a doubling of the number of apartments in the
southern part of the residential area, mostly through situating dwellings in-between existing houses and in some
of the existing green places and spaces. This way of densifying by inserting an equally large area is a new
approach in larger Swedish cities, which we term HID. The research presented in this paper is based on case study
methodology. Method triangulation has been used to elucidate the projected consequences on urban greening of
the planned HID-process in southern Eriksberg. We have analysed the development plan of Eriksberg and
measurable effects but also inventoried attitudes and experiences among residents. The document study showed
that an implementation of the HID plan will transform the original concept Houses-in-Park into a compact design
with signicant smaller green spaces in between the houses. The main result showed that most of the respondents
had in general strong opinions and feelings regarding the planned loss of green structure. The courtyard green,
the district green and the entrance green were highly valued by the respondents. Further on it was clear that a
majority were concerned about the residential area losing its original character, planned according to the idea,
Houses-in-Park.
1. Introduction
Densication is a current common planning strategy for re-building
Swedish cities with the main aim to become more energy efcient,
public space intensive and active transport-oriented settlements, with
presumed shorter distances between citizens, services, and culture
(Uppsala Municipality, 2017). Two characteristics have imprinted the
trend of densication in Sweden since it started in the 1990s, to present
days. The rst is the slowly incremental scale of densication that can be
seen as a response to the governmental deregulation of the housing
market from the beginning of the 1990s (Bj¨
ork et al. 2012). A special
manifestation of this development is the increase in combined housing
heights (vertical densication) and a packing of the interior of the city
and its suburbs with houses tightly together (horizontal densication)
(Berg and Granvik, 2018; Berg, 2009). The second characteristic of the
densication trend is the introduction of massive dwelling construction
inside existing housing areas. Whole new districts are now built within
existing urban districts –we call it highly intensive densication (HID),
sometimes also described as invasive densication. Little has been done
to critically investigate the full effects of progressively more intense
densication in general, and regarding effects of new HID projects. A
growing number of researchers, planning practitioners, and also au-
thorities (e.g. Swedish National Board of Housing, Building and Plan-
ning) question if such densication really can support a sustainable
urban development or even maintain sustainable communities (Ber-
ghauser et al.2020; Boverket, 2016;Berg et al. 2012;Roseland, 2012;
Dempsey et al. 2012;Berg et al. 2010;Berg, 2004). PIanning researchers
and practitioners have thus started to question if densication is a sound
development in a mental health and well-being perspective (Alfv´
en,
2016; Gehl, 2010; Evans et al., 2003; Rådberg, 1988). Dempsey et al.
(2012) stress the issue of what they call the “crowding effect”. Are
dwellers becoming stressed by physically and socially densied living
environments? As a study by Berghauser et al.(2020) shows that,
densication in contemporary planning research is often shown to be
* Corresponding authors.
E-mail addresses: Madeleine.Granvik@balticuniv.uu.se (M. Granvik), perhedfors@gmail.com (P. Hedfors).
1
posthumous publication
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
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https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2024.128422
Received 9 March 2023; Received in revised form 12 May 2024; Accepted 25 June 2024

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
2
problematic in several ways related to risk of losing greenery and its
aesthetic qualities, health aspects and social networking.
Already in 1990, the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency
stated in one of its reports on the urban air that the increasing trafc
situation and densication adversely affect people’s health and the
living environment (SEPA, 1990). Despite this, densication has
increased signicantly in recent decades in many of Sweden’s larger
towns at the expense of, among other things, reduced access to green
spaces and natural areas. This is because the new houses often are built
on open space in the central city, which often consists of attractive green
spaces and natural areas. In today’s society and busy urban environ-
ments, it is important for people to have access to outdoor activities and
outdoor recreation as well as nature experiences (Haaland and Konij-
nendijk van den Bosch, 2015). Other researchers have also shown
similar results and that the nature of the city contains many important
experiential values for the users (Berglund, 1996). Another researcher
who already in the 70 s studied attractive outdoor environments in the
city stated that the environments that were appreciated by people often
had natural values at the same time as they were exciting, attractive,
easily accessible and had a human scale (Gehl, 1971). Other research
have described that the residential yard can be experienced and used by
dwellers as an extended living room and as a place for play, social ac-
tivities and meetings as well as to get in touch with nature (Kristensson,
2003).
In our research we have identied a knowledge gap concerning the
comprehensive role of green structure of different scales in the context of
HID projects from the perspectives of the users. The research presented
in this paper is based on a case study in the residential area southern
Eriksberg which was built in the 1950s according to an urban planning
ideal that sought to get away from overcrowding through airy and green
solutions (see example of existing courtyard in Fig. 1). In the present, a
complete opposite development plan is proposed according to HID in
southern Eriksberg (see example of planned densication of the same
courtyard in Fig. 2). The aim of the study was to investigate the effects
on green structures in different scales out from the planned Highly
Intensive Densication (HID) in the residential area of southern Eriks-
berg, according to the development plan of Eriksberg and the residents´
opinion.
1.1. Two approaches to density
This paper illustrates the clash between two approaches to urban
development and density: Houses-in-Park vs. compact city. The rst
approach is represented by the original plan and outline of Eriksbergs
green-built structure, with roots from the knowledge, ideals and norms
developed just before, during and after WWII, i.a. by Stockholm city
gardener Holger Blom (Andersson et al., 2000). This architectural era –
both regarding housing and landscape –was also described in detail by
architectural historians for Stockholm (ibid; Johansson, 1991), Uppsala
(Bergold, 1985), and in Den måttfulla staden (The Well-Proportioned
Town –in Swedish) Boverket (1995) where it says to read:
”Folkhem houses (Welfare State Houses –<which is most of the
housing blocks in Eriksberg>–authors’comment) in its rst built form
was considered a distinguished expression of Swedish Built culture.
Good examples can be found in <several Swedish Cities>…Uppsala
(Yttre V¨
astra Svartb¨
acken, Tuna Backar, Sala Backe, Johannesb¨
ack,
Eriksberg).”
The structure of Eriksberg and similar residential housing areas from
the 1950s was also analysed by landscape architects (Persson and
Persson, 1995) focusing on the “high quality of the outdoor environ-
ment”. Also, in a more focused spaciousness perspective, those housing
areas were analysed by landscape architects, (Kristensson, 2003) who
concludes:
”In the functionalistic planning ideals, the hygienic, social, political
and urban planning aesthetical objectives were interwoven. It was a
green suburbia that was created, outlined from an idea of a calm and
healthy living environment, with spacious inner courtyards, play-
grounds, and simplistically designed parks.”
The governmental authority Statens Planverk (1972) even formu-
lated norms for the outdoor environment. In their report ”Bostadens
grannskap”(The neighbourhood of the dwelling –in Swedish) an
optimal Floor Space Index (FSI) was presented to provide suburban
areas with room for play, proximity to schools and service, green areas,
recreation, and culture. FSI was set to 1 –i.e., one share of dwelling area
for each share of free space outdoors.
The norms that existed during the 1940s and 1950s, and that were
established by housing authorities have since then been depreciated or
vanished, since they were deemed to limit the contractors’degree of
freedom to build denser and higher.
1.2. A second contemporary approach –todays’compact housing
The second era to which we compare the rst, is thus, the “compact
sustainable city”of today. This modern practice has few theoretical or
practical foundations –but is rather referred to as common knowledge in
policy documents and construction company brochures. On a global
scale compactness is a presupposed strategy in the sustainable develop-
ment goal 11 (UN, 2015) but with little hard evidence of its benets. The
recurring and main reference for the advantages of densication was
simple transport studies, such as Newman and Kenworthy, 1992 where
density was investigated as a function of gasoline use. In the large
EU-project Ecocities, the sustainability qualities with a dense city were
taken for granted with little evidence, even if the nature of density was
Fig. 1. View from an existing courtyard before densication reported south-
ernmost in Fig. 4, left map. Illustration Christy Hempel.
Fig. 2. Courtyard after densication reported southernmost in Fig. 4, right
map. The distance shrinks between facades challenging the urban planning
ideal of the 1950’s with large lush inner courtyards often facing local wood-
lands or eld patches (Uppsala Municipality, 2017). Illustration
Christy Hempel.
P.G. Berg et al.

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
3
also elaborated (Gaffron et al. 2005) and nuanced. Our main sources of
the new paradigm of densication as a vehicle for sustainable urban
development, was a compilation of 50 contemporary comprehensive
plans in Sweden reported by Haupt et al. (2020). It’s still not hard evi-
dence but a strong statement from practical planning, that dense
townscapes will probably automatically become more sustainable than
sparsely populated ones. At the same time in current society with an
increased vulnerability lately according to climate change, green
structure, ecosystem services, biological diversity are key elements in
mitigation and adaptation. Recently experiences of pandemics have also
contributed to highlight the value of green structure for health and
recreation. In Sweden, the use of outdoor activities in urban green set-
tings increased signicantly during the corona outbreak 2020–2022
(SCB, 2022-04–21)
2. Theory
2.1. The theoretical framework
Our theoretical framework on what is signicant for sustainable
urban development, is founded in an interdisciplinary tradition within
urban planning and landscape architecture (Granvik and Hedfors, 2015)
and uses a place paradigm, emphasizing the signicance of the local
context (Wahlstr¨
om, 1984; Geddes, 1915). The current and future place
properties of southern Eriksberg is therefore of great importance in the
analysis of consequences of HID. In this project we dene HID as a sit-
uation when existing townscape areas are densied at a high rate within
an existing mature residential area. HID typically mean a doubling of the
population within a delimited area. Vertical densication can be one
strategy to increase the density of existing townscape areas and denotes
a development where the number of stories become systematically
higher over time.
2.2. Drivers of density
Densication for intensifying dwelling opportunities, was recently
proposed in many European Countries (Gaffron et al. 2005; Thwaites
et al. 2007) and in Sweden (Boverket, 2016). HID is a new strategy in
Sweden for intensifying the urban environment further –when land in
central positions have been depleted or protected. Building or rebuilding
new dwelling areas at a high tempo is a recurring phenomenon coin-
ciding with major shifts in history, reecting new ethics (policies) or
new knowledge (technology shifts in energy use or new innovations
which have triggered new land use patterns).
Building dense housing areas in Sweden, seems historically to coincide
with times of fast urban expansion (Johansson, 1991). It’s often sup-
ported by policy makers (trying to manage the population growth) and
construction companies (looking out for prots). Vertical and intensive
horizontal densication appear to follow waves of moving domestic
rural or international refugees –trying to nd urban jobs or escape from
war. Waves of urbanization was i.a. induced in many Swedish cities by
domestic migrants from the countryside to nd jobs in the cities at the
turn of the last century (around 1900) (Johansson, 1991). Migration
from southern Europe and the Swedish countryside after WWII was a
second trigger to the fast expansion and densication in Swedish sub-
urbs during the 1950s. A third wave of European migration, followed by
densication, occurred later during the Swedish million program
(1961–1975) (with the aim to build one million apartments and villas)
(ibid).
The contemporary ows of war refugees from Syria and Ukraine to e.
g., Sweden from 2015 is a fourth example (e.g., SOU, 2017). During all
periods of migration surges, urban development was characterized by
massive expansion and densication.
2.3. Contemporary echoes of earlier densication
There are also claims –e.g. from well-reputed practitioners –that sky-
rises and HID-housing in general, is not compatible with the human
constitution, our senses or with human beings’ability to create and
uphold social networks (e.g. Alfv´
en, 2016 highlighting ’an inhumane
scale’;Gehl, 2010 who emphasized the conditions for an attractive street
life; Acking et al. 1974, who focused on medical evidence of negative
effects of million program architecture). There are also many studies of
social health risks with high-rise dwelling and horizontally denser
apartment blocks, related to distance to natural elements and settings in
large-scale courtyards and in parks (Sk¨
arb¨
ack et al. 2014; Rådberg,
1988; Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989; Grahn and Stigsdotter, 2003). The
massive literature also give voice to a skeptical choir of researchers and
practitioners, as well as residents’opinions and statistics concerning
issues about what the social costs are of living in HID areas and how
these affect access to green space and elements, as it was expressed in the
Greenways Theory rst coined by Frederic Law Olmsted but theoretically
framed much later (Ahearn, 2002).
One typical feature for the green planning of the post-WWII housing
areas in Sweden, was the development and interlinkage of four scales of
greening (Berg, 2009; Alexander et al. 1977; Wagner, 1923). The en-
trances were often designed with trees, shrubs and sometimes perennials
–especially in the period 1930–1945 (Persson and Persson, 1995:31;
1989:18–19). These small-scale elements were seamlessly connected to
the large inner courtyard green. During the later ‘neighbourhood plan-
ning period’(1945–1959) courtyards were in turn typically connected
to larger neighbourhood parks and forests –for recreation, health, and
play (ibid:28–31).
3. Site and research question
Eriksberg is a near-suburb with 7000 inhabitants, four km west of
Uppsala center with houses predominantly built shortly after WWII.
Houses and tenancy types were mixed, from large villa areas to small
house areas to rented and owned apartments in low-rise housing areas
but also with substantial additions of high-rise buildings described as
‘Houses-in-Park’(Fig. 3). Most of the homes can be found in multifamily
houses of three or four stories, with large lush inner courtyards and
typically with one side facing local forest or eld patches. Eriksberg was
originally planned according to the model of ‘the ABC-city’(work-
housing-service center). The district was planned to become ‘complete’
with all functions needed close-by for a convenient everyday life. The
past 40 years much service has shut down.
4. Contemporary history and presentation of the earlier
development of eriksberg
Our starting point was to reect on the planning doctrines that have
affected Eriksberg district’s current and projected housing density, scale
and structure. Eriksberg’s villa area was developed during pre-
functionalism in the 1920s. Most of Eriksberg was –however –plan-
ned during and just after WWII (1940–1950) (Bergold, 1985). The
prevailing urban development doctrine was modernism with large-scale
urban functions, such as zonation, trafc separation and an architec-
ture where form follows function (e.g., Le Corbusier, 1923). Eriksberg
was very much the result of the rst Swedish interpretations of func-
tionalism, the earliest version of modernism, with three-story houses
with spacious inner courtyards, well-designed to provide healthy envi-
ronments (Persson and Persson, 1995) with access for dwellers to clean
air, light and green areas and elements in a range of scales close to the
dwellings (Bergold, 1985). From those authors it was made clear that the
city architect of the time –Gunnar Leche –for all of the rst three
multi-family house areas in Uppsala - Lassebyg¨
arde, Tuna Backar and
Sala Backar - had prescribed a number of similar functional character-
istics. Leche worked in a time strongly affected by Holger Blom’s
P.G. Berg et al.

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
4
‘emerald structure’ideas (where parks and green spaces should form a
‘necklace’of green, connected with greenways (Andersson, 2000).
Practical norms were to build housing blocks that had 30–40 m between
house facades, that the houses should be at the most three stories to
allow for sun illumination of the courtyards, prevent insight into
apartments and provide free views from apartments, playing surfaces,
small cultivation areas and recreational areas (Boverket, 1996).
4.1. Functionalist medium-density housing that has undergone inll
densication
The structure of Eriksberg is dominated by high-rises (more than 7
stories) and buildings between 2 and 4 stories. The originally buildings
were mostly adapted to the district’s scale and structurally integrated in
a range of scales with green elements and areas.
Two of the best examples of well-planned residential courtyards in
Sweden are by a legendary garden architects of that time –Ulla Bodorff –
partly from Nyn¨
ashamn (local district Ԭ
Algen’) and from ‘Sommarro’
district in Eriksberg (Persson and Persson, 1995). The three-story houses
in Nyn¨
ashamn were like the current courtyards in Eriksberg (Fig. 1)
arranged in groups of three houses with 35 m between facades, which
provided space for simple but ingenious gardens with sun illumination,
playing spaces, recreational spaces, protection against insight and with
attractive views. In other courtyards of Eriksberg the distances is
20–25 m between facades with a conscious adaptation to the terrain,
openings for morning and evening sun, play and a balanced amount of
daylight illuminated encounters between neighbours.
These houses are nationally and internationally renowned and their
outdoor environments comprise the largest part of Sweden’s housing
stock (900,000 multifamily apartments, Persson and Persson, 1995). It’s
difcult to nd written records of distances, courtyard sizes and den-
itive norms for housing heights –but in practice housing distances from
this era are typically between 20 and 40 m. The courtyards are close to
2000 m
2
per 100 dwellers (50 households), and the number of stories
are typically 3–4 in the inner suburbs, and no more than 4–5 in blocks of
the city centers. The need for further densication, has up to now been
accomplished through in-ll densication of several smaller projects in
locations that did not challenge the existing courtyard structure. Houses
and blocks have been added house by house or block by block to the
existing structure to satisfy the need of new housing for younger fam-
ilies, elder elderly, and younger elderly.
This paper presents results from the case study of southern Eriksberg
in Uppsala in Sweden. The study is comparing the current situation
(before planned densication) with a planned situation suggested by the
municipality, and the southern part of Eriksberg will be subject to HID
(FSI changes from 1 to 4). Our research question was: What are the main
effects on green structures in different scales out from the planned Highly
Intensive Densication (HID) in the residential area of southern Eriks-
berg, according to the development plan of Eriksberg and the residents´
opinion?
5. Method
The qualitative research (Blalock and Blalock, 1971; Bogdan and
Taylour, 1975) presented in this paper is based on case study method-
ology. A case study is an empirical inquiry with a focus on creating
understanding of a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life
context by generating practical and context dependent knowledge
(Yin, 2009). When considering to use case study as a method it is
necessary to ask if the study is relevant from a societal perspective. The
main strengths using case study methodology is the ability to explore a
relationship between phenomena, context, and people as well as the
ability to capture the context and lived reality of people, in this study,
residents. General conclusions drawn from case studies differs from
generalization in quantitative studies, where statistical generalization is
used. In case studies, analytical generalization is instead used based on
the researchers’previous experiences and conducted research together
with other researchers performed research. The case presented in this
paper is dened according to the categorisation of Miles and Huberman
(1994) as a spatial case (a site) and a social case (an individual/social
context). The site is the residential area of southern Eriksberg, and the
individuals in a social context are the residents living in southern
Eriksberg. The main aim was to investigate the residents’attitudes to-
wards densication in their residential area, analyzed in an urban
greening perspective.
The results presented are based on data conducted using the methods
Fig. 3. The houses in Eriksberg were built in a functionalistic style with plain facades with limited ornamentation (center of right aerial photo). The roofs were built
with a simple saddle-form. The outdoor planning of these areas is considered one of Swedish Town planning history’s most advanced periods regarding space, air and
light (Persson and Persson, 1995;Boverket, 1996). Green structure (map to the left) was integrated in four scales, where courtyard green and district parks were
connected and, in our investigations, the most cherished levels according to residents (see results below). Such post-war suburbs were also planned to have a smaller
but complete service center at walking distance: e.g. post, bank, shops, caf´
es, pre-schools, schools, primary health care, dentist and library (small suburb center
V¨
astertorg can be seen to the lower left of right photo). Also, public transit and connecting active transit small-roads were planned.
P.G. Berg et al.

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
5
questionnaire and document studies.
5.1. Questionnaire
Questionnaires were distributed in total to 400 households, which
corresponded to all residents in the selected delimited case study area in
southern Eriksberg, 200 households in low-rise (2–4 stories) and 200 in
high-rise (>7 stories) buildings. We selected households in buildings
which would be affected by the planned densication. In total 40 re-
sponses were received by ordinary post. Since the respondents were not
representative for the demography of the 400 households - an over
representation of residents with Swedish ethnicity responded - we
decided to supplement the study reaching 40 more respondents. This
additional work was conducted with residents mainly with foreign
background that were not or only marginally speaking Swedish. This in
order to increase the representativeness of respondents and thereby the
trustworthiness and authenticity (Lewis et al., 2004). The same ques-
tionnaire was used but the additional work was conducted outdoors in
southern Eriksberg, by approaching potential respondents asking if they
could consider to participate in the study. The researcher asked the
questions to the respondent and then lled in the answers in the ques-
tionnaire. The respondent and the researcher checked together that it
was lled in correctly.
The questionnaire started with background questions on for how
long time the respondent had lived in the residential area, the main
motives why they moved to the area, and if they were planning to stay in
the area. A comprised set of questions targeting green values in different
scales: entrance-, courtyard-, district- and wilderness greening (Berg,
2009), before and after the planned densication provided the focus of
the questionnaire. Additional questions regarded attitudes to social and
aesthetic aspects related to urban greening. Finally, questions were
asked on attitudes, experiences of living in the area and expected con-
sequences in a HID situation. Most questions were closed-ended with
predetermined response options and for some it was possible to provide
open-ended comments. Most questions offered a scale e.g. very valuable,
valuable, less valuable, not at all valuable, I don’t know, with one, or in
some cases several options that could be selected. For example, a
question on the respondents’preferences of four scales of green (see
Table 2 below). The collected data was processed and analyzed with the
statistical program SPSS. The quotes from the open-ended comments
were sorted into categories according to pattern analysis. In cases where
about 2/3 or more of the respondents had the same opinion, we used the
wording ‘the majority stated that…’. In parallel, the quotes were also
used in other parts of the analysis, as they provided relevant information
as a complement to the quantitative data.
5.2. Document study
A content analysis (Bergstr¨
om and Bor´
eus, 2005) based on the data
presented in the municipal spatial development plan for Eriksberg
(Uppsala Municipality, 2017) were conducted with focus on two scales
of green structures: courtyard green and district green. The main aim
was to study the consequences of the planned development out from a
green structure perspective. The following categories were studied and
analysed: planned house types, location of additional buildings, distance
between houses, the number of new planned apartments, reduction of
residential yards, barrier effects to previously available greenery, and
sizes of courtyard green and district green. The information was further
analysed and compared to the current situation with that of the
HID-plan of Eriksberg (Uppsala municipality, 2017).
5.3. Limitations
Since we during the data collection phase did not knew who the new
residents were that would move into the new planned apartments in
Eriksberg, this group was therefore not possible to reach and include in
the study. However, the aim of the study was to reach residents who
already lived in the area, to ask about their experiences of living there
related to urban greening as well as their opinion on the planned
densication project.
We chose to conduct the questionnaire in the southern part of the
residential area Eriksberg that would be signicantly affected by the
densication since the planned properties would be added next to their
current housing estate. It could also have been interesting to include
residents from other parts in Eriksberg who would not be signicantly
affected by the planned densication.
The additional work with the questionnaire outdoors was performed
during three weekdays and two weekends. We reached the respondents
outdoors in the residential area, one morning, once at lunchtime, one
afternoon, and one evening. At each of the selected occasions, we spent
two hours in the area. This means that we did not reach ‘all’dwellers,
however we reached residents with foreign background, which was the
main aim with the additional work with questionnaires.
6. Results
Main results from document studies and the empirical studies are
presented below. Results from both the questionnaires and the structural
interviews are presented as aggregated data. The reasons for this were
that the same questions were asked in both studies and the fact that the
structural interviews were a supplement study to the questionnaires.
Another aspect was that there was no intention to compare the results
between them. For results related to all categories of green structure,
representative quotations are presented.
6.1. Document study
Uppsala municipality was recently planning for HID in Eriksberg
(Uppsala municipality (2017). From the current population of 7000
inhabitants an additional 5000 inhabitants were originally projected
within 20 years. This means almost a doubling of the housing units,
apartments and population in southern Eriksberg (see Fig. 4 and Table 1
for a comparison). The main results from the analysis of the municipal
spatial development plan for Eriksberg show that a loss of key greening
was evident where houses were projected to be built. Both courtyard and
district green forests and elds constitute the land where the houses
were planned to be erected. More than half (60 %) of the green structure
near houses (courtyard green) and 80 % of nearby nature (district green)
were calculated to be lost because of the planned HID. Current residents
were proposed to utilize the closest nature reserve (Hågadalen-Nåsten),
the city forest, and the recreational Ekeby valley (Uppsala Municipality,
2017) while green recreational areas within the settlement would
disappear. Further on, a comparison of the current situation with that of
the HID-plan of Eriksberg was conducted regarding population, type of
housing, number of stories, size of different green structure types, and
distance between houses Table 2.
6.2. Empirical studies
A clear majority of the respondents were satised or very satised
with their residency, due to Eriksbergs location in the city including its
nature-like surroundings: i.a. in Håga valley, Ekeby valley, the forests
Stadsskogen and Blodstensskogen. At the same time it was a marked
worry among respondents about the area may lose its original charm and
character due to shrinking green spaces. Further on, a majority of the
respondents stated that they were willing to stay in the area unless it
does not change much due to ongoing and planned HID.
The nature surrounding and penetrating Eriksberg was also appre-
ciated for its productive ecosystems services, offering mushrooms,
berries, and encounters with small wild animals. Respondents also
emphasized that nature around and within the residential area,
contributed to better air, and an increased well-being due to nearby
P.G. Berg et al.

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
6
nature. Also, the wild nature-like residential yards with signicant
biological diversity, were appreciated as an important quality near
apartments, pre-schools, and schools.
Further results show that green structure in different scales in gen-
eral was a valuable issue for a clear majority of the respondents. Many
respondents stated that they had moved to Eriksberg because of the
character of the area, dened as "Houses-in-Park" which was expected to
change due to the proposed densication. The green structure scale
considered being most valuable, independently ranked, was courtyard
green 93 %, followed by district green 89 %, entrance green 84 % and
wilderness green 80 %.
For the results related to the both categories courtyard and entrance
green most residents had the same opinion, regardless of age and gender.
For the category district green it was mainly residents favouring exercise,
nature and leisure as well as dog owners that stated the value of being
close to a woodland or nature area. There were little differences linked
to gender and age, but rather to interests and condition. Regarding
courtyard green a majority found this scale of green, in-between houses as
being the most valuable. Such green areas are expected to be attractive,
functional and well managed, i.e. be used as meeting, activity, and
recreational areas. They were seen as social outdoor rooms close to
apartments.
”It’s wonderful to have a place where children and adults in the area
can meet, protected between the buildings. During summertime my
children are playing there in the playground and during wintertime they
can play mischief with the snow if there is snow. Therefore, we moved to
these courtyards –since they were so green and lush.”(mother of two
small children of 3 and 5)
“I like to have this little green space as an outlook from my kitchen
window. I see life and movement even if I cannot get out there by myself
due to my handicap.”(female 51)
6.3. District green
District green was considered important as spaces for physical rec-
reation. Running, walking, walking the dog, playing and adventure were
positive features of district green parks, forest patches, woodlands,
meadows, and other non-programmed larger green areas connected
with organized smaller courtyards. Clean air, fragrances, connection
with wildlife close to the dwelling were all important benets for
residents.
”I have such a ‘wild strawberry site’where I walk three times a day
with the dog on the average. It’s so nice that such areas exist close to
where I live. This is actually the reason I moved here. A pleasant area for
both animals and human beings. When I am out taking the dog for a
walk, I often meet with my dog-walking-friends.”(retired male)
”The walks are thus often a little longer. At one time my wife sus-
pected I had a mistress, until she started walking the dog herself and
discovered how social dog owners are together.”(male 36)
Fig. 4. Current plan of Eriksberg built 1920–2010 (left map) and the densication plan (2017) with an additional 2 200 apartments (right map) in multi-
family houses.
Table 1
Comparison of the current situation with that of the HID-plan of Eriksberg
(Uppsala Municipality, 2017).
Current situation of Eriksberg’s multi-
family house area
The situation after the proposed HID
densication was readily measured
based on the plan, maps, and program.
* The population is currently 4000
inhabitants in the southern part of
Eriksberg
* Most apartments in Eriksberg are let
out by the municipal company
Uppsalahem
* The dominating standard apartments
were built in 3–4 story houses, with
some 8-story high-rises during 1970-
ties
* The inner courtyards are currently
2000–3000 m
2
* Distance between facades is currently
20–30 m
* Housing blocks are typically placed
30 m from the next block. All houses
and residents have access to courtyard
green 10–30 m from entrances –and
district green forest or meadow patches
100 –300 m from entrances. All houses
have currently at least one side of house
with free views, efcient insight
protection and access to sufcient light
into apartments.
* Today all residents have access to
district green forest- or eld parks less
than 100mfrom their entrances.
* A doubling of the population to
8000–9000 will occur when 2200
planned apartments are built among
3000 existing.
* Densication is projected to occur
mostly within such rent areas, fewer
among owned apartments and villa
areas.
* Numbers of stories will increase in
new houses to 4–6 with additional 7–9
story houses
* Inner courtyards will become
20–50 % smaller.
* Distance between facades and
individual housing districts will
decrease to 15 m
* A new standard will be established
with proximity to other houses instead
of the forest or elds on at least one side
of the houses. This will decrease the
outlook from apartments, access to
light, blue skies, and courtyard space.
* Three central district green areas will
be annihilated, and courtyard green is
shrinked to 50 % (Figs. 2, 3, 4).
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Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
7
”I wish that politicians and civil servants lived like this –then they
would discover how important it’s with the district green areas. Right
now, they don’t seem to understand that.”(male 36)
”I wish that all schools could have this benet –i.e., to be able to have
outdoor pedagogics in a nearby forest at walking distance! A luxury for
us pedagogues to recurrently bring the children on walks, discovery
trails and ski tours.”(teacher in nearby school)
6.4. Entrance green
Concerning entrance green aesthetic values were mainly highlighted
together with well-being. Residents commented on the value of keeping
neat and tidy in front of their house and own entrance.
“I am not really a garden person but like when it looks nice at the
entrance and the gate. It means a lot for well-being that it looks well
maintained.”(male 46)
“A beautiful entrance is important. For me it’s like a much-
anticipated home greeting. It’s not a place where you linger but an
important place that you notice. I think the caretakers should put more
care on making beautiful, inviting entrances.”(retired female)
“Nice with plantations. But in that case, they should be taken care
of!”(male 27)
6.5. Wilderness green
Wilderness green was appreciated mostly for its excursion and
weekend visit properties. This is where residents go with different means
of transport during shorter holidays for hiking, long walks, bicycle tours,
car or bus tours, picking mushrooms and berries, family outings and to
reach water fronts, lakes, sea and river shores.
”Lovely to have walking or cycling distance to such areas. Here we
have both the city forest and the Håga area. We had many cosy ex-
cursions there over the years!”
(Husband and wife with children 10 and 12 years old)
“I know there are nice areas around us here, but unfortunately I don’t
have the energy any more to walk that far. I am however aware of
that these areas are good air cleaners and an asset for all of those who
can come there.”(female 86)
“I often take a running round in the City forest and cycle to Håga with
my study mates for picnic and the likes. Proximity to such resources,
enhances such million program areas, that sometimes have a little
bad reputation.”(male 21)
“Water means ‘life’in my language. This is exactly how it is! Water is
important to people and animals. It’s pretty to watch but you don’t
have to have it –as Napoleon –just outside your house.”(male 52)
”There is a luxury if it’s within the area. But for me it’s enough if it’s
in a lake nearby. During summer we can swim, go by boat, shing
etc. and in the winter we can skate.”(male 24)
6.6. Aesthetic aspects of green structure
Asking about the outdoor environment and in particular regarding
green structure, we received comments strongly related to aesthetics for
instance about maintenance to keep the courtyards attractive. There
were also statements on the importance of outdoor environments being
pleasant (beautiful, inviting, safe, stimulating for play and tranquility).
Some respondents also called for decoration of the outdoor environment
as well as places for activities like i.a. grill spots and outdoor play –
related to visual, gustatory and combinations of visual, proprioceptive
and vestibular stimulation:
“So wonderful to be close to i.a. <district green>Blodstensskogen
(nearby forest). I am there in principle every day, irrespective of
Table 2
Preferences of four scales of green among residents in southern Eriksberg. Re-
sults from 80 respondents collected from two main streets. The smallest scale
(entrance green) referred to the space just outside each stairwell. The next-to-
smaller-scale (courtyard green) referred to the common courtyard of each
multi-family house. A larger scale (district green) comprised nearby parks,
playgrounds and ball parks. The largest scale (wilderness green) referred to
forests, elds, waters, and wetlands at active transport distance.
Southern
Eriksberg,
Granitv¨
agen and
T¨
aljstenen block.
Number of
households¼80
Very
valuable
Valuable Less
valuable
Not at
all
valuable
Don’t
know
Entrance Green
(small-scale)
Trees, owers, or
bushes by your
entrance (0–3 m
from your
entrance).
64 % 20 % 15 % 0 % 1 %
Courtyard Green
(medium-scale)
Trees, lawns,
arbor, sitting- and
playing areas,
walking
pathways with
good
illumination.
(3–30 m from
your entrance).
78 % 15 % 6 % 0 % 1 %
District Green
(large-scale)
Park, green
playgrounds, ball
parks, prospect
hills, forest
groves, meadows,
or urban
agriculture
(30–300 m from
your house).
58 % 31 % 5 % 1 % 5 %
Wilderness Green
(landscape
scale)
Forests, nature
areas, cultivation,
or grazing areas
(300–3000 m
from where you
live).
41 % 39 % 4 % 9 % 8 %
Water on the
residential yard:
Water mirror,
water ow,
playing pond,
fountain
(10–50 m from
your entrance).
33 % 40 % 11 % 6 % 10 %
Water in the larger
residential area:
Pond, small
creek,
murmuring water
in the park
(100–300 m from
your entrance).
25 % 35 % 20 % 8 % 13 %
Water in the
surrounding
areas:
Lake, river,
roaring water
(1000–3000 m
from where you
live).
23 % 34 % 20 % 9 % 15 %
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Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
8
weather. I take my morning walk and enjoy the birds chirping, fra-
grances from mature verdure and the meetings with small animals
living in the forest.”(female 51)
”It is important that the residential yards are neat. Flowerbeds,
bushes, trees, furniture and sculptures. But then it should also be
well-kept –and this is not always the case.”(female 36)
”For me the aesthetic means something to rest the eyes on and
something tickling the senses. It could be a calm place where you can
hear birds chirping or just enjoy the silence in a separate corner,
where there is a pleasant calm. There are many such places that I
usually search for when I am meditating. The fantastic forest here is
my little paradise that I visit often. This summer I even found both
berries and mushrooms there.”(male 21)
”The outdoor environment in my area ought to be inviting and
welcoming. It doesn’t need to be grand or lavished –just feel like a
nice extra living room where I can go to relax no matter of the time of
year.”(female 49)
”A nice housing area should be enjoyable even for us that doesn’t
have so agile legs. A nice view from inside, not a lot of noise close to
the houses if you wish to open a window and sit on the balcony and
just enjoy life and movement on the yard. Would also want some fun
things for us residents on the inner yard, for example a gazebo, a
grilling place and an outdoor chess. Wish that they who plan the
houses should live here themselves –then the areas would look
different.”(female 83)
“An area is often valued for how it is managed and designed. Of
course it is green but this is not enough. Wish to have some sculp-
tures, form and colour.”(male 24 [architecture student]).
6.7. Social aspects related to greenery
One of the strongest worries among dwellers was the new social
landscape that can be anticipated because of HID expressed in both
empirical studies. A doubling of population may be one of the strongest
challenges for HID.
A majority of the respondents stated that they are not in favour of an
exploitation of southern Eriksberg, while important green areas are
threatened:
”I like that the area is a home for people with different ages and
backgrounds. I am a little worried about the area changing its
character adding so many new housing units. Densication can be a
good thing, but there must also be space for animals, nature, and all
kind of human beings.”(female 57)
”I like to sit here when the weather is nice, looking at people passing
and children playing. Here one can have one or the other chat. I am a
little extra talkative you see, since my wife passed away a couple of
years ago.”(male 73)
“I like that there are places in my area with trees, bushes, benches,
playing tools etc. where people can meet and relax. I don’t use these
as much right now, during the nish of my degree, but I think it’s
cosy and safe to see activity when I cycle by.”(female 23)
“It’s good with green and tidy outside the houses. But I miss benches
that we often had outside our rented houses in Poland. If such were
there I would sit and check out the neighbours coming and going.
Maybe also talk with someone.”(female 71)
“For me who has some trouble walking a long way, this is a good
place to view neighbours, I wish to have contact with. In that way I
have got some new friends!”(female 56)
7. Discussion and conclusions
The main strength of this study is the contribution to ll the
knowledge gap on the role of green structure at different scales in HID
projects, from residents’perspectives. Their knowledge and experiences
of living in Eriksberg, contribute to new knowledge and understanding
of the value of urban greening in different scales, contexts and functions.
The use of case study methodology made it possible to explore the
relationship between urban greening (the phenomena) in Eriksberg (the
context) and the residents (people) in their lived reality. Other strengths
of the study were the selection of the case, which can be compared to
similar Swedish residential areas where outdoor environments, neigh-
bourhood, and urban greening seem to be central values; as well as the
method which gave nuanced answers, and was adapted to different
categories of respondents.
This study showed that the respondents in southern Eriksberg were
not most critical to the densication per se, but to the consequences of
the planned densication. Above all, this considered the green structure
that was planned to be exploited and built on. The results show that most
of the respondents had very strong opinions and feelings on facing the
loss of green structure. There was a marked worry about the area losing
its original charm and character due to shrinking green spaces. It was
clear that the courtyard green, the district green and the entrance green
were highly valued by the respondents, and that they fullled different
functions. There were statements on the importance of outdoor envi-
ronments being pleasant (beautiful, inviting, safe, stimulating for play,
and tranquil). It’s clear that the proximity to small-scale nature - in-
between the houses - constituted a large and important part of the
aesthetic values. Furthermore the courtyard green and the district green
had important functions as places for meetings and activities for the
residents. The courtyard green was important for the residents who, for
various reasons, were unable to have access to or were unwilling to get
to green areas further away. It was suitable for activities that takes
limited time, while activities in the district green more often were
planned for longer stays, e.g. walking, mushroom and berry picking.
Furthermore, the analysis of the document study of the municipal plan
for southern Eriksberg also showed that an implementation of the plan
will transform the original concept of Eriksberg (Houses-in-Park) into a
‘new’Eriksberg with a compact design and much smaller green spaces in
between the houses, which will be the consequences of a HID project.
According to the results there is an indication that aligns with the
earlier planning doctrine, expressed in a Swedish context 1930–50. The
respondents clearly favoured this 70–90 years old doctrine Houses-in-
Park with its norms and objectives. Despite arguments for HID, there
is a knowledge gap of the full consequences of implementing HID. Our
results and previous literature gave us reason to question if it’s an open-
end solution: there was a limit of scale effects while houses are placed
too close, built too high, and spaces between houses including greenery,
become too small, consequential for dwellers’qualities of living. Resi-
dents and Researchers alike now call for qualied density (Gaffron et al.
2005), time-people-place sensitive space (Thwaites et al. 2007) and
functional density (Berg et al. 2012) to emphasize the need for consid-
ering soft values of human habitation. However, planning authorities
call for compact approaches while densifying without losing key quali-
ties (Boverket, 2016) with similar reasoning in global policy documents
(UN, 2015) referring to the Habitat-agenda (UNCHSUD, 2016; UNCHS,
1996). There is a demand to balance evidence-based density qualities
with spaciousness qualities to conserve land and other resources but at
the same time preserve and develop the good and attractive city con-
taining enough space and green structure. The results are also in general
congruent with other research showing that densication displayed
negative impacts on and access to green structure in residential areas
(Berghauser et al. 2020;Sk¨
arb¨
ack et al. 2014;Thwaites et al. 2007;
Grahn and Stigsdotter, 2003;Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989;Rådberg, 1988).
While discussing and reecting on the study, we need to stress the
meaning of understanding the results in a Swedish context, a small
P.G. Berg et al.

Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 99 (2024) 128422
9
country with a small population 10,5 million (SCB, 2022-12–31)
accustomed to have space and close to urban green places and nature.
Also, the case southern Eriksberg is specic for this type of residential
areas based on the concept ”Houses-in-Park”which often means that the
courtyards are spacious. The results are congruent with the residents’
attitudes to the original ideas and norms molding Eriksberg formulated
80 years ago. A conclusion is that HID may dissolve or inhibit the
existing degree of density and spaciousness that has been functional, and
the values that attract residents. Since Eriksberg is built according to an
urban planning ideal that sought to get away from overcrowding, it’s
understandable that people living in the area reacted to a complete
opposite doctrine of urban planning that was proposed by the munici-
pality. Partly this applies to the residents’direct present-day experiences
of having access to plenty of urban greenery, partly that the original
character and ideals of the district were neglected and almost perceived
by the residents to be devalued by present-day decision-makers. They
were perceived as not valuing what was once the very starting point for
the 1950s development.
In a densication perspective, green areas often become ‘obstacles’,
‘thresholds’and ‘barriers’to a dense city. The greenery is therefore set
aside, step by step as the city grows and is further developed. But the
densication also affects the green structure in various ways because of
the differences of neighborhoods depending on the type of urban
development in the city (Berg, 2009). Eriksberg is an excellent example
where very massive densication (HID) clashes with the urban planning
ideal that gave rise to the district. The current plans in Uppsala mu-
nicipality of horizontal and vertical densication may be a strategy that
goes beyond what is needed for a balanced development: 2200 (origi-
nally 2400) new apartments within the current blocks and houses with
3000 existing homes. This massive volume of densication may have
severe consequences in the whole district from an access-to-green
perspective which also indirectly concern social equity and health.
One conclusion we can draw based on the results is that it’s important to
study and map how green environments are used in residential areas and
in what way they can be strengthened in an effective way when densi-
cation is planned.
We suggest that densication projects in existing residential areas
should be highly related to the scale, size, extent of the densication,
and the existing structure. In cases like Eriksberg where greening is of
great importance, not only for the dwellers but also for many other
residents in different parts of Uppsala, it’s crucial to balance the city’s
need for housing and the residents need for greening. This could explain
the results of this case study, the concordant expressions by the re-
spondents regarding the value of urban greening.
Author statement
Hereby we submit our second major revision. Thanks for all the
valuable comments that we have taken into account as far as we have
been able to do.
The difference between this and the previous version is that we now
have focused on developing the section on methods, and an introductory
paragraph of the discussion. Please, see also the table in ‘Reconsidera-
tion of manuscript’. We have suggested a new title for the manuscript.
We wish you a pleasant reading and hope that our revised script will
be to your satisfaction.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Per Hedfors: Writing –review &editing, Writing –original draft,
Visualization, Validation, Conceptualization. Madeleine Granvik:
Writing –review &editing, Writing –original draft, Validation,
Conceptualization. Tuula Eriksson: Writing –review &editing, Writing
–original draft, Validation, Methodology, Investigation, Formal anal-
ysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. Fredrik Eriksson: Writing –
review &editing, Validation, Software, Methodology, Investigation,
Formal analysis, Data curation. Per G. Berg: Writing –original draft,
Supervision, Project administration, Methodology, Investigation,
Funding acquisition, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing nancial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to inuence
the work reported in this paper.
Acknowledgement
This research rests rmly on funded projects by the Swedish gov-
ernment research council for sustainable development, Formas. Two
larger projects on density and sustainable community development
(Berg et al. 2012) and three smaller implementation projects on Func-
tional Density since 2009 (Berg and Granvik, 2018). It is also founded in
three earlier local sustainable community development projects in
Swedish and Baltic Sea Cities (Berg and Nycander, 1997; Berg, 2002;
2004,Berg et al. 2010). The research is also anchored in other inter-
national research on densication e.g. in a special issue of Nordic Journal
of Architectural Research –devoted to display contemporary motives for
densication, tools and strategies for its functional implementation (see
Granvik and Berg, 2014).
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