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Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
Available online 28 June 2024
1469-0292/© 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
“You are either sporty or you are not” a qualitative exploration of pre-teen
girls of low-socioeconomic position experiences of being physically active
Carol Brennan
a
,
*
, Grainne O’Donoghue
a
, Alison Keogh
b
, Ryan E. Rhodes
c
, James Matthews
a
,
d
a
School of Public Health, Physiotherapy, and Sports Science, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
b
School of Medicine, Trinity College Dublin, The University of Dublin, Ireland
c
School of Exercise Science, Physical and Health Education, University of Victoria, Canada
d
Institute of Sport and Health, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
ARTICLE INFO
Keywords:
Physical activity
Girls
Low-SEP
Theoretical domains framework
ABSTRACT
Background: Eighty one percent of adolescents do not meet the recommended physical activity (PA) guidelines
with levels of physical activity declining steadily with age and more pronounced in girls of low socioeconomic
position (SEP). Furthermore, early adolescence is a time when the rate of decline in PA is most severe amongst
girls, placing them at an increased likelihood of developing negative health outcomes associated with physical
inactivity. In response, the aim of this study was to explore low-SEP pre-teen girls’ experiences of being phys-
ically active and to understand their perceptions of the individual, social and environmental factors that inu-
ence these experiences.
Methods: Focus groups were conducted with 107 girls aged 10–12 years from four urban and three rural primary
schools. Reexive thematic analysis was used to analyse the data, with themes mapped to the relevant domains
of the Theoretical Domains Framework (TDF).
Results: Themes highlighted how skills and condence underpin girls’ self-identity for PA. Girls described how
their social network (i.e., peers, family, coaches and teachers) shaped their experiences of being active. Girls
recognised how being active was impacted by the challenges and opportunities in their local community (e.g.,
lack of facilities and anti-social behaviour).
Conclusion: This study provides insight into low-SEP pre-teen girls’ experiences of being physically active in both
rural and urban locations, while highlighting the complex interplay of individual, social and environmental
factors. Additionally, the use of the TDF presents an in-depth behavioural diagnosis which can be used to inform
future theory-based interventions to promote low-SEP pre-teen girls PA.
1. Background
Regular physical activity (PA) in children and adolescents is associ-
ated with improved physical, social, and cognitive health outcomes
including reduced adiposity and improved overall mental health (Biddle
et al., 2019; Poitras et al., 2016). According to the World Health Orga-
nisation, children and adolescents should engage in an average of 60
min of moderate-to-vigorous intensity, mostly aerobic, PA across the
week to benet their health (Bull et al., 2020). Worryingly, 81 % of
adolescents do not meet the recommended PA guidelines (Guthold et al.,
2020), with levels of physical inactivity declining steadily with age
(Inchley et al., 2020), and more pronounced in girls than boys (Dumith
et al., 2012). Furthermore, early adolescence (i.e., 10–12 years,
pre-teen) is a time when the rate of decline in PA is most severe amongst
girls (Murphy et al., 2020), putting them at a greater risk of developing
adverse health consequences of physical inactivity (Hallal et al., 2012;
Poitras et al., 2016). There is evidence that PA behaviour during
childhood tracks into adolescence and subsequently adulthood (Hayes
et al., 2019; Jones et al., 2013; Telama, 2009), thus exploring the rea-
sons that facilitate or hinder girls’ participation to inform future stra-
tegies to promote PA in this cohort, is a matter of public health priority.
A recent review investigated the clustering of PA and sedentary be-
haviours (SB) and their associations with health correlates in children
(Mello et al., 2023), and highlighted how boys were more likely to be in
clusters characterised by “High PA/High SB” compared to girls who
were mostly allocated to “Low PA High/Low SB” clusters. For example,
* Corresponding author. School of Public Health, Physiotherapy, and Sports Science, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland.
E-mail address: carol.brennan1@ucdconnect.ie (C. Brennan).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Psychology of Sport & Exercise
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2024.102692
Received 31 January 2024; Received in revised form 3 May 2024; Accepted 22 June 2024
Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
2
boys accumulate time being more physically active or watching tele-
vision/playing videogames compared to girls who are less active and
allocate more time to socialising activities, paid work or housework
(Mello et al., 2023). However, there was limited understanding in this
study of the modiable correlates associated with these PA and SB
cluster types such as the psychological, social and environmental fac-
tors. Other researchers have found evidence for modiable correlates at
the psychological, social and environmental level. For example, Schmidt
et al. (2019) found among 6–17 year old boys and girls, that physical
concept and peer modelling were meaningful predictors of PA. In
addition, Hu et al (2021) documented that parents and teachers’ support
were positive social level predictors of school children’s PA, alongside
the accessibility of facilities and safe neighbourhoods at the environ-
mental level (Hu et al., 2021). While there is a substantial body of
quantitative research exploring the correlates of PA in children and
adolescents (Bauman et al., 2012; Biddle et al., 2011; Martins et al.,
2017), in order to fully capture the complexity of these factors, the use of
qualitative research methods with children and adolescents is needed
(Martins et al., 2021).
Fortunately, there is a recent meta-review of qualitative research by
Duffey et al. (2021), providing insight into the factors inuencing
adolescent girls’ PA. The review details the barriers and facilitators most
likely to shape girls’ PA across the individual level (e.g., body image
perceptions, perceived competence), social (e.g., family, friends,
teachers) and environmental levels (e.g., access to facilities). This re-
view also noted the need for further research examining specic sub-
groups, for example, girls of low socioeconomic position (SEP) along
with the barriers and facilitators associated with specic transition pe-
riods (e.g., childhood to adolescence) (Duffey et al., 2021). A further
systematic review by Alliott et al. (2022) found that the barriers and
facilitators to adolescents’ PA differed by socioeconomic backgrounds.
For example, low-SEP adolescents described lack of parental support due
to competing priorities and nancial constraints as a barrier to PA,
compared to high-SEP adolescents who described parents’ priorities of
academic success as a main barrier to being active. Additionally, pro-
vision and access to facilities were described as facilitators to PA for
middle and high-SEP adolescents, in contrast to low-SEP adolescents
who discussed the limited provision of facilities in their neighbourhood,
including poor transport and safety concerns as barriers to PA (Alliott
et al., 2022). While these studies provide some insight into the social and
environmental factors inuencing PA in low-SEP adolescents, few are
dedicated specically to girls at the life stage of transitioning from
childhood to adolescence. Indeed, transition periods are a crucial stage
in trying to maintain PA levels of children and adolescents (Knowles
et al., 2011; Rhodes et al., 2023). Understanding the factors that support
or hinder engagement in PA during this transition period can help
inform the design of interventions to ensure girls maintain engagement
in PA, and potentially help to future proof PA engagement in later years
(Hayes et al., 2019; van Sluijs et al., 2021).
In recognition of the aforementioned complex and intertwined fac-
tors shaping children and adolescents’ PA behaviours, there is a need for
theoretical perspectives that look beyond examining the individual in
isolation and also consider the social and environmental contexts which
can inuence behaviour (Martins et al., 2021). A theoretically informed
understanding of PA behaviour and the related behaviour change pro-
cesses is recommended to develop an evidence base on which to guide
the design and implementation of interventions (Craig et al., 2019;
Michie et al., 2005). To facilitate this, an appropriate framework is
needed that can illustrate the multifaceted factors that inuence PA
participation. One framework which might provide a useful lens through
which to explore girls’ PA behaviour is the Theoretical Domains
Framework (TDF) (Cane et al., 2012). The TDF is a framework devel-
oped to understand the inuences on human behaviour particularly in
the context of health-related interventions. It draws from a range of
behaviour change theories and comprises of 14 distinct domains that
encompass various psychological (e.g., beliefs about the consequences
of engaging in a behaviour), social (e.g., the social support perceived for
the behaviour), and environmental (e.g., access to the relevant physical
resources to engage in the behaviour) inuences. The framework has
been used in a wide range of studies to examine the barriers and facil-
itators to PA behaviour, as perceived by children, parents and physical
education teachers (Jones et al., 2022; Moore et al., 2023). For example,
a study by Jones et al. (2022) utilised the TDF domains to identify en-
ablers of PA in children with bronchiectasis for example, fun with
friends, organised activities and family co-participation, and barriers
such as, keeping up with peers, and time using technology. While a
systematic review and thematic synthesis of qualitative evidence cat-
egorised childhood cancer survivors’ perceptions of the barriers and
facilitators to PA (Brown et al., 2023), using nine of the TDF domains,
most frequently, environmental context and resources (e.g., access to
facilities for PA) and social inuences (e.g., parental modelling of PA).
To our knowledge, no study to date has utilised the TDF to explore the
factors inuencing low-SEP pre-teen girls’ PA behaviour.
In summary, the rate of decline in PA is most severe amongst low-SEP
pre-teen girls, putting them at greater risk of the negative health con-
sequences associated with physical inactivity (Inchley et al., 2020;
Poitras et al., 2016). However, there is a lack of clarity regarding the
unique barriers and facilitators to low-SEP pre-teen girls’ engagement in
PA. Additionally, there is a need for the application of theory to provide
an in-depth behavioural analysis of the individual, social and environ-
mental factors inuencing low-SEP pre-teen girls’ experiences of being
active. Thus, the purpose of the current study was to explore, low-SEP
pre-teen girls’ experiences of being physically active, and their percep-
tions of the factors that might inuence these experiences, using the TDF
as a theoretical lens.
2. Methods
2.1. Philosophical approach
This study adopted a critical realist position. Critical realism posits
that there is a reality independent of our understanding about it, whilst
maintaining that our knowledge of it is interpretive, partial and fallible
(Danermark et al., 2019). Specically critical realism views reality as
having three interrelated levels: an empirical level (i.e., what can be
observed or experienced); an actual level (i.e., events occur whether or
not we experience or interpret them); and a real level (i.e., unobservable
causal structures and mechanisms that give rise to events) (Danermark
et al., 2019). Adopting a critical realist approach for the current study
was suitable for the following purposes. Firstly, critical realism high-
lights the importance of understanding how events and phenomena are
interconnected through underlying structures and mechanisms, that are
complex and context-dependent (Maxwell, 2016), therefore encour-
aging researchers to seek causal explanations that ask “why what hap-
pens actually does happen” (Danermark et al., 2019, p. 44). Thus, the
inherent abilities of girls to be physically active are not reducible solely
to their characteristics as an individual but derive from their interde-
pendent relations with family members, friends, teachers, coaches,
sports clubs etc. Secondly, in exploring girls’ perspectives we assumed
that causal explanations of girls’ PA can be deduced from their recon-
struction of such events (Maxwell, 2016). That is, not only did we want
to provide rich descriptions of girls’ experiences of being active but we
were also motivated to unpack the individual, social and structural as-
pects that led to these experiences.
2.2. Research design
Critical realism supports the use of qualitative research by encour-
aging researchers to concentrate on describing the prevailing social re-
lations that generate real-world problems, providing the opportunity to
produce impactful research (Wiltshire, 2018). As such, the use of qual-
itative methods was chosen for this study due to their exibility in
C. Brennan et al.
Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
3
allowing participants to expand on the meanings they attribute to their
experiences, enabling the focus group facilitators to gain more thorough
insights and understanding (Sparkes & Smith, 2013). The role of theory
in critical realism is widely acknowledged with an emphasis on the
importance of theory for rigorous inquiry (Brunson et al., 2023). The use
of theory enables researchers to articulate relevant causal mechanisms,
providing explanations for why events occur as they do (Danermark
et al., 2019). Whilst recognising the role of theory in critical realism, the
use of theoretical frameworks should remain exible enough to
accommodate different perspectives that may contribute to a more
nuanced understanding of causality. Thus, the TDF was used to inform
the study both in the data collection and data analysis phases due to its it
relative broadness and non-prescribed directionality between domains
(Fletcher, 2016). Taking a critical realist stance, reexive thematic
analysis was chosen as the method of data analysis as it would enable us
to interpret girls’ experiences of being physically active, the context of
these experiences, and unpack the key factors that contributed to these
experiences (Fletcher, 2016). Finally, as reexive researchers we rec-
ognised that our autobiographies and values would shape the study
design, information shared in the focus groups, the analytic process and
the reporting of the data (Braun & Clarke, 2022). To elaborate, C.B. the
lead author is currently a female PhD student, has worked as a physical
education teacher and presently coaches adolescent girls’ hockey teams,
therefore has lived experience of promoting physical activity in girls.
Her PhD supervisor J.M. is a chartered sport and exercise psychologist,
his research focuses on physical activity behaviour and he has experi-
ence using the TDF. Both G.O’D. and A.K. are experienced qualitative
researchers and have conducted previous studies exploring physical
activity and sedentary behaviour. R.R. is an experienced researcher with
an applied focus on PA during life transitions. The research team was
created based on areas of expertise, research interest and experiences,
and collectively we generated a range of observations and insights to
this research.
2.3. Participants and recruitment
A purposive sampling approach was employed to identify pre-teen
girls based on the following criteria (1) they were aged between 10
and 12 years and (2) attended a primary school identied by the
Department of Education’s Delivering Equality of Opportunity in
Schools (DEIS) programme in the Leinster province of Ireland. The DEIS
classication system is used by the Department of Education to support
students attending schools based in communities at risk of social and
economic disadvantage (Department of Education, 2022). The data
sources used to classify schools as meeting the DEIS criteria are the
Department of Education’s Online Database and data from the Pobal HP
Deprivation Index for Small Areas (HP Index) (Department of Education,
2022). The HP Index provides a method of measuring the relative
afuence or disadvantage of a small geographical areas using categories
such as, demographic growth, dependency ratios, education levels,
single parent rate, overcrowding, social class, occupation and unem-
ployment rates (Haase & Pratschke, 2020). Schools who are part of the
DEIS programme are categorised as either Urban Band 1, Urban Band 2
or Rural, with Urban Band 1 classied as the lowest level of deprivation
(Department of Education, 2022). Sampling aimed to recruit physically
active and inactive pre-teen girls, from both urban and rural DEIS
classied primary schools.
Participants included 107 schoolgirls aged between 10 and 12 years,
from four urban and three rural DEIS schools in the Leinster province of
Ireland. A total of 19 focus groups were conducted, three were with girls
from 4th class (n =23, 22 %), eight from 5th class (n =39, 36 %) and
eight from 6th class (n =45, 42 %). The average number of participants
in the focus groups was six (SD =1.5) (see Table 1). The PACE +two-
item questionnaire (Prochaska et al., 2001), used worldwide (Guthold
et al., 2020) as a valid self-reported measure of moderate to vigorous
physical activity (MVPA) in adolescents aged 10–19 years (Hardie
Murphy et al., 2015) was administered to the participants. Following a
clear age-appropriate denition of the types and intensity of PA neces-
sary to meet MVPA guidelines by the lead researcher (C.B.), girls were
asked the two following questions (i) “Over the past seven days, on how
many days were you physically active for a total of at least 60 min per
day?“, and (ii) Over a typical or usual week, on how many days are you
physically active for a total of at least 60 min per day?. The response
category range was between 0 and 7 days. Girls were categorised as daily
active (60 min MVPA 7 days, n =7, 7 %), active (60 min MVPA 4–5 days,
n =45, 42 %), somewhat active (60 min MVPA 3–4 days, n =29, 27 %) or
inactive (60 min MVPA 0–2 days, n =25, 24 %) (Woods et al., 2021) (See
Table 1).
2.4. Procedures
Ethical approval was obtained by University College Dublin’s
Human Research Ethics Committee (LS-21-45) prior to study
commencement. An initial email describing the study was distributed to
the schools. School principals then invited parents/guardians of girls
aged 10–12 years to take part in the study. Following parental/guardian
consent, information packs containing child and parent information
sheets and consent/assent forms were distributed to parents/guardians.
Focus groups were selected for this qualitative study as they are an
effective method for engaging with girls on ideas and topics of interest to
them (Coen et al., 2018). Furthermore, taking part in focus groups with
people they are familiar with can establish a friendly and safe context for
girls to openly share their experiences (Adler et al., 2019). Focus group
sessions took place in a designated room on the school premises, where
there were no other activities taking place at the time of the session. All
focus groups were recorded and transcribed verbatim. The sample size of
the study was determined using the principles of information power
(Malterud et al., 2016), which is regarded as a practical alternative to
the criticisms directed at data saturation techniques often used to
determine sample sizes when adopting a reexive thematic approach
(Braun & Clarke, 2021). The concept of information power suggests the
more information a sample holds that is relevant to the study, the lower
the sample size needed, and vice versa. To establish sample size with
sufcient information power, the aims of the study (i.e., broad or nar-
row); sample specicity (i.e., specicity of knowledge, experiences and
Table 1
Descriptive characteristics table.
Characteristic Urban band
1
Urban band
2
Rural Full sample
n % n % n % n %
Focus groups
4th class
a
2 10.5 0 0 1 5.3 3 16
5th class
b
2 10.5 4 21.1 2 10.5 8 42
6th class
c
2 10.5 4 21.1 2 10.5 8 42
Total 6 31.5 8 42.2 5 26.3 19 100
Girls
4th class
a
14 13.1 2 1.9 7 6.5 23 21.5
5th class
b
9 8.4 19 17.8 11 10.3 39 36.4
6th class
c
9 8.4 23 21.5 13 12.1 45 42.1
Total 32 29.9 44 41.2 31 28.9 107 100
PACE +questionnaire
Daily active 2 1.9 1 0.9 4 3.8 7 6.6
Active 5 4.7 24 22.6 16 15.1 45 42.5
Somewhat active 8 7.6 11 10.4 10 9.4 29 27.3
Inactive 17 16.1 7 6.6 1 0.9 25 23.6
Total 32 30.3 43 40.5 31 29.2 106 100
Note.
a
girls aged 10 years,
b
girls aged 10–11 years,
c
girls aged 11–12 years
C. Brennan et al.
Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
4
properties amongst participants); the use of established theory (i.e.,
theoretical frameworks used); quality of dialogue (i.e., quality of
communication between researchers and participants); and analysis
strategy (i.e., exploratory cross-case or case analysis) must be considered
(Malterud et al., 2016). After discussion with members of the research
team during the data collection and analysis process, it was determined
that a suitable sample size with sufcient information power had been
reached for the current study. This decision was supported by our tar-
geted focus on pre-teen girls’ PA; recruitment of physically active and
inactive girls from rural and urban DEIS schools; the use of the TDF as a
theoretical lens; and the quality of dialogue with participants (enhanced
by the lead author’s experience as a PE teacher and her PhD supervisor’s
expertise in qualitative research).
2.5. Focus group schedule
A semi-structured focus group guide, with broad open-ended ques-
tions was developed based on three sources: the published literature, the
lead researcher’s experiences as a PE teacher and coach of pre-teen girls,
and the domains of the TDF (McGowan et al., 2020) (see Supplemental
File 1). The guide contained questions relating to girls’ perceptions and
experiences of PA and was discussed by C.B. and J.M. to ensure the
phrasing of the sections were age appropriate. This focus group guide
was piloted by C.B., with four girls who were not included in this study,
resulting in the rephrasing of some questions and additional probing
questions added. For example, the ice breaker question which asked the
girls to write down three words on post-it note© paper in response to the
question “how would you best describe PA to someone?” was replaced
with “what are three words to best describe what PA means to you?” A
range of qualitative techniques were incorporated into the focus groups
to put the girls at ease and facilitate discussion around PA (Nally et al.,
2022; Noonan et al., 2016). For example, each session started with this
icebreaker question to provide the girls with an experience of speaking
aloud and to create an environment of sharing and listening. The girls
provided a verbal explanation of their responses and subsequently
placed the post-it note© on a whiteboard nearby (see Supplemental File
2). To enable girls to voice their experiences of PA visually, we invited
them to independently draw a place where they were most likely to be
active. This technique took the focus away from open questioning and
consensus, to that of a more child-centred approach that supported girls’
to share their lived experiences (Knowles et al., 2013). Throughout the
drawing activity, the lead researcher (C.B.) separately engaged the girls
in informal conversations for them to explain what they were drawing
and why (see Supplemental File 2). Following the completion of the
drawing activity, the session proceeded with questions around PA, and
girls’ perceived barriers and facilitators to being active. C.B. moderated
all focus groups, with J.M. attending and observing for 11 focus group
sessions. Focus groups took place between April and June 2022, the
mean duration was 40 min (SD =8 min).
2.6. Data analysis
Microsoft Word™ and Excel™ were used to manage the data. Re-
exive thematic analysis was chosen to analyse the data by proceeding
through the six stages of thematic analysis as identied by Braun and
Clarke (Braun & Clarke, 2022). This iterative process requires moving
back and forward between phases of analysis and returning to the raw
data when required to increase understanding (Braun & Clarke, 2022).
Throughout phase 1 (familiarisation phase) C.B. read and methodically
revised each transcript and re-listened to the audio recordings to
develop an appreciation of the data set in its entirety, while keeping a
diary of reections during this process. During phase 2 (coding), C.B.
detailed sections of the data by highlighting meaningful phrases and
making notes, and then inductively assigned codes to these sections,
resembling an approach used by Trainor and Bundon (2020). In the third
phase (generating initial themes), C.B. clustered codes into candidate
themes, where it became clear that initial codes shared a pattern of
meaning across the transcripts. Candidate themes were iteratively
reviewed and discussed with J.M. Phase 4 (developing and reviewing
themes) involved further discussion and rigorous debate of the candi-
date themes with C.B., G.O’D., A.K. and J.M., with all authors chal-
lenging the assumptions they were making in interpreting the data,
leading to renement and development of the themes (Braun & Clarke,
2019). This reexive and collaborative process generated themes that
were then deductively mapped (by C.B.) onto the TDF domains, to act as
a lens through which to view different inuences on girls’ experiences of
PA, and again reviewed and discussed with J.M. During phase 5
(rening, dening and naming themes) C.B.‘s proposed thematic struc-
ture and inductive-deductive analysis was discussed and debated among
the wider research team (G.O’D. and A.K.), resulting in further rene-
ment of themes. Stage 6 (writing the report) involved constant move-
ment between stages ve and six and the analysis presented in this
manuscript was written. Pseudonyms have been used for identifying
information to protect the anonymity of participants.
2.7. Validity
To align with a critical realist perspective, we applied recommen-
dations provided by Ronkainen and Wiltshire (2019) in establishing
validity of our results, which concerns the steps used to ensure the
credibility and quality of the research (Ronkainen & Wiltshire, 2019).
Similarly, validity can refer to the accounts or conclusions reached with
regard to particular methods, context and purposes (Maxwell, 2017). To
determine empirical adequacy of the data, all focus groups were recor-
ded, transcribed verbatim and then re-read to check transcript accuracy.
Furthermore, to establish ontological plausibility, three authors acted as
critical friends (Smith & McGannon, 2017) enabling reectivity and
richer interpretation of results. Lastly, the signicance and worthiness of
our research contributes towards establishing validity via practical
utility (Ronkainen & Wiltshire, 2019). We view the outcomes of this
study as an essential step towards understanding girls’ experiences of
being physically active and will inform future intervention development
and design.
3. Results
Four themes were developed to describe girls’ experiences of PA and
to understand their perceptions of the factors that might inuence these
experiences. These themes were situated at the individual, social and
environmental levels, and were, ‘skills and condence underpin girls’
self-identity for PA’, ‘girls do what their friends do’, ‘family, coaches and
teachers shape girls’ PA experiences’ and ‘the challenges and opportu-
nities for girls to be active in their community’. The themes were also
mapped to the relevant domains of the TDF to provide a theoretical
perspective. This approach enables a detailed knowledge of girls’ ex-
periences of being physically active, and the factors that might inuence
it, which could be used to inform the development of future PA in-
terventions targeting pre-teen girls.
3.1. Skills and condence underpin girls’ self-identity for physical activity
Within this theme, girls described how they categorised themselves
with respect to PA. For some girls, there was a strong endorsement of
themselves as physically active, whereas for others, their sense of
identity as an active person was much weaker. In classifying themselves
as active or not, girls tended to use language related to sport rather than
PA such as “I’m very sporty” or “I’m just more of a. (non-sporty type).”
There were several underlying mechanisms evident in girls’ descriptions
that appear to shape this self-identity for PA such as skills and con-
dence. Interestingly, while knowledge of PA was also clearly identied
throughout the focus groups, it did not appear to differentiate between
girls who identied as sporty and those who did not. All girls displayed
C. Brennan et al.
Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
5
knowledge of the benets of PA ranging from the benets to physical
and mental health through to how being active gave girls opportunities
to spend time with family and friends. This was illustrated by Zoe, 6th
class, who discussed being active as important “To stay t. You don’t
want to be not t because it’s good for you and it’s good for your health”.
However, most girls identied organised or structured activities, pri-
marily team sports as the main way to be active, with only a few girls
demonstrating their understanding that PA was broader than organised
activities, and referencing activities such as walking as described by
Mia, 6th class:
I think it’s important for also your mental health as well when you’re
getting out in the fresh air. If you’re worrying about something or thinking
about something, you can forget all that and it helps you to be calmer, like
going on walks.
Girls described how they were able to perform particular skills
related to their activities for example, passing and catching a Gaelic
football,
1
striking a sliotar (ball) with a hurley,
2
or completing dance
moves. They highlighted how being consistently active provided them
with opportunities to practice and improve their skills. This was shared
by Sophia, 4th class, who remarked “I’ve actually been getting better at
Camogie because I’m able to ride the ball [run with ball in the air] and poc a
ball [strike ball with stick] a bit now.” This development of skills by girls
helped strengthen their condence and provided a sense of self-
satisfaction as described by Zara, 6th class “I like doing my running
because you get to meet new people and get to see how you can run faster
every day”. Furthermore, girls recognised that through practice, their
skills would develop, and lead to positive comments from others which
provided a further source of condence as illustrated by Rosie, 5th class,
“I think it’s more about how much effort that you put in … Then people start
complimenting you and that builds up your condence.” This interaction
between skills and condence and how it reinforced girls’ PA related
identity was illustrated by Keira, 6th class who discussed how she
perceived herself as:
Very competitive … I think when you’re playing a match and you’re
competitive, the only thing that’s on your mind is winning. So, you’re not
as caught up in making mistakes or missing a point or anything like that.
You just think you’re going to win.
In contrast, girls who described how they lacked the skills related to
their activities painted a different picture. These girls felt that they
didn’t have the skills or ability to take part, and this led them to exclude
themselves for activities as described Sarah, 5th class, “I just didn’t think I
was really that good at it, and I wasn’t really enjoying it …… And I’m not
generally that fast either. They were all ahead me and I was always a little bit
behind”. This perceived skill deciency fed into girls’ lack of condence
to be active through social comparison as Eva, 6th class, reected how:
Some people would join a sport. And then they see other people who know
more stuff about it, and who have more experience. Yeah, they have more
experience and practice better, and they think, "Oh, they’re much better
than me so I don’t really want to do this.
This perception of ability and associated lack of condence tended to
strengthen girls’ identity of “not being the sporty type” as shared by
Katelyn, 5th class who described how girls might feel they are a tiny bit
overweight and say (to themselves) “I won’t be able to run that fast’ or ‘I
won’t be able to do that.‘, That’s probably one of the biggest problems
everybody has. And then … they’re probably not that into sport or some-
thing.” It also led these girls who identied as less sporty to experience a
range of negative emotions such as embarrassment, discomfort, or fear
of judgement from others while being active as illustrated by Amelia,
6th class, “You are scared you’re going to do something wrong, and everyone
is going to laugh at you”. Indeed, these negative experiences and associ-
ated emotions could sometimes impact the wellbeing of girls as
described by Robyn, 4th class, “I wasn’t actually that good at it. It messed
my sleep schedule really badly, and so I just quit.” In some cases, girls
highlighted how being inactive can lead to holding negative images of
themselves such as perceiving themselves as “fat and lazy” (Soa, 5th
class) or being viewed by others as “a couch potato” (Lauren, 6th class).
3.2. Girls do what their friends do
Girls described how their relationships with friends made an
important contribution to their PA experiences. Many girls shared how
they would feel apprehensive if they did not know anyone at their ac-
tivities, as having at least one friend there meant that they would have
someone to talk to, partner with, and help them feel more secure and
comfortable. This was particularly important when girls were joining or
starting a new activity, as discussed by Moya, 6th class, “I’d like to have
someone I know there because then I’d just be by myself, at least the rst time,
then after a while it wouldn’t be bad.” Girls identied how the presence of
friends provided positive reinforcement at times of insecurity or
discomfort, by giving them a sense of camaraderie and solidarity, as
summarised by Sarah, 4th class, “Well, sometimes I would be really ner-
vous, but then I look over at my cousin or my friend and they’re feeling the
same thing, too. Then I feel more excited than nervous.” In addition, across
both structured PA such as organised sport and dance, and unstructured
PA such as outdoor play, girls described how being active served as a
vehicle for them to have fun with their friends, as shared by Sadie, 4th
class, “Smile. Because you can smile because you are having so much fun. I
play Gaelic football, Camogie and just out in the yard with my friends,
playing some basketball and stuff.”
Being active together provided a platform for girls to develop and
strengthen their friendships with others who have similar interests, thus
creating positive connections with girls their own age as they shared
experiences, overcame challenges, and celebrated achievements
together. This was evident for girls who took part in structured PA,
typically team sports who described their teammates as girls that they
have known for a long time, who are now considered to be their “close”
or “best” friends. This sense of belongingness and feeling that they were
part of something motivated girls to keep participating, as illustrated by
Ruby, 6th class, “Probably Gaelic football is my favourite … it’s just because
the girls, we’ve always played football together so it’s like, that’s very
encouraging to play on the same team. I just like being with the girls.”
In contrast, we found that girls who struggled to make friends at
structured or organised activities were less inclined to continue to take
part, highlighting the importance of friends and friendship in facilitating
sustained engagement in PA. Indeed, for many girls, not having friends
at an activity meant they would not continue at that activity regardless
of how competent they were at it, or the sense of enjoyment or fun they
derided from it, as described by Hailey, 5th class:
I used to do gymnastics, but I didn’t stop for a reason that is because I
didn’t like it. It’s because I have no friends there. But I was really good at
it. I used to be able to do the splits and all. Yeah, but I quit a really long
time ago. But it was fun. But no one included me in anything, so I just left.
Social acceptance by their peer group strongly inuenced girls’ de-
cisions towards the types of activities they participated in. For example,
girls who were part of inactive friend groups discussed how they wanted
to be the same as their friends and would not take part in an activity that
1
Gaelic football, hurling and camogie, are eld-based invasive team sports
native to Ireland. Gaelic football is played by both males and females, the ball is
similar to that used in soccer, and involves players performing numerous skills,
including hand passing, kick passing, catching, blocking, and tackling (Gavin
et al., 2023).
2
Both the male game of hurling and the female game of camogie are played
with a stick called a “hurley” and a small leather ball called a “sliotar”, with
players performing multiple skills, such as catching, blocking, and striking the
sliotar with the hurley, either from the hand or on the ground (Gavin et al.,
2023).
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6
their friends did not like or want to do as expressed by Emer, 6th class, “I
feel like someone might be judged by their friends. Maybe their friends don’t
like the thing that they like, and they don’t want to do it because their friends
don’t like it.” At times, these girls found it challenging to describe ex-
periences of being active, mainly sharing how they spent a lot of their
free time “bored” and “hanging with friends” by walking around their
local areas often with phones in their hands, as shared by Tegan, 6th
class, “Denitely outside walking with my friends, I go with my phone as
well.”
3.3. Family, coaches and teachers shape girls’ physical activity
experiences
This theme describes how family members, coaches and teachers
shaped girls’ PA experiences. This includes co-participating in PA with
family members (e.g., siblings, cousins, parents), support from parents
in the form of transport provision, encouragement and spectating, and
the role that coaches/teachers play in creating an environment where
girls enjoy being active and are more likely to continue participating.
Girls shared how they took part in their chosen activities mainly because
it was what their families were involved in, especially if they were from
a ‘sporty’ family, with many explaining how they started playing at a
young age as Kate, 6th class, commented “We’re playing since we were like
three.” Conversely, not having family members who were especially
active was expressed by girls as a potential barrier to participation, as
described by Aimee, 5th class, “Maybe the rest of their family wasn’t active
or didn’t play sport, so they didn’t get introduced to it, so they don’t really like
it.” Girls reported how they practiced dance moves, played sports, or
went for cycles with their siblings/cousins during their leisure time, and
some recognised the contribution this made to their ability and attitudes
towards PA, like Aoife, 4th class, who discussed her experience of
playing soccer at home with her brother:
When I was four I hated sport until Se´
an [older brother] everyday he went
outside, and he used to be happy when he passed the ball to me and I
passed it back. Then he did that every day, and I started to love sport.
When it came to co-participating in PA with their parents, girls re-
ported mixed experiences. Some of the active girls described how they
co-participated in PA with their mothers, for example going for walks,
cycles, rehearsing dance moves or practising sports skills together. Many
of these girls described how much they enjoyed these experiences and
how being active together provided them with opportunities to “bond
and have chats” (Julie, 4th class). Interestingly, for some girls the ac-
tivities their mothers participated in when they were younger played an
inuential role in how they were active together and frequently acted as
a positive starting point for developing their interest and enjoyment in
being active, as shared by Roisin, 5th class, “Well, when my mam was
young, she was always playing camogie. Her whole life! So she rst gave me a
hurley when I was two and I started with a club when I was four. I love it!”
However, many of the active girls shared how they practiced their sports
skills (e.g., kicking a ball, playing basketball) with their fathers and how
their mothers more typically provided transport, encouragement and
spectated at their activities, as described by Ella, 5th class:
Well, for me, if it’s like going outside and stuff, usually I go with my
sisters, sometimes with my dad to play Gaelic football. With dance, my
mam’s a bit more into my dance, and my dad’s bit more into football, so
he practices football with me. My mam watches me doing my dances and
stuff like that … It’s really fun, yeah. He played soccer and Gaelic when
he was younger as well, so he knows a lot of things about it and he helps
me learn more.
Girls discussed how they enjoyed having family members spectate at
their activities and that it helped them to try harder and perform better,
as shared by Eva, 6th class, “Yeah, it’s good because I feel like I do a bit
better. Like when they’re watching me, because I know like they came to
watch me, I can play better.” Further, girls associated a sense of
achievement and pride in themselves with this type of support, like Kate,
6th class, “It feels like they’re very proud of you.” Sometimes girls were
reluctant to take part in their activities, for example when they were too
tired, the weather was bad, or they wanted to watch tv. On these oc-
casions, girls appreciated how encouragement from parents helped them
overcome these barriers to being active, as illustrated by Chloe, 6th
class:
Probably parents as well because some days, I’m just so tired and I don’t
really feel like going. Then they encourage me that I should go and then I
end up having a really good time. When I get there, I love it. We have a
really good time since all my friends are there.
Alongside, support from family members girls described how their
interactions with teachers and coaches could facilitate or hinder their
enjoyment of and intentions to be active. Girls who described their
coaches/teachers as supportive, welcoming, cheerful, and who provided
them with choice, expressed how they ourished in these environments
thus increasing the likelihood of them continuing with their chosen
activity, as identied by Millie, 6th class, “The coaches. They motivate you
… They play such good music. He talks to you a lot. He’s so funny.” On the
contrary, some girls, many of whom were inactive described coaches/
teachers as authoritarian, by not providing choice, always wanting to
win and punishing girls for mistakes (e.g., by running laps, or doing
press-ups). Oftentimes, these girls no longer participated in the activity
due to their feelings of discomfort in these environments, as shared by
Molly, 6th class, “Sometimes, we got pushed too hard and I just not want to
do it anymore. I just be like, “This isn’t like what I want to do.”
3.4. The challenges and opportunities for girls to be active in their
community
As part of this theme, girls outlined the places where they were active
in their local community, for example, football pitches, dance halls,
local parks, playgrounds, and the school yard at recess. However, there
were considerable differences in experiences reported by girls based on
whether they lived in an urban or rural location. Girls from rural areas
cited road safety as a barrier to active travel to and from school and how
a lack of facilities (i.e., swimming pools, sports clubs, athletics tracks) in
their community hindered their participation in structured PA, as
illustrated by Lisa, 6th class:
In some towns, in some counties, there’s not a lot of access to these op-
portunities. There’s not a lot of access to these clubs. There are not many
football clubs around or sport clubs maybe around for kids to join.
Girls from rural areas also acknowledged that the nearest town
provided them with choices and opportunities to be active, however
they described how the need for transport presented challenges. These
girls expressed a desire for more opportunities in their local community
that they could walk to as they progressed into adolescence, as shared by
Kate, 5th class:
Maybe just a few more clubs, just say because once you’re a certain age in
(rural town), they don’t actually have a club … then … you could literally
just walk … instead of having to drive to the whole way to [urban town] or
[regional town].
In some urban areas, girls, many of whom were inactive discussed
how difcult it was for them to be active within their local community,
citing reasons such as being intimidated by older children, safety con-
cerns and anti-social behaviour as barriers to unstructured activity in
local parks or playgrounds. This was described by Tegan, 6th class, “I
have a zipline in mine (playground), I’m afraid to go on it because people
push us from side to side, once I almost swung off it into a tree. We are all
scared to go on it.” Many of these girls expressed dissatisfaction with the
playgrounds in their local community, describing how they were not
suitable for girls their own age. Some of these playgrounds had broken
or neglected equipment as described by Alice, 6th class:
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7
There’s a really dodgy thing in the playground where you climb up it, so
you open the top, and it’s really dodgy to get down and up … like it’s
broken. Then it’s really high up and it’s all dodgy cos its rusty.
Across the focus groups, many of the girls in both urban and rural
areas identied challenges to being active in the school playground,
particularly during their recess where playing space was sometimes
limited. Many girls described how most of the boys played football or
basketball during recess and were reluctant to either share the space
with the girls or let them join in. On occasions where girls joined in, they
described how the boys monitored the rules of the game, were ‘too
rough’ and would not pass them the ball regardless of the girl’s skill
level, as discussed by Shannon, 5th class, “Even if you’re the best player,
they don’t pass to you.” Girls also aired frustration at how the boys
frequently criticised them if they missed the ball. Lucy, 5th class, told
how “If you miss the goal. Just say, you missed the ball from kicking it, they
shout at you, “Why’d you miss it?” Additionally, many girls described
how some boys can be ‘hurtful or rude’ to prevent girls from joining in,
as shared by Emma, 5th class:
Boys might say rude things, it’s only a boy’s sport and all that. It just puts
you off. Mostly it happens, "You’re not even good at this." Boys always
say, "I’m going to pick the best people," so they can be on their team. They
pick all their friends or the best people. Mostly the boys.
Sometimes, girls set up their own game of football or basketball in a
different area of the playground, however on these occasions lack of
space was frequently still a challenge as highlighted by Annie, 5th class,
who described her experience of playing football with the girls in her
class, “you could be kicking the ball yourself and get hit from a ball from
soccer like.” Girls who did not participate in structured sport or activities
outside of school hours typically chose to spend their recess with their
friends “mostly walking around and talking” (Alice, 6th class).
Many of the active girls in our study described how they sometimes
still experienced traditional gendered expectations regarding sport
which could lead them to feeling frustrated with the opportunities they
are provided with when compared to boys, as shared by Olivia, 6th class:
Some people say only sports are for boys. That makes some girls feel down
a bit. But then if boys just give girls a chance, the girls are just as good as
boys, if not even better … Yeah, but really every sport is for every person.
Furthermore, they also shared their frustration at how less people
spectated at women’s than men’s games both in their local community
and internationally, and how this lack of support contributed to girls not
viewing sport as a possible career path but solely as a hobby or pastime
as described by Maryam, 6th class:
They can [girls play sport] but I think the difference is that some boys see
their career as a football player or a basketball player. I think some girls
don’t see their career as that. Maybe because the boys are more experi-
enced and they’ve more chances. Some girls are condent and they like
things for fun but they don’t have the same opportunities as boys. So the
girls just do it for fun just to pass the time.
3.5. Mapping themes to the Theoretical Domains Framework
The four themes were mapped to the TDF domains with eight of the
14 domains deemed relevant (see Table 2). Four of the TDF domains are
represented across multiple themes providing further insight into the
complexity of the individual, social and environmental factors that in-
uence pre-teen girls’ PA experiences. The domain of knowledge was
illustrated in two themes. It was evident through girls’ understanding of
the benets of PA to their physical and mental health and was also
present through a recognition of the facilities available to girls (or not)
in their local environments. Girls’ skills and beliefs about their capa-
bilities to engage in PA was highlighted through their ability to
demonstrate prociency in certain sport related skills when compared to
Table 2
Themes mapped to the theoretical domains framework.
TDF Domain (Denition
a)
Illustrative Quote Theme
Knowledge (An awareness of
the existence of
something)
Movement … Well because
all kinds of physical
activity you are engaging
in different movement,
whether that be. Solo or
with a team (Molly, 6th
class)
There’s a playground
walking distance from my
house. You can just walk
to the playground. Then
there’s two big greens in
my estate and we play
stuff on them … (Chloe,
6th class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
The challenges and
opportunities for girls
to be active in the
community
Skills (An ability or
prociency acquired
through practice)
And swimming, I really
like it because when I rst
started it, I couldn’t swim
at all and now, like I can
swim. Yeah, it’s really fun
as well, when you get used
to it. (Moya, 6th class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
Social/Professional Role and
Identity (A coherent set of
behaviours and displayed
personal qualities of an
individual in a social or
work setting)
Just not doing any sport
and just makes you feel
like … Sometimes I can be
really lazy and I know that
(Ava, 4th class)
When you have your
friends with you, it’s easier
to play your best because
you want to play your best
with your friends (Emma,
5th class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
Girls do what their
friends do
Beliefs about Capabilities
(Acceptance of the truth,
reality, or validity about
an ability, talent, or
facility that a person can
put to constructive use)
Just say you are not that
good … If you don’t even
get a hold of the ball, you
might feel like just not
included. You might feel
like you shouldn’t really
do it anymore … It just
feels like bad, and you
think you need to be better,
and it’s like you can’t
really do anything about it
(Neala, 6th class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
Beliefs about Consequences
(Acceptance of the truth,
reality, or validity about
outcomes of a behaviour in
a given situation)
I said well-being because
it’s healthy, when you do
exercise, you’re like being
healthy and going
outdoors (Isabelle,6th
Class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
Environmental Context and
Resources (Any
circumstance of a person’s
situation or environment
that discourages or
encourages the
development of skills and
abilities, independence,
social competence, and
adaptive behaviour)
We can’t really play
basketball because other
kids have. Their yard has
the basketball, so we can’t
really go up there and play
… We just walk around
and talk [at break times]
(Faye, 6th class)
The challenges and
opportunities for girls
to be active in the
community
Social inuences (Those
interpersonal processes
that can cause individuals
to change their thoughts,
feelings, or behaviours)
My family, my friends,
and my dance teachers
and everything. They just
help me. If I do a move
wrong, they help me to get
it, and then I feel condent
in myself. To help any
move which I can’t.
(Hannah, 6th class)
It makes me want to quit
because you’re not getting
the ball and the boys are
not sharing. You’ve never
Family, coaches and
teachers shape girls’
physical activity
experiences.
Girls do what their
friends do
The challenges and
opportunities for girls
to be active in the
community
(continued on next page)
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8
others, and how that strengthened their beliefs in their ability to engage
in PA. This led girls to classify themselves as “sporty or not”, a form of
self -identity, reecting the domain of social role and identity. This
categorisation was coupled with a social identity where girls articulated
the importance they placed on engaging in similar activities to their
friends, again, recognising the domain of social role and identity. Beliefs
about the consequences of the behaviour were clearly described by the
girls when discussing the health benets of being active and the positive
social interactions that PA could foster. The domain of emotion was
reected across all four themes. For example, girls who identied as not
being particularly sporty sometimes experienced a range of negative
emotions such as guilt, shame, and embarrassment and then, it was
evident in the fun and enjoyment that girls experienced when being
active with their friends and family. The domain of social inuences was
also present in multiple themes. These included, how acceptance by
their peer group strongly inuenced girls’ decisions to engage in PA (or
not), the inuence of family members coaches’ and teachers in creating
a supportive social environment for girls to be active. Finally, the
domain of environmental context and resources was illustrated through
how the girls’ local environment could facilitate or hinder PA, for
example, a lack of access to girls’ teams in the locality or broken
equipment in public spaces.
4. Discussion
The aim of this study was to explore low SEP pre-teen girls’ experi-
ences of being physically active and to understand the individual, social
and environmental factors that inuence these experiences. Themes
reected how girls’ skills and condence to be active inuenced their PA
identity. A range of social inuences shaped girls’ likelihood to engage
in PA and their experience of it. Finally, the community in which the
girls live could facilitate or hinder their engagement in PA. The themes
were also mapped to eight of the 14 domains of the TDF providing an in-
depth behavioural diagnosis.
Girls recognised the importance of being physically active for both
their physical and mental health. Typically, the literature suggests that
children and adolescents from lower SEP may possess less understanding
of the different benets of being physically active (Stalsberg & Pedersen,
2010). However, our ndings were contrary to this and support more
recent work by Alliott et al. (2022) who found that low-SEP adolescents
communicated a clear understanding of the benets of being active,
although, most girls focused on organised sport as means to be active
rather than other forms of PA. This singular focus on what PA is, can be
problematic especially for those who don’t participate in sport. For
example, while girls may recognise the benets of being active, less
active girls may try to resolve the discrepancy between understanding
the benets of being active to their physical and mental health and their
lack of engagement in PA by telling themselves they are just not the
sporty type. This interpretation is consistent with literature examining
identity and behaviour and the resulting cognitive dissonance that can
occur (Burke & Stets, 2023). Addressing this narrow denition of ac-
tivity as sport is likely to be important in future interventions as it may
help to resolve this possible cognitive dissonance. This may mean pro-
moting a wider view of what PA can entail so pre-teen girls can see
beyond the common conceptualisation of PA as being related to
organised activities such as team sports. Notably, the negative images
the girls in our study associated with physical inactivity such as ‘fat’ or
‘lazy’ are concerning as there is a risk that girls could self-internalise
these perspectives, which could unfortunately negatively orient future
PA behaviour for this cohort (Burke & Stets, 2023).
There is considerable evidence highlighting the relationship between
identity and PA, with a positive relationship between stronger PA
identity and increased PA behaviour (Rhodes et al., 2016; Rhodes, Liu,
et al., 2020). In our study, girls typically either had a strong endorse-
ment of themselves as physically active (e.g., “sporty”) or a weaker sense
of themselves as active individuals (e.g., “not sporty”). Research has
highlighted perceived ability, and affective judgements as consistent
correlates of PA identity (Kendzierski & Morganstein, 2009; Rhodes
et al., 2016). Our ndings seem to provide further qualitative support for
these links. Specically, girls who were condent in their ability to be
active reported how they enjoyed learning and developing their skills in
both organised sport and non-structured settings (i.e., outdoor play).
This is not surprising as humans have a basic physical and psychological
need to move (Stults-Kolehmainen, 2023), thus children have an
inherent need to acquire motor skills (Barela, 2013; Malina, 2014).
Indeed, skill competency has been cited as a motivating factor for girls’
participation in PA (Emm-Collison et al., 2022; Hull et al., 2021) and
was evident in the cohort of active girls in the present study who derived
considerable condence from developing their skills. Therefore,
strengthening the PA identity of girls who categorised themselves as
“not sporty” by enhancing their competence and condence for PA may
be a fruitful approach (Kendzierski & Morganstein, 2009; Rhodes et al.,
2016). Typically, a person’s identity can incorporate both self-described
attributes (i.e., self-identity) and membership of a social group (i.e.,
social identity) (Burke & Stets, 2023). Within adolescent cohorts, the
research on PA and identity has been limited primarily to sport contexts
where the emphasis is placed upon the social identity component, and
how adolescents align with others (e.g., their peers) (Lawler et al., 2020;
Murray & Sabiston, 2022). Our ndings shed some light with regard to
pre-teen self-identities for PA, however, there is a need for further
identity focused research on pre-teen girls, particularly for those who
are inactive.
Research has found that girls with strong PA interests gravitate to-
wards those who have similar interests (Martins et al., 2021). In doing
so, girls develop a shared social categorisation which means they are
more likely to stay part of such a group, and ensure their behaviour
Table 2 (continued )
TDF Domain (Denition
a)
Illustrative Quote Theme
got a ball so you don’t
know how you actually
play (Dani, 4th class)
Emotion (A complex
reaction pattern, involving
experiential, behavioural,
and physiological
elements, by which the
individual attempts to deal
with a personally
signicant matter or
event)
Proud because after you
nish physical activity and
you’re all tired and all,
you’d feel pretty proud of
yourself for sticking
through (Leah, 5th class)
Happy. You’re very happy
when you’re playing sports
with your friends and you
are having fun doing what
you like (Jessica, 4th
class)
Every day we went out for
walks [during covid], me
and my sister would cycle
and my mam would walk.
And she would just tell us
stuff and we would talk …
It was nice because we got
to talk and it was really
peaceful out there … I’m
happy and glad that I have
a mammy that cares
(Clara, 5th class)
I remember there was a
boy who said, “Girls can’t
do anything.” That put me
off soccer …
I was actually very
annoyed with him in my
head. It just made me
really angry (Aoife, 4th
class)
Skills and condence
underpin girls’ self-
identity for physical
activity
Girls do what their
friends do
Family, coaches and
teachers shape girls’
physical activity
experiences.
The challenges and
opportunities for girls
to be active in the
community
Note.
a
Denitions based on (Atkins et al., 2017)
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9
continues to align with the group norms (Beauchamp & Rhodes, 2020;
Turner et al., 1987). This was evident for girls in our study who took part
in structured PA, as these girls described how they cultivated friendships
with girls who had similar interests. Importantly, girls shared how the
presence of friends at an activity shaped their intentions to partake,
regardless of their perceived ability at it. A nding that augments a body
of literature which highlights that as girls enter and progress through
adolescence, the role of friendship becomes more inuential in their
decision making towards choosing activities (Laird et al., 2018; Martins
et al., 2021; Whitehead & Biddle, 2008). Alongside friends, having
active family members provided girls with opportunities to
co-participate in PA which linked to their skills, condence, and
enjoyment of being active (Laird et al., 2018; Martins et al., 2015;
Martins et al., 2021). Most girls outlined how they valued support from
parents, stepparents, and wider family members in line with the extant
literature (Khan et al., 2020; Rhodes, Perdew, et al., 2020). Our ndings
further reinforce previous research whereby mothers are less likely to be
co-active with their children compared to fathers and more likely to
engage in other support behaviours such as transport provision,
encouragement and the provision of materials and equipment necessary
to facilitate PA (Martinez-Andres et al., 2020; Rhodes, Perdew, et al.,
2020; Zahra et al., 2015). In addition to family members, girls explained
how their relationships with teachers and coaches impacted their
enjoyment of and motivation to engage in PA. A body of research shows
teachers and coaches who provide encouragement and engage in au-
tonomy supportive behaviours facilitate girls’ participation in PA (Kipp
& Bolter, 2024; Laird et al., 2018; Tapia-Serrano et al., 2023). Thus,
self-determination theory (SDT) based interventions for teachers and
coaches of pre-teen girls may be a useful strategy for improving the
motivational climate for this cohort (Kipp & Bolter, 2024).
Girls from rural and urban locations detailed the places where they
are active. Similar to research by Gilbert et al. (2019), girls from the
disadvantaged rural areas cited road safety as a barrier to active travel to
and from school and how a lack of facilities (swimming pools, sports
clubs, athletics tracks) in their community hindered their participation
in structured PA. Furthermore, girls from rural areas acknowledged that
the nearest town provided them with choices and opportunities to be
active, however they described how the need for transport presented
challenges, a well-known barrier to structured PA for low-SEP girls (Holt
et al., 2011; Wright et al., 2017). In urban areas, girls described how it
was challenging to be active in their local community, due to reasons
such as safety concerns and anti-social behaviour, a nding in line with
other research of socially disadvantaged areas (Martinez-Andres et al.,
2020; Tay et al., 2021; Wright et al., 2017). This is noteworthy as
research has found that low-SEP children and adolescents are less likely
to have access to sports clubs where membership fees are required and
thus rely more on what is available to them in their local community
such as local playgrounds and parks (Alliott et al., 2022). Further, in our
study, girls’ perceptions of boys’ lack of willingness to include them in
schoolyard activities at recess often prevented girls from taking part in
football and basketball games. Qualitative research with 10–11 year old
primary school children by Clark and Paechter (2007) highlighted
similar ndings with boys’ behaviour discouraging girls’ involvement in
school playground activities. As children spend a large amount of their
waking hours in school, it is important to nd ways for inclusive
cross-gender activities or alternative ways to facilitate girls to be active
during the school recess (Pawlowski et al., 2019).
There is an of body research reporting societal gender stereotypes as
factors limiting girls’ experiences of being active, citing pressures from
society to maintain a feminine image and how being physically active
contradicts this stereotype (Corr et al., 2019; Cowley et al., 2021;
Whitehead & Biddle, 2008). The girls in present study whilst acknowl-
edging that gendered expectations sometimes still existed challenged
these expectations. This may be due to an increased focus in recent years
of mass media campaigns to promote PA in adolescent girls and women,
for example HER MOVES and 20 ×20 - If She Can’t See It, She Can’t Be It
by Sport Ireland, the comprehensive This Girl Can campaign launched
by Sport England in 2015, and through the ParticipACTION App in
Canada. Initial research by Bauman et al. (2023) into the rst year of
This Girl Can - Victoria in Australia reported high levels of community
awareness around the campaign, and promising results with respect to
women feeling less embarrassed or judged while being physically active,
however there were limited changes in PA measures. Therefore, mass
media campaigns may be useful precursors to population behaviour
change, however more tailored interventions are needed for sub-groups
such as pre-teen girls, with a particular focus on those who are already
inactive.
4.1. Practical implications
Mapping the four themes in this study to the TDF supports the
identication of mechanisms of action, theories and behaviour change
techniques to underpin future interventions targeting PA in low-SEP pre-
teen girls. There is some evidence that developing automatic processes
such as self-identity (TDF domain: social role and identity) are important
for the long-term maintenance of health related behaviours such as PA in
particular during unpredictable circumstances (i.e., transitioning into
adolescence) (Rhodes, 2024). The multi-action control framework
(M-PAC; Rhodes, 2017) and the maintain IT model (Caldwell et al.,
2018) that explicitly target identity, could enable the development and
strengthening of girls’ PA identities. To strengthen self-identity for PA in
girls who are less active, interventions using behaviour change tech-
niques such as imagery to help increase role identity (Cooke et al., 2020)
or targeting certain underlying mechanisms such as skills or condence
(TDF domains: skills; beliefs about capabilities) are needed to challenge
their self-categorisation as a “non-sporty” type (Burke & Stets, 2023).
Furthermore, for girls who hold negative views of themselves, and
experience the resultant negative emotions, the development of a more
accepting attitude to oneself may enable increased engagement in PA
(Vlachopoulos et al., 2011). Techniques such as focusing on
self-compassion might facilitate this process (Gu´
erin et al., 2018), with
evidence of its efcacy to promote health behaviours such as PA
(Huellemann et al., 2023).
In recognition of the important role social connections (TDF domain:
social inuences) plays in shaping girls’ experiences of PA, future in-
terventions should include social support from family and importantly,
peers as an integral part of interventions (Laird et al., 2018; Martins
et al., 2015; Martins et al., 2021). For example, interventions which
have older adolescents leading younger peers or younger adolescents
leading those of the same age and which incorporate behaviour change
techniques such as social support, goal-setting, and behavioural
demonstration could be promising (McHale et al., 2022). Girls’
described the importance of shared social identity (TDF domain: social
role and identity) and research has highlighted how a shared social
identity can increase adolescent girls’ enjoyment levels (Murray &
Sabiston, 2022). To achieve this aim, training teachers or coaches to use
techniques to cultivate a sense of shared social identity by promoting
feelings of connection and belonging may be a fruitful approach (Bat-
taglia et al., 2024; Stevens et al., 2018).
Girls shared how it was challenging for them to be active within their
local community (TDF domain: Environmental context and resources).
Research has found a greater dependence on structured and organised
activities post the COVID- 19 pandemic (Walker et al., 2023), yet chil-
dren and adolescents of low-SEP may encounter barriers in accessing
these activities (Holt et al., 2011; Owen et al., 2022). Future interven-
tion development should consider measures such as the waiving of fees
by sports clubs or schemes to support membership (Clark et al., 2019),
greater engagement with schools to provide “safe” access to facilities
outside of school hours (Pedderer et al., 2021), or the use of initiatives
such as play streets (Umstattd Meyer et al., 2019) to address these
barriers. Girls were sometimes discouraged from taking part in games in
the school playground during their recess. Consequently, providing safe
C. Brennan et al.
Psychology of Sport & Exercise 74 (2024) 102692
10
non-judgemental and inclusive environments for girls to be active is
important (Kipp & Bolter, 2024; Tapia-Serrano et al., 2023). Strategies
such as providing choice in the types of play equipment available and
the provision of specic areas are approaches that could address
pre-teens girls’ PA needs in school playgrounds (Toft Amholt et al.,
2022).
4.2. Strengths and limitations
There are several strengths to this study. First, this study adds to the
limited number of qualitative studies that have explored low-SEP pre-
teen girls’ experiences of being physically active. Thus, it gives voice to
an underrepresented cohort in PA research. Second, the use of the TDF
provides a comprehensive behavioural diagnosis of low-SEP pre-teen
girls’ PA, which might inform future intervention development. To our
knowledge, this is the rst qualitative study to do so for this cohort.
Although, it is important to note that the use of the TDF during the
analysis could limit ndings (McGowan et al., 2020). To address this,
this study used an inductive-deductive approach for the analysis
(McGowan et al., 2020) with the reexive thematic analysis beginning
by inductively generating themes to provide insight into the complexity
of the individual, social and environmental factors inuencing pre-teen
girls’ PA. Following this inductive analysis themes were then deduc-
tively mapped to the relevant TDF domains (McGowan et al., 2020).
There are some limitations to this study that should be acknowl-
edged. First, this study focuses on an underrepresented cohort, similar to
other research (McQuinn et al., 2022) we used a school based classi-
cation (DEIS) to recruit low-SEP pre-teen girls. However, the data might
not be fully representative of the target population as these schools are
categorised by district and it is possible that some girls in the school
might not be of low-SEP. Future work should continue to make efforts to
target this cohort perhaps using household income measures. Second, it
is important to note that group dynamics may have impacted some girls’
abilities to share their experiences in an open manner. For example,
some girls may have been reluctant to share their views, in particular if
they differed from their peers. To address this the facilitators (C.B. and J.
M.) strived to create an atmosphere that was inclusive and interactive
while encouraging competing opinions. Although child-centred
methods such as individual drawings and personas were used in the
focus groups, future research should consider using other methodolog-
ical approaches such as photographs and photo-voice (Toft Amholt
et al., 2022).
5. Conclusion
In conclusion, this study provides insight into low-SEP pre-teen girls’
experiences of being physically active in both rural and urban locations.
Four themes were generated highlighting the complex interplay of in-
dividual, social and environmental factors that inuence how, where
and why girls engage or disengage in PA. The use of the TDF as a
theoretical lens advances our understanding of these complex factors,
and by aligning with potential mechanisms of action and/or potential
theories this information can be used to inform future theory based-
interventions promoting PA in pre-teen girls. However, future in-
terventions should involve pre-teen girls in the co-design process to
include their voices and perspectives. In sum, this study underlines the
importance of intervening across individual, social, and environmental
factors when developing strategies to promote PA in low-SEP pre-teen
girls.
Funding
This research did not receive any specic grant from funding
agencies in the public, commercial or not-for-prot sectors.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Carol Brennan: Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft,
Methodology, Formal analysis, Conceptualization. Grainne O’Donog-
hue: Writing – review & editing, Supervision, Formal analysis. Alison
Keogh: Writing – review & editing, Supervision, Formal analysis. Ryan
E. Rhodes: Writing – review & editing. James Matthews: Writing –
review & editing, Writing – original draft, Supervision, Methodology,
Formal analysis, Conceptualization.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing nancial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to inuence
the work reported in this paper.
Data availability
The authors do not have permission to share data.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the school principals and all the girls for
taking part in the focus groups.
Abbreviations
PA physical activity
SB sedentary behaviour
SEP socioeconomic position
TDF theoretical domains framework
Appendix A. Supplementary data
Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.
org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2024.102692.
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