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RESEARCH ARTICLE
Laughing from the Outside-In: Considering
‘What's Up Africa’as an(other) humorous
humanitarian digilantism
Edward Ademolu
Cultural Competency Unit, Faculty of Arts &
Humanities, King's College London, London,
UK
Correspondence
Edward Ademolu, Cultural Competency Unit,
Faculty of Arts & Humanities, King's College
London, 22 Kingsway, London, WC2B 6LE,
UK.
Email: edward.ademolu@kcl.ac.uk
Abstract
This article examines the intersection of humour and
humanitarianism in engaging Northern audiences with
global Southern poverty issues. It analyses witty social
media campaigns that critique humanitarian practices and
Africa’s representation, notably What’s Up Africa (WUA) on
YouTube, Radi-Aid on YouTube, Humanitarians of Tinder on
Tumblr and Barbie Savior on Instagram. Using ‘contraflow’,
it shows how humour and positionality shape reception.
WUA’s Black African-centric comedy, particualrly, high-
lights the often-underexplored role of race in development
discourse, challenging the White institutional core of
humanitarianism. These insights reveal power dynamics and
invite further academic inquiry into the transformative
potential of comedic humanitarian critique.
KEYWORDS
comedy, contraflow, digilantism, humanitarianism, humour,
What's Up Africa
Edward Ademolu is a lecturer (assistant professor) in Cultural Competency at King's College London (KCL) with a cross-disciplinary interest in International
Development, Media Communications, Visual Representations and African Diaspora Studies.
Received: 28 June 2023 Revised: 9 April 2024 Accepted: 10 April 2024
DOI: 10.1002/jid.3916
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
© 2024 The Author(s). Journal of International Development published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
J. Int. Dev. 2024;36:2393–2413. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jid 2393
1|INTRODUCTION
The ostensibly absurd and oxymoronic combination of humour and humanitarianism to galvanise public engagement
within the global North with issues of global Southern poverty, now comprises a small but conspicuous body of
academic publications (see, e.g. Cameron, 2015; Richey, 2016; Schwarz & Richey, 2019). While acknowledging this
oddity, development scholar Cameron (2015), catechised whether ‘poverty can be funny?’but nonetheless concedes
that annually since 1985, thousands of Brits adorn themselves with bulbous prosthetic red noses of clownish appro-
bation, take custard pies to the face and watch star-studded comedy shows to support poverty-alleviation efforts
through the British NGO Comic Relief.1
The strategic seriousness of this otherwise unserious mode of humanitarianism is a nomadic phenomenon in
that it transcends prime-time television into the digital sphere, embodied in humorous social media campaigns that
arouse a chorus of ‘networked laughter’(Rentschler & Thrift, 2015). Referred to as counternarrative ‘digilantism’—a
‘spectrum of do-it-yourself attempts to secure justice online’(Jane, 2017b, p. 3), these campaigns critique humani-
tarian discourse. While scholarly discourse often critiques the social impacts of such initiatives (e.g. Cameron, 2015;
Kligler-Vilenchik & Thorson, 2016; Morozov, 2009), they increasingly enable virtual communities to engage via social
media, fostering ‘everyday humanitarian’subjectivity (Richey, 2018) through actions like signing petitions, donating
and holding the humanitarian industry accountable, facilitated by the ‘technologization of action’(Chouliaraki, 2010).
This article contends that What's Up Africa (WUA) on YouTube aligns with other humorous humanitarian-themed
campaigns like Radi-Aid on YouTube, Humanitarians of Tinder on Tumblr and Barbie Savior on Instagram.
Herald as an ‘antidote’to the sensationalism of outlets like Fox News (Mark, 2013), which often present biased
depictions of the global South, WUA—founded in 2011 by Nigerian British comedian Ikenna Azuike—challenges
Western media's skewed portrayal of Africa. Taking cues from American political satire, WUA's weekly YouTube
series offers a fresh take on African news and critiques global North–South dynamics. Evolving from a ‘do-it-your-
self’(Jane, 2017b, p. 3) grassroots initiative, to a BBC-supported advocacy platform, WUA delivers concise yet
impactful videos on African issues, using playful satire to engage with complex topics.
Supported by in-depth qualitative interviews with Ikenna Azuike and a visual interpretive analysis of WUA's digi-
tal content (videos), this article demonstrates how WUA's deployment of ‘edgy humour in its rebuke and resolve of
problematic humanitarian practices’(Schwarz & Richey, 2019), as well as representations of Africa, adds significant
value to scholarly discourse. This analysis substantiates its meritoriousness for intellectual inquiry alongside other cri-
tiques of parodic social media about humanitarianism. Crucially, as the article advocates for WUA's recognition
within the realm of humanitarian-themed digilantism, it offers more than mere supplementation to current ideas.
Adopting the notion of contraflow: traffic travelling in both directions on a shared carriageway (Cambridge University
Press, 2020), it prompts a thorough consideration of the positionality, direction and target audience of WUA's critical
humour.
Contrary to Schwarz and Richey's (2019) caution that the ‘rhetorical and critical focus’of humanitarian-themed
campaigns is ‘directed inward’where ‘our own social conventions’are presented as ‘objects of contemplation’
(p. 1937), holding up a self-interrogating mirror to the humanitarian industry itself. The critical humour aroused by
WUA from its Black racialised founder is directed from the Outside-in, unlike other campaigns' Inside-out delivery.
This directional contrast illuminates opposing etic (outside) and emic (inside) ends of the humanitarian core they
critique.
The distinct ‘Blackness’of WUA's satirical content demands critical attention. Unlike others, WUA brings an
Africa(n)-centric viewpoint to global development discussions. This highlights the imperative for comprehensive anal-
ysis and critique of racial dynamics, often neglected within development discourse and operations. Such oversight
obscures ongoing racial narratives and their intersection with historical and contemporary dynamics, emphasising
the indispensable role of race as an analytical tool in understanding development processes and outcomes
(Kothari, 2006).
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Hence, this article asserts that acknowledging one's positionality and intended audience, denoted as contraflow,
is crucial for constructing a critique of humanitarianism that avoids self-referentiality and introspection, thereby
potentially losing its critical edge. Contrarily, WUA's Black Afrocentrism produces humour and satire to subvert com-
mon portrayals of Africa, especially in fundraising campaigns for African aid. It serves as a platform for both British
Africans and African audiences to find amusement in and critique Western perceptions of Africa. Consequently, it
contributes meaningfully to the relatively niche academic discourse on humorous digital counter-discourses, which
acknowledge the limitations of established humanitarian representations and explore their broader implications
(Reestorff, 2015).
The article is structured into seven sections. It begins with a review of literature in humanitarian and media
studies, examining the mechanisms behind problematic portrayals of Africa as ‘suffering’. This is followed by a dis-
cussion on the intersection of humour, humanitarianism and social media in addressing poverty and injustice, along
with a recap of three well-known humorous social media campaigns. Subsequently, the article explores media scholar
Jane's concept of ‘digilantism’, a digital response to injustices originating from her feminist scholarship on ‘Man-
spreading’. The research methodology is then contextualised, justifying WUA as a focal point. The analysis focuses
on WUA's use of satire to critique problematic humanitarianism and African representation. The concept of con-
traflow is explored to understand how the direction of contestatory humour relates to the core of its critique. The
conclusion summarises the article's contributions to existing knowledge.
2|PROBLEMATIC REPRESENTATIONS: AFRICA(N) SUFFERING
From news coverage of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea in inflatable boats towards safer shores, to
emotive click-bait advertisements featuring psoriasis-cheeked infants imploring monthly donations, and even the
star-studded allure of celebrities in humanitarian campaigns championing virtuous ‘do-gooding’(Littler, 2008), what
we have seen, certainly since the 1970s Biafran crisis and Live Aid concert of 1985, is how these imageries have pro-
foundly shaped and defined humanitarianism as a system of intervention and of representation (Scott, 2014). Today,
this visual storytelling is such that the humanitarian image is more concerned with prioritising the individual sufferer,
particularly the Black African 'Other', over addressing the underlying causes of their suffering.
Before continuing with the review of literature, it is imperative to clarify the definition of humanitarianism used
here and the inclusion of international development in this. As inferred by Belloni's (2007)‘The trouble with humani-
tarianism’, humanitarianism and its purposes are neither straightforwardly defined nor self-evident but subject to
ongoing conceptual debate and re-interpretation beyond the remit of this article. Humanitarianism, or humanitarian
aid as it is also known, is traditionally distinguished from international development in the aid industry.
Humanitarian aid typically involves short-term, emergency responses to unanticipated crises like war or disasters,
while international development focuses on addressing long-standing issues of poverty and structural inequality. As
Basu and Modest (2014, p. 254) advise, the distances between the two are progressively shortened as aid agencies
emphasise (long-term) development as integral to (short-term) humanitarian assistance. Notwithstanding these inter-
pretive and practical distinctions and to avoid submerging into a wormhole of conceptual ambiguities, this article
uses term the humanitarianism with international development.
Referring to how discourses and representations of the global South, especially Africa , are conveyed to and con-
nected with the global North, Smith and Yanacopulos (2004) argue that the ‘public faces of development’or as Scott
(2014) denotes, ‘media representations of development’have sustained the appetite of academic critique. The inter-
section of humanitarianism with media and communication studies underscores their interdependence, evident in
the expanding literature exploring this dynamic.
Scholars have provided nuanced analyses of how Africa is often portrayed as synonymous with suffering and
vulnerability in Western and global public consciousness. This scrutiny primarily revolves around post-colonial
humanitarian campaigns following the Second World War, with a keen focus on the recurrent use of famine imagery
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that evokes pity. Such visual narratives often feature Black kwashiorkor children amid scenes of destitution and
hardship, strategically crafted to elicit emotional responses and garner sympathy. Chouliaraki and Vestergaard (2021,
p. 2) maintain for instance, that the strategic deployment of emotive images and suffering vocabularies by humanitar-
ian agencies, ‘operate as a logic of sentimental pedagogy’. This approach effectively cultivates empathy and pity in
audiences, fostering compassionate attitudes toward vulnerable Africans (Chouliaraki, 2010). Similarly, Dogra (2012)
contends that these emotional responses legitimise the perceived need for humanitarian assistance while
stereotyping the communities of the global South broadly and, notably, Africa, as dependent nondescripts.
Within this frame, academics have explored how Africa's portrayal as a region of suffering is often filtered
through an infantilised lens. This concept of infantilisation depicts suffering, hardships and their consequences as pre-
dominantly affecting children, subtly implying the resolve of adults (Burman, 1994). The image of the famine child,
characterised by protruding abdomens and morose expressions recurs frequently in this discourse (Dogra, 2012;
Manzo, 2008). These arguments resonate with critical perspectives such as Postcolonial Studies and Critical
Development Studies, which highlight the colonial legacy of using the hungry Black child as a proxy for Africa. Conse-
quently, the habitual focus on children becomes the primary mode through which Africa is comprehended, mini-
aturising the continent to an ineluctable stage of toddlerhood. In Africa's portrayal as an infant, there is an implicit
suggestion that it lacks independent diplomacies and self-determination, thereby requiring adult intervention, where
humanitarian organisations function as surrogate caregivers (Wells, 2013).
Additional analyses delve into what Harrison (2010) terms the Africanisation of poverty, wherein charity
becomes intertwined with Africa's identity, intimately tied to universal humanitarian sentiments. This is exemplified
by international charities employing poignant photos of close-up, cropped faces and bodies, eliciting shock and
empathy while gesturing towards the provision of humanitarian succour in Africa's plight (Chouliaraki &
Vestergaard, 2021). Andreasson (2005) cautions against perpetuating this recurring motif of death, disease and
despair, which reinforces the notion of Africa's inherent deficiencies, highlighting poverty as idiosyncratically African.
Other notable contributions in this domain examine the complexities of humanitarian representation regarding
Africa's invisibility or absence, often depicting generalised rurality, nature and ‘natural-ness’(Dogra, 2012, p. 69).
McClintock (1995) maintains that this portrayal largely veils Africa's urban dynamism and contemporary elements.
Similarly, Mitchtell (1989), p. 2) suggests that an overemphasis on Africa's nature perpetuates an antiquated, almost
‘other-worldly’territory, reinforcing the notion of underdevelopment and as necessitating humanitarian
advancement.
Highlighting the seminal contributions of Mudimbe's ‘The Invention of Africa’(1988) and Gabay's (2018) com-
prehensive analysis in ‘Imagining Africa’is crucial. Both authors critically examine Africa's conceptualisation and cul-
tural imaginary, shaped by enduring colonial legacies that continue to influence contemporary media and
humanitarian discourse. Fundamentally they problematise conventional notions of African identity. Mudimbe delves
into the historical construction and exoticising presentation of African primitiveness and homogeneity, challenging
these colonial and contemporary constructs. Similarly, Gabay's analysis probes idealised Western visions of an
Anglosphere sub-Saharan Africa, questioning the perpetuation of myths about Whiteness and the contradictory nar-
ratives surrounding ‘Otherness’and ‘Africa rising.’In this context, Gabay aims to overturn conventional postcolonial
critiques of Western imaginaries by problematising how they continuously position Africa as subordinate to them.
In Chouliaraki's (2010), p. 107) summary of our supposed ‘post-humanitarian’era, she cautions that while efforts
are made to counterbalance sensationalistic portrayals of suffering with uplifting scenarios of self-determination and
solidarity, these representations may still fall short in addressing the moral complexities of human suffering. Similarly,
Burman (1994) highlights the established symbol of the ‘poor starving Black child’in aid appeals, noting the potential
financial risks faced by charities deviating from this conventional narrative. Ticktin (2014, p. 274) interprets these
observations as part of a broader epistemological ‘shift from the alliance to critique of humanitarianism’.
Notwithstanding these melancholic observations, a small and relatively new humanitarian literature has contin-
ued historical attempts to transform humanitarianism's current visual treatment of Africa. These efforts, sit adjacent
to and are in many ways informed by the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and COVID-19. Authors in this
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domain have spotlighted the distinct and cumulative impact that suffering imagery has on continental and diasporic
Africans and especially Black Britons as regards the latter. These tend to orbit around the ethical ramifications of
racially charged and stereotypical fundraising communications, highlighting potential harm to both beneficiaries and
donors (e.g., Ademolu, 2023; Dillon, 2021). Yet, despite this increased ethical awareness prompted by contemporary
scholarship, critiques of humanitarian imagery persist.
These critical commentaries expose Africa's entrapment within conventional negative narratives and imagery, so
commonplace that they denote Africa's inherent state thereby hastening the potential of humanitarian interference.
Simultaneously, the unconventional combination of humour and humanitarianism emerges as a significant element
for challenging and addressing these problematic portrayals and associations. The article now shifts its focus to
exploring this aspect.
3|HUMOROUS HUMANITARIANISM AND COMEDY-CRITICAL
DIGITALISED CAMPAIGNS
The high-stakes seriousness of African impoverishment, systemic inequalities, political instability and other attendant
forms of social injustice(s) are seldom associated with the commonly trivialised unseriousness of humorous entertain-
ment. Yet, the strategic use of comedy and parodic playfulness is discernible in the humanitarian aid industry as it
reconciles with the capriciousness of its public engagement with the aforementioned issues (Cameron, 2015). Aca-
demics and activists have documented the experimental flaws and varied inconsistences of more than a generation
of determined attempts in the global North to cultivate and maintain mainstream public support of global social jus-
tice and aid. Smillie (1999, p. 136) cautions that, support notwithstanding, ‘it is widely conceded that the public
[in the North] knows little about international development or about the connections between development there
and life here’. Similarly, Edwards (2001, p. 194) notes that humanitarian organisations in the North have a supportive
yet largely uninformed and inactive constituency.
Cameron (2015) acknowledges that inquiries into humanitarian engagement and action emanate from scholarly
discourse on global justice. These discussions revolve around ethical and moral relationships among humans, often
emphasising obligatory orientations (e.g. Chouliaraki, 2010,2013). Dobson (2006) astutely observes that mere recog-
nition of our shared humanity does not inherently motivate proactive engagement. Nevertheless, others have made
clarion calls to establish new and innovative approaches to arouse public understanding and support. Whether that
is paying closer attention to the current and historical strategies of Northern charitable organisations for engaging
with the public (Smith, 2008); studying how charities prioritise or marginalise their constituency (Ademolu, 2023); or
encouraging new storytelling and ethical communication practices to sustain Northern public interest (International
Development Committee, 2022). Confronted with the risk of being branded as ‘worthy but dull’
(Cameron, 2015: 276) and criticised for lacking humour, considerable efforts have been made to incorporate the
playful unseriousness of humour to rouse segments of an otherwise lethargic Northern public.
Comic relief's biennial ‘Red Nose Day’telethon spearheaded by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), is
perhaps humanitarianism's most recognisable and popularised foray into the comedic realm—in the UK context at
least. The brainchild of prominent British comedian Lenny Henry and acclaimed scriptwriter Richard Curtis, this cam-
paign utilises humorous entertainment-as-injustice amelioration, featuring original comedy fronted by a slew of
mostly White comedians and other monochromatic ‘do-gooding’celebrities. Despite recent academic and popular
criticism over the racialised problematics of celebrity participation in humanitarianism amid ethical concerns over
contemporary representations of Africa (ns) (see, e.g. Keenaghan & Reilly, 2017). The strategic mismatch of serious
(tragedy) and the unserious (comedy) has emerged as a lucrative and widely embraced public engagement approach
for the charity, even if, this galvanised attention is short-lived.
Nonetheless, the humour deployed by Comic Relief is for, and in aid of, its organisational ends and not some
witty metalogic, self-referencing critique of the problematics inherent within its own, or humanitarianism's, ‘passion
ADEMOLU 2397
for compassion’(Arendt, 1963). As such, its humour does not hold a mirror up to the tempestuous relationship
between its Western self and the (typically African) ‘Other’, nor does it encourage a revaluation of normative notions
of global poverty. Cameron (2015, p. 282) echoes this idea, expressing that the humour associated with Comic Relief
does not fundamentally challenge conventional charity or prompt contemplations on global injustice.
Accordingly, as humanitarianism ‘shift[s] from alliance to critique’(Ticktin, 2014, p.274), scholars note digital
efforts that satirically illuminate its problematic aspects. This includes Radi-Aid on YouTube, Humanitarians of Tinder
on Tumblr and Barbie Savior on Instagram (see, e.g. Cameron, 2015; Mason, 2016; Richey, 2016; Schwarz &
Richey, 2019).
While making sweeping pronouncements about online humour miniaturises its stylistic heterogeneity, authors,
including Jane (2017a, p. 464) observe that networked laughter is often characterised by one or a combination of:
‘absurdity, profanity, word play, sarcasm, jokes at others' expenses, in-group gags, pranks, competitiveness, playful-
ness, irony, transgression, re-mixes, virality, and so on’. Often mediated through the virtual vocabularies of memes
and gifs as contemporary features of participatory digital culture (p. 465). She traces the roots of this digital humour
to unmoderated forums like 4chan, highlighting its evolution in participatory digital culture (p. 464).
The humour involved in the three humorous campaigns, while varied in stylistic tone and presentation, incorpo-
rates complementary elements of the aforementioned genre of internet humour (see Schwarz & Richey, 2019, for a
comprehensive summary). Radi-Aid on YouTube for instance, is a coordinated advocacy effort initiated by SAIH
(2019) (The Norwegian Students' and Academics' International Assistance Fund), utilising satirised spoofing through
a video series aimed at raising ‘critical debate concerning aid communication and the media's portrayal of develop-
ment in the global South’. This mission is accomplished through mockumentary-styled presentations of a ‘twisted
yet recognizable humanitarian imaginary’(Reestorff, 2015, p. 161), subverting problematic representations and nor-
mative assumptions about Africa.
Similarly, Humanitarians of Tinder (2019) is a Tumblr website concerned with satirising the profiles of Tinder sub-
scribers —a geosocial dating app. Specifically, the website targets, as Mason (2016, p. 826) advises, the colonial trope
of ‘white men and women holding and standing near racialized children in unnamed locations recognized as the
“Third World”’. By showcasing screenshots from social media profiles, the platform transforms these problematic
photos from private exchanges, into ‘a public audience of thousands’(Hess & Flores, 2018, p. 1087). This mode of
digital chastisement intends to call out and arouse ‘moral panic’(Richey, 2016) over users exploiting humanitarian
encounters with the African ‘Other’for romantic appeal. The humour lies in the networked laughter and judgement
from virtual audiences, who mock users' questionable decisions and supposed moral superiority. This socially sanc-
tioned ridicule serves as a playful critique, encouraging better judgement among those involved. Additionally, come-
dic intonations are realised in audiences' ability to creatively reproduce, rejig and supplement the collated content
(Schwarz & Richey, 2019, p. 135).
Lastly, another digitalised campaign of parodic critique is the Instagram account Barbie Savior (2019) which
humorously critiques volunteerism in Africa via a compilation of photoshopped pictures chronicling the doll's imagi-
nary volunteer activities, accompanied by ironic captions. These posts depict the plastic figurine hugging locals, pos-
ing with wildlife and donning traditional African attire and braided hairstyles. Additionally, Barbie Savior glamorises
the banal ordinariness of impoverishment and those experiencing it (through shots of collecting water from a central
pump, and using a squat toilet) (Schwarz & Richey, 2019). All the while remaining the stiletto-heeled centrepiece of
an orchestrated pageantry, centred on the privilege of an ostensibly benign Whiteness. As such, the comedy-value
of this humanitarian-themed campaign is realised in its playful ‘detournement’Laywine (2017, p. 210), forcing audi-
ences to critique the tokenistic artificiality, insincerity and fetishism of humanitarian pursuits. Schwarz and Richey
(2019) identify these three notable campaigns as exemplifications of counternarrative ‘digilantism’(Jane, 2017a), in
their astute comedy-critical attempts at challenging and addressing the discourse and practices of humanitarianism.
These attempts also aim to arouse networked laughter through a self-reflective condemnation of perceived ethical
lapses. Appropriately, this article briefly engages with the realm digilantism and specifically, Jane's (2017a,2017b)
scholarship.
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4|DIGILANTISM: WHERE DIGITAL MEETS VIGILANTISM
As a burgeoning genre of reporting and commentary, social media and social networking sites (SNS) have become
central to modern humanitarianism, enabling bidirectional communication between agencies and their audiences
(Madianou, 2013). Authors have assessed the opportunities of SNS communication for humanitarian action, including
the mediation of suffering. Within this context, social media provides a creative space for political campaigns that cri-
tique and penalise otherwise acceptable practices. The phenomenon of engaging in public denunciations through
punitive measures, known as vigilantism, has found prominence in the digital realm, often termed as digital vigilantism
or digilantism. Digilantism, as defined by social media scholars, refers to retaliatory actions taken independently by
individuals or groups using digital platforms (Loveluck, 2020).
Jane's (2017a, p. 461) groundbreaking feminist analysis of ‘manspreading’2not only explores digilantism but
also demonstrates its applicability across diverse fields, including the subject discussed in this article. She
characterises digilantism as supposedly ‘politically motivated extrajudicial practices’conducted online with the aim
of penalising or holding others accountable due to perceived or actual deficiencies in institutional remedies. Loveluck
(2020) underscores the tripartite essence of digilantism: (1) its denunciatory nature, (2) civilian policing and peer sur-
veillance and (3) the component of administrating penalties. Essentially, digilantism serves dual purposes of educa-
tion and retribution, evident in its applications such as, identifying sexual offenders (Kohm, 2009), addressing police
corruption (Trottier, 2017) and uncovering welfare fraud (Sanscartier, 2017).
Despite the potential of digilantism to bring attention to marginalised issues, there are ethical and effectiveness
concerns. Jane (2017b) suggests that digilantism ranges from extreme actions to forms resembling advocacy, activ-
ism and education, as seen in this article's examples. Nonetheless, this article complicates existing literature by exam-
ining how WUA, through humorous critique, shoots comedic pellets at humanitarianism's portrayal of Africa from a
uniquely African-centric viewpoint.
5|CASE SELECTION AND METHODOLOGY
This article examines publicly accessible material (retrieved without username–password credentials) concerning a
humanitarian-themed initiative, WUA on YouTube (Figure 1); which employs humour to encourage greater public
engagement with global justice issues and critiques problematic representations of Africa. WUA was chosen due to
FIGURE 1 WUA Official YouTube Page Source: YouTube.
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its use of comedic unseriousness and its operations within a discursive context. While humour can vary widely in form
and intent, WUA adopts a satirical approach. Moreover, WUA has gained recognition in major media outlets such as
The Guardian and CNN. It has even been featured on the BBC World News programme's weekly segment, Focus on
Africa.3
The following analytical discussion presents a selection of empirical findings from a broader study conducted
from 2015 to 2018, examining Black British reception of and dis/engagement with humanitarianism, specifically
regarding African representation. The article presents evidence generated in April 2016, comprising visual and verbal
narratives. Specifically, it includes a sample of social media content (videos) extracted from WUA's official YouTube
channel, serving as illustrations of WUA's humorous humanitarian-themed ‘digilantism’. These videos were chosen
as they represent the primary means of communication for WUA, showcasing problematic representations at the
intersection of humanitarianism and the global South, with a particular focus on Africa. They exemplify the stark con-
trast in perceptions between the global North and South as imaginatively different realms. Additionally, they aim to
establish rapport and foster bidirectional communication with virtual communities through networked laughter, serv-
ing as a potent strategy for critical political intervention, emphasising ‘plausible ways to reworld the status quo’
(Waisanen, 2018, p. 72). Lastly, the selection was influenced by the significant popularity of the videos, not only
among WUA subscribers but also within the broader popular media discourse.
Given that WUA had (at the time of data collection) well over 200 videos, a strategic sample was selected: all
videos uploaded between April 2016 and December 2016. However, because video content had been uploaded to
the channel before this period of time, 20 of the channel's most watched videos (unless already included) were
included in this sample. This decision aimed to evaluate both the content of WUA's most popular videos and the
durability of its critique of Western portrayals of Africa/ns. Facilitated by YouTube's search functions, the sampling
process allowed systematic scrolling through the user's videos by ‘date added’or ‘most popular’, resulting in a total
sample of 65 videos, starting from November 2011.
By strategically selecting a timeframe and including the most popular videos (including exemplar cases discussed
in this article), the study offers a comprehensive insight into WUA's content evolution, thematic depth and enduring
impact. This methodological approach allows for a more focused and nuanced analysis than random selection,
encompassing the channel's narratives, strategies and reception (Emerson et al., 2011). Additionally, incorporating
the most-watched videos uploaded before the selected period ensures coverage of content that gained popularity
and sustained attention beyond the defined timeframe.
The interpretive video analysis process involved detailed notetaking and interpretation of content, particularly
focusing on subject matter selection and identifying resonances across the sample. These videos employed ‘edgy
humour’to address problematic humanitarian practices, notably representations of Africa. These interpretations
were integrated with themes and concepts from prior theoretical and empirical knowledge in humanitarianism and
social media literature. This analytical approach reflects the interpretive freedom of qualitative methodologies, espe-
cially in visual research (Emerson et al., 2011). Scholars guided by interpretative paradigms illuminate specific settings
and moments, integrating these subjective insights into existing knowledge.
While the latter—the verbal narratives, originated from an hour-long semi-structured Skype interview with
Ikenna Azuike, the founder of WUA, providing additional contextual insights. Conducting this interview strengthened
the analysis by confirming the sincerity of overarching impressions and interpretive decisions regarding the videos.
The goal was not to triangulate evidence, but rather to afford Ikenna the opportunity, to provide nuanced and alter-
native interpretations of his content through dialogue. This deliberate effort sought to validate both convergent and
potentially divergent perspectives, enhancing the study's methodological rigour (Emerson et al., 2011). The data
analysis process was iterative, refining coding with each iteration.
Both data sets are utilised within the contraflow framework to prompt a reconsideration of the vantage point,
direction and intended audience of critical humanitarian-themed humour, unlike previous publications. As Schwarz
and Richey (2019, p. 1932) contend referencing Radi-Aid,Humanitarians of Tinder and Barbie Savior, this article
engages in a unique interpretive approach by intertwining empirical analysis with popular media critique. This
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innovative strategy aims to highlight the intertextual context of contemporary humanitarian practices. By employing
this combined approach, the researcher remains attuned to the 'evolving metanarratives surrounding the data' and
recognises the importance of humorous humanitarian-themed initiatives as cultural artifacts in critiquing humanitar-
ian practices.
6|WHAT'S UP AFRICA: AN(OTHER) HUMOROUS HUMANITARIAN
DIGILANTISM
In alignment with Schwarz and Richey's (2019) and Jane's (2017) anti-manspreading campaign, this article empirically
examines public condemnations of ‘acts that are entirely lawful’(Jane, 2017b, p. 3) within forums where ‘digilantism’
manifests through the use of ‘edgy, participatory humor that has become so popular in digital cultures’(Jane, 2017a,
p. 464). Citing Waisanen (2018, pp. 72, 76), Schwarz and Richey (2019) label this form of activism as ‘comic counter-
factuals’, characterised by the playful subversion of dominant discourses to foster transformative social change.
Despite its satirical nature, as Colletta (2009, p. 859) suggests, this mode of critique aims to provoke meaningful
change rather than merely ridiculing 'human vices and follies'. Subsequently, three notable cases from the WUA
video sample are presented, addressing broader issues concerning Africa's Africanisation,invisibility and infantilisation.
7|CHASTISING AFRICA'S AFRICANISATION
A video entitled ‘The Worst African Charity Appeal’(Figure 2) stands out as an illustrative case. Through a behind-
the-scenes mockumentary of an East African crisis appeal, Ikenna assumes various roles including WUA's beloved
presidential figure ‘Skagame’and that of a director auditioning the former for a South Sudanese humanitarian aid
appeal intended for Western audiences. Sporting a whimsically ominous guise, adorned with a red velveted kufi cap,
an eye-patch, black leather gloves and the ironic affectation of an old aristocratic Etonian accent, President Skagame
knowingly embodies the persona of a perturbed African leader, appealing to the benevolent sensibilities of charitable
‘do-gooding’(Littler, 2008). Seated amidst scenery of artificial desolation, he feigns tears while declaring: ‘it takes a
lot to get a famine just right especially in a country as fertile as South Sudan’. However, as the director's dissatisfac-
tion with Skagame's lacklustre and unconvincing performance mounts, a caution is tersely issued:
‘For western media, the South Sudanese are not dying fast enough, and celebrities aren't gonna pay
attention unless we've got ourselves a real famine’.
In a last-ditch attempt to appeal to the philanthropic inclinations of donor audiences and the broader interna-
tional community—particularly, ‘celebrities, world leaders, business interests and global aid agencies’—Skagame out-
lines a series of promotional selling points for South Sudan's atrocities, reminiscent of an attention-grabbing movie
trailer. He asserts, ‘this crisis has it all: self-interested politicians, violence scaring farmers from their land—check.
International indifference—check. One million displaced refugees and infrastructure older than Mugabe—check’.
In providing context, it is crucial to note that South Sudan has grappled with food insecurity since gaining inde-
pendence in 2011. This predicament is deeply rooted in a tumultuous history marked by a brutal civil war between
the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Khartoum government. This conflict led to the pillaging, theft
and diversion of critical resources such as cattle, crops and food aid. Moreover, restrictions on humanitarian assis-
tance to displaced populations exacerbated the situation, pushing numerous communities perilously close to famine
(Thomas, 2015). Fast forward to 2014, Africa's youngest nation found itself on the cusp of experiencing one of the
most severe famines since the 1985 Ethiopian crisis (Smith, 2014). Over the course of 8 months, military and ethni-
cally motivated conflicts arose from a political dispute between two key figures from opposing factions within South
ADEMOLU 2401
Sudan's ruling party: President Salva Kiir and his former deputy vice-president-turned-rebel leader, Riek Machar.
These clashes not only hindered farmers and pastoralist communities from planting or harvesting crops, causing
nationwide food shortages exacerbated by severe floods during the rainy season but also displaced 1 500 000 South
Sudanese (Ki-Moon, 2014).
Tens of thousands were killed, while nearly two million were forced to flee their looted homes, seeking refuge in
neighbouring countries. Many ended up in United Nations (UN) displacement camps, enduring inhumane and
unsanitary conditions, while others survived in the wilderness on foraged foods (Smith, 2014). According to the UN
children's fund UNICEF, almost 4 000 000 individuals, a third of the population, urgently needed humanitarian aid,
with at least 235 000 children suffering severe malnutrition (Ki-Moon, 2014). Nevertheless, the analysis of South
Sudan's food security by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) tools revealed that, despite the chal-
lenges posed by recent conflict and floods, the availability of and access to food had not reached famine levels, even
FIGURE 2 ‘The Worst Charity Appeal’Source: YouTube.
2402 ADEMOLU
in some of the hardest-hit regions. Consequently, both technical and political reasons led the UN Security Council
and other humanitarian agencies to refrain from labelling Sudan's humanitarian situation as a famine. Instead, it was
widely reported as a ‘catastrophic food insecurity’and ‘the world's worst food crisis’(Ki-Moon, 2014).
It is this very issue—the IPC's intransigence regarding famine—that resulted in WUA's assertion that the South
Sudanese populace 'are not dying fast enough, reflecting a perception that they are not experiencing a sufficiently
rapid decline. This perception, in turn, may account for the diminished interest among Western global media in cov-
ering a less sensationalised tragedy, thereby setting the stage for WUA's comedic critique. Consequently, the funda-
mental purpose of this video was twofold. It sought to emphasise the absurdity of somewhat downplaying the
weightiness and exigency of South Sudan's humanitarian crisis, while also revealing the (over)compensatory tactics
and melodramatic performances orchestrated by charities to draw attention to comparable issues across continental
Africa. WUA's pantomime demonstration of these performative elements effectively and humorously underscores
this tendency.
Just as important is how WUA's satire, employing exaggeration, reveals the communication methods and strate-
gies used in humanitarian efforts. These contribute to entrenched historical narratives of Africa's vulnerability as an
undeniable reality within the cultural zeitgeist of mainstream Western —and global society. This resonates with
Harrison's (2010)‘Africanisation’concept, wherein material impoverishment and charity are quintessentially African
or symptomatic Africanness, thereby perpetuating the perception of Africa (ns)’s inherent inadequacies
(Andreasson, 2005, p. 972).
Additionally, according to WUA, the attraction of humanitarianism to this portrayal compels it to concoct elabo-
rate and fantastical scenarios of absurdity, with the aim of motivating audiences' charitable inclinations—or lack
thereof. Consequently, straying from or contradicting this established trope implies a departure from a deeply
ingrained perception of Africa as inherently deserving of humanitarian assistance.
This interpretation is supported by Ikenna himself, as evidenced by his comments during an interview:
‘Oh of course, most definitely…, why do you think the director said the Sudanese are not dying fast
enough, you know? I was also talking about how for some reason, Africa occupies British and West-
ern minds where only poverty and suffering authenticates its existence, the reason why we actually
know about Africa. Sadly, without all those things …, the famine, the tragedy, the sadness, western
media don't pay any dust to Africa …, people won't dig deep and help out. It's this absurdity that I
was mocking—the foolishness surrounding this perspective’.
Ikenna's remarks echo Chouliaraki and Vestergaard's (2021, p. 2) argument that the normative deployment of
such problematic representations of Africa, laden with pity and sorrow, functions as a form of sentimental education,
encouraging ostensibly compassionate audiences to ‘dig deep and help out’, as he notes. It is this approach, along
with the universal humanitarian sentiments toward Africa, that Ikenna seeks to critique and address through parodic
playfulness.
8|DENOUNCING AFRICA'S INVISIBILITY
Complementing the despondent sentiment of ‘The Worst African Charity Appeal’, we find another discontentedly
named video: ‘Epic Fail from Oxfam (Again)’
iv
(Figure 3). This video eschews the use of parodic costumes and para-
phernalia, opting instead for a witty and sarcastic approach to social commentary. Here, Ikenna sharply criticises
Africa's misguided reimagining in Oxfam's infamous ‘See Africa Differently’campaign—a well-known hunger allevia-
tion initiative. As articulated by Ogunlesi (2013), the campaign's modus operandi was to desperately divert global
attention from the bombardment of sorrowful portrayals of African hunger to the juxtaposition of ‘African-Hunger-
Backdropped-By-Stunning-African-Landscapes’.
ADEMOLU 2403
Shrugging-off the pictorial inertia of arid dustbowls crammed with malnourished children battling flies, the
charity's compelling campaign advocates: ‘Let's make Africa famous for its epic landscapes, not hunger’. Below this
proclamation is a montage of mountainous and plateau landforms bathed in the soft terracotta palette of an African
sunset, accompanied by an alarmist call-to-action button urging support to ‘end hunger’. This ‘Let's make Africa
famous for …’formula, is copied and pasted in the rollout of other complementary campaigns with country-
specificity. Oxfam wants to make Kenya famous for its ‘food markets and not food shortages’for instance, exempli-
fied by a carefully choreographed arrangement of wooden crates brimming with bulbous, corpulent fruits beneath
which lies a direct appeal to combat food scarcity. Similarly, the campaign proposes that Mali be celebrated for its
FIGURE 3 ‘Epic Fail from Oxfam (Again)’Source: YouTube.
2404 ADEMOLU
‘sunsets’, not just ordinary ones, but its ‘glorious’sunsets reminiscent of the sensuous aesthetic of Marks &
Spencer's food photography. True to form, this promotional declaration is foregrounded by a golden orb reclining
behind African baobab trees and a dugout canoe silhouetted by local fishermen.
Acknowledging Oxfam's apparent attempt to subvert the conventional script of humanitarian representation,
Ikenna nevertheless critiques the organisation's misguided portrayal of Africa with acerbic wit. This combination of
approval and criticism simultaneously eases and amplifies the tension of the moment and underscores the serious-
ness of the matter. In the video, Ikenna remarks:
‘So, the big spending Oxfam campaign is a doozy, I know what you're thinking …finally someone gets
us, thank you Oxfam. We were just a continent full of hungry-ass chicken loving African folk, but now
we can enter the global digital age in our rightful role as the world's…um…well …nothing, I guess?
Because if Africa is just one big pretty postcard according to Oxfam, then its people are pretty
irrelevant’.
The issue Ikenna contends with here is Oxfam's shortsightedness in their ‘post-humanitarian’
(Chouliaraki, 2010) interpretation of Africa, which is intertwined with an inordinate humanitarian desire to idealise
and simplify the continent (Falola & Hoyer, 2017). While well-intentioned, this visualisation of an unspoiled botanical
oasis posited as a marker of positive valuation and feel good veils Africa's diversity and complexities. In his comedic
commentary, Ikenna cleverly exposes the damaging impact of this portrayal, implying that despite its veneer of posi-
tivity, it is as problematic as traditional depictions of African suffering in humanitarian campaigns. Appropriately,
Binyavanga Wainaina's autobiographical and essayistic writing serves as a locus for humanitarian criticism, as he dis-
mantles the Westernised ‘development gaze’of Africa ingrained in representational stereotypes anchored in the
colonial-racialised ideologies of the global North (Kopf, 2022).
His scathing satire, ‘How to Write about Africa’(2005), illustrates Wainaina's Kenyan-centric viewpoint, reveal-
ing the neo-colonial mechanisms by which Africa is portrayed as a uniformly exotic land of natural beauty, ideal for
escapism. Wainaina employs Eurocentric exotism, directing writers to depict Africa with vague descriptions such as
‘deserts, jungles, highlands, savannahs’, portraying it as ‘hot and dusty with rolling grasslands and huge herds of ani-
mals’. He advocates for ambiguity and generalisations, discouraging ‘precise descriptions’instead of ‘romantic and
evocative’depictions that treat Africa ‘as if it were one country’. Both Ikenna and Wainaina share a unified critique,
arguing that depicting Africa as a scenic paradise oversimplifies its richness, reducing it to a mere backdrop. This por-
trayal neglects the everyday realities, struggles and contradictions of African communities, favouring a sanitised
image that reinforces structural stereotypes and biases.
These observations echo existing literature on Africa's invisibility. Scholars argue that Africanisation is profoundly
essentialist and restrictive, hindering efforts to depict its complexity and incorporate African perspectives into public
discourse (Harrison, 2010). Consequently, organisations may resort to conventional stereotypes, such as depicting
poverty and famine, perpetuating an incomplete narrative that obscures issues of injustice and inequality. This con-
strained portrayal of Africa is such that, even positive attempts at rectifying this, through romanticised depictions of
natural abundance, further miniaturises its complexity to a state of invisibility. As such, Ikenna's parodic chastisement
is aimed squarely at Oxfam's pictorial phasing out of Africa's nuanced sociocultural realities and contemporary inhabi-
tants into a generalised nature-filled nothingness where it is rendered silent, invisible and underdeveloped
(Dogra, 2012).
This sentiment is substantiated by Ikenna's interview comments in which he said:
‘These images just say Africa is one big fat nothing, just some vast wild Eden and that's just as damag-
ing and negative than toothpick children begging for food. Where's our modern civilisation? Where
are the countless non-bloated, English-speaking, pocket-money-receiving Nigerians who travel in
their droves to Britain yearly, to study? Now that would be a sight for TV’.
ADEMOLU 2405
9|REBUKING AFRICA'S INFANTILISATION
Lastly, we have the appropriately titled video: ‘BBC's Africa Coverage Sucks’
5
(Figure 4)—recorded before WUA's
collaboration with the BBC. In this episode, Ikenna, known for his quick-witted style, critiques what he perceives as
the ‘institutional and old-fashioned coverage of Africa’by BBC radio journalist John Humphries. Specifically, Ikenna
takes issue with Humphries' assertation on BBC Radio 4’sThe Today programme that ‘Like many African countries,
Liberia exudes potential but has little to show for it’. While the connection to problematic representations of Africa
within humanitarian discourse may not be immediately apparent, Ikenna urges mainstream audiences to recognise
the problematics of the prevalent humanitarian narrative and contemplate the implications (Reestorff, 2015,).He
accomplishes this by portraying Humphries as a representation of mainstream media corporations, the BBC in this
instance, that endorse and legitimise colonial-racial discourses surrounding Africa. Despite the absence of imagery
depicting famine, Africa is still infantilised, presumed to lack the internal diplomacies to progress beyond its per-
ceived developmental stages. Yovanovich (2003, p. 152) observes that this perspective perpetuates the notion that
Africa must ‘catch up’in development to merit meaningful contributions to the global stage, alongside purportedly
more developed nations.
Despite Ikenna admitting in his interview that ‘Oh gosh, yes, I remember that video well. I was just dumfounded
by his comment to be frank with you, we've spoken about it since’, he swiftly transitions to reciting Liberia's many
triumphs. He does so by highlighting its resilience after years of civil unrest, its recognition as one of the world's
fastest-growing economies and the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to former president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in 2011.
By juxtaposing Liberia's accomplishments against negative narratives, Ikenna offers a counter-discourse. In his come-
dic efforts to ‘secure justice online’(Jane, 2017b, p. 3) through educational awareness, he presents a retaliatory ‘do-
it-yourself’response to prevailing narratives about Africa (ns).
Alongside Radi-Aid,Humanitarians of Tinder and Barbie Savior, WUA adopts a condemnatory function, employing
humour to dismantle patronising depictions of Africa(ns) in the public sphere. By crafting new civically-informed
vocabularies, these platforms embody the essence of ‘counterfactuals’(Waisanen, 2018, p. 77), transcending their
FIGURE 4 ‘BBC's Africa Coverage Sucks’Source: YouTube.
2406 ADEMOLU
original content to evoke laughter and disrupt citizens' entrenched perspectives on events, thereby sharpening the
rhetorical and critical focus.
10 |HUMOROUS CONTRAFLOW
At this stage of the analytical discussion, it moves beyond merely rationalising WUA's resonance with other critiques
of parodic social media regarding humanitarianism. The concept of contraflow is crucial here. Originating in transport
engineering nomenclature, contraflow describes a temporary traffic management arrangement where traffic moves
in both directions on a shared carriageway (Cambridge University Press, 2020). It is adopted here to further demon-
strate and problematise the vantage point and direction from which humanitarian-themed ‘networked laughter’
(Rentschler & Thrift, 2015) arises and flows and its intended audience. This argument underscores the significance of
positionality and audience in humanitarian critique beyond mere introspection. Instead of solely critiquing inwardly,
Ikenna-as-WUA crafts satirical content weighted by and imbued with the interpretive distinctiveness of his Black
African racialised lens. This content not only challenges and undermines problematic misrepresentations but also
addresses historicised omissions concerning race within contemporary international development (Kothari, 2006). By
doing so, he establishes a sense of solidarity among continental and diasporic Africans, cultivating mutual recognition
informed by their African-centric positionalities and the subversive laughter this evokes. This allows for both amuse-
ment and lamentation over Western depictions of Africa.
Situated within broader shifts towards reflective humanitarian communication (Chouliaraki, 2010), Schwarz and
Richey (2019) emphasise the necessity to appraise the strategic impact of humanitarian-themed digilantism, viewing
them as part of a wider critique of humanitarianism itself emphasising:
‘It is pertinent to note that these initiatives are all produced by the western audience (and in the case
of Barbie Savior, two former international volunteers). Thus, the rhetorical and critical focus of
humanitarian-themed campaigns is directed inward—our own social conventions are presented as
objects of contemplation in holding up a mirror to the stereotypical imagery produced (pp. 1937–
1938).
Although initially unproblematic and reasonably argued, this observation implicitly presents the ‘western audi-
ence’as a singular and normative entity. It suggests a monochromatic community of belonging in which members of
its constituent parts are legible by its purportedly egalitarian and meritocratic core. Despite the fact that the amor-
phous West is indeed complex, characterised by internal differentiation and contradictory elements within its socially
stratified societies, including the existence of ethno-racial minorities.
Questions thus emerge regarding whether the networked laughter's critical focus is inwardly directed towards
the interiorities of our own social conventions. Admittedly, Schwarz and Richey (2019) acknowledge the two former
international volunteers responsible for Barbie Savior, but curiously omit their whiteness6and raced positionalities.
Interestingly, this is also the case for the creators of Humanitarians of Tinder (White independent filmmaker Cody
Clarke) and Radi-Aid (White Norwegians Anja Bakken Riise7and Erik Schreiner Evans8). Contrasted with WUA's
ethnoracialised Black Africanness, these campaigns critique from divergent positionalities (Figure 5). Unlike Ikenna,
the others arouse laughter from the standpoint of White saviourism, potentially acknowledging their past/current
complicity in perpetuating the problematic humanitarianism they critique.
Hence, our racial identities and the historical foundations of race within humanitarian discourse and practice
shape our perspectives on and critiques of humanitarianism (Majavu, 2022). As per Kothari's (2006) argument, it is
imperative to engage in critical deliberations and interrogations regarding race within development ideologies, insti-
tutions and practices. These conspicuous absences conceal the persistence of racialised narratives, their role in
broader historical and contemporary racial dynamics and the indispensability of race as a pivotal lens for
ADEMOLU 2407
comprehending the mechanisms and consequences of development. Accordingly, rather than inwardly jesting about
his own flaws, Ikenna-as-WUA provocatively confronts the inherent faults of humanitarianism's racialised core
(e.g. the discursive neocolonial marginalisation of Africa and the pitfalls of sanctimonious White western paternalism
etc.). He curates a recorded compilation, a showreel of contemptible best bits, infused with comedic playfulness,
spotlighting the industry's problematic representational discourse concerning Africa(ns), thereby challenging its prev-
ailing narrative.
As Ikenna notes:
‘Let's be honest; the industry is mostly filled with people who don't quite look like us [rubs his cheek
to emphasise his complexion]. As an African myself—Nigerian …, Brown-skinned, you know—WUA's
humour hits close to home for me. It all stems from my frustrations with Africa's portrayal in the
media. I wanted to take playful jabs at the development industry and mainstream media's comedy of
errors—no pun intended, and hold them accountable for their misguided coverage. They tend to paint
Africa in extremes—either in constant crisis needing outside saviours or as overly optimistic and pro-
gressive. This problem isn't new; it's a forever story. And naturally, I couldn't pass up the opportunity
to bring some laughter to fellow Africans by poking fun at the absurd portrayals of our continent. It's
like hitting two targets with one shot, you know?’
FIGURE 5 The Contraflow of Humorous Digilantism in Humanitarian Critique.
2408 ADEMOLU
Just as Wainaina's (2005) satirical writings effectively highlight the follies of African representation within main-
stream development discourse, especially regarding issues with White philanthrotourism, from his conspicuously
Kenyan-centric positionality. Ikenna's Nigerianness adopts a similarly tongue-in-cheek corrective intent. Together,
they employ a critical ethnoracialised perspective that is not so inward looking as to be an anti-critique but outward-
facing towards humanitarianism itself, to cultivate solidarity and amusement among global African communities who
endure these harmful misrepresentations. Similarly, like Wainaina's thought-provoking satire that provokes intro-
spection and change, WUA also embodies a hopeful genre seeking to transform Africa's global portrayal and shift
normative perceptions, offering a sense of healing and restoration to Africans. While not utilising comedy himself,
WUA's comedic calling out of humanitarianism aligns with Mudimbe's (1998) Congolese-informed critique of Africa's
representation. Both unveil and confront dominant constructions that have ideologically Othered Africa.
Relatedly, in unmuting the quietude surrounding race to amplify its presence and render its impact more discern-
ible via comedic delivery. WUA positions itself as a distinctively African ethnoracialised ‘counterpublic’
(Fraser, 1990) amidst similar humorous humanitarian-themed digilantist campaigns. Unlike others, WUA's approach
and ethos are grounded in Ikenna's Black marginality within the historical context of humanitarian discourse, origi-
nating from continental Africa—a locus of historical humanitarian intervention and narratives of White saviourism.
This orientation positions him intimately within, and at the sharp end of, the problematic discourse on African repre-
sentation, imbuing his comedic critique with a poignant and impactful resonance.
Within this frame, WUA is neither a self-referential stratagem aimed at uncovering truths and misdeeds from
within the incubator of humanitarianism's core, nor is it part of an inside/r (‘etic’) joke. Rather, its comedic critiques
and revelations deeply resonate with its primarily continental and diasporic African audience, sparking fits of uproari-
ous networked laughter from their historically marginalised outside/r (‘emic’) relation to humanitarianism's (tacitly
White, western) institutionalised nucleus (Majavu, 2022). This approach and vantage point are reminiscent of the
digilantism observed in Black Twitter (Florini, 2014), an activistic-orientated social media movement centred around
distinct Black issues. Similar to WUA, Black Twitter crafts oppositional narratives to confront the marginalisation and
stigma associated with their identities constructed within and propagated by the White majoritarian mainstream
public sphere (Moran & Gatwiri, 2022).
Amid shifts towards reflective humanitarian communication (Chouliaraki, 2010), WUA effectively raises aware-
ness of Africa's misrepresentation. Nevertheless, its impact on wider social action may be limited, cautioning against
overstating its long-term political ends beyond the online space. However, WUA's unique Black African-centric lens
fosters ‘anticipated digilantism’, shaping audience perceptions and the humanitarian sector's approach to African
portrayals. This has propelled Ikenna to explore various avenues for online justice efforts. We see this in his involve-
ment in international humanitarian aid symposiums, TEDx Talks9and collaborations with INGOs,
10
demonstrating
his commitment to pursuing justice both digitally and offline.
This was elaborated on in an informal post-field conversation with Ikenna, during which he shared:
‘You know, as we're diving into this, hindsight really is a blessing. Looking back, it's amazing how
things have unfolded. Because of my work with What's Up Africa and my unique comedic perspective
as a Brown person, someone of African descent I've had the chance to step into spaces and collabo-
rate with fantastic people I wouldn't have before. Take, for instance, my involvement in the European
Humanitarian Forum. It's allowed me to directly engage with decision-makers and play a role in dis-
cussions about Africa. This recognition and platform have garnered me respect and deference for my
viewpoint over time, putting me at the forefront of development conversations’.
(March 2024)
Ikenna's contemplations offer profound glimpses into the expansive impact of WUA's humanitarian-themed
digilantism, transcending virtual spaces into realms of tangible influence. Rooted in his distinctive comedic ethos and
ethnoracial identity, Ikenna disrupts established humanitarian narrative flows, emerging as a prominent figure within
ADEMOLU 2409
this sphere. His active involvement in prestigious platforms such as the European Humanitarian Forum, known for
convening policymakers, humanitarian partners and stakeholders for global policy and strategy discussions, along
with collaborations with international organisations, has not only amplified his voice but also garnered significant
respect and influence. This acknowledgment marks a notable shift in power dynamics, underscoring the transforma-
tive weight of Ikenna's African-centric perspective in shaping critical dialogues on African representation. These
developments align with the ‘contraflow’concept, signifying a departure from mainstream (historically White) narra-
tives and a redirection of discourse toward a more inclusive and authentic portrayal of Africa in global contexts.
Importantly, Ikenna's offline endeavours suggest a nuanced potential and pathway for engaging with the core of
mainstream humanitarianism. Notwithstanding historical dominance and formalised systems of neocolonialism and White-
ness within this realm (Majavu, 2022), his strategic participation in decision-making processes signifies a subtle yet mean-
ingful departure from the historical marginalisation of Black Africanness. This dynamic implies a certain manoeuvrability in
Ikenna's racial status, wherein he is not ineluctably confined to the margins of humanitarianism. Rather, in these central
spaces, issues of race in development, which are often overlooked or sidelined, are recognised and addressed. This dem-
onstrates the changing landscape of humanitarian discourse and emphasises the potential for marginalised voices, such as
Ikenna's, to wield substantial influence on humanitarian protocols and strategies.
Despite these considerable accomplishments, it is crucial to note that Ikenna's popularity and public appeal have
been instrumental in catalysing this transformation. Conversely, many everyday Black Africans and other racially
minoritised development workers may lack the same level of visibility and social capital to sit at the table of humani-
tarianism's core and effect comparable changes.
11 |CONCLUSION
The juxtaposition of light-hearted entertainment and the serious discourse of humanitarianism in addressing global
issues of poverty and inequality has garnered academic attention. This article emphasises WUA's unique function in
humorous digilantism, employing edgy humour from a critical Black African-centric viewpoint. Unlike other initiatives
such as Radi-Aid,Humanitarians of Tinder and Barbie Savior, WUA's distinctive comedy-critical lens adds depth and
novelty to this discourse, establishing itself as a standout presence.
It is paramount to underscore the unique Black African perspective that WUA brings to the scholarly discourse,
especially within the context of the contraflow concept. This perspective not only enriches the field but also offers a
profound and insightful analysis of humanitarian-themed digilantism. By emphasising WUA's distinctiveness, we
delve deeper into the complexities of race, representation and power dynamics within international development.
This analytical lens allows us to explore how WUA's humour, rooted in Black African experiences, challenges conven-
tional humanitarian narratives and fosters critical discussions on race and inequality. Contrary to concerns about
self-examination and inward critique in social media campaigns, WUA's Black ethnoracialised humour draws atten-
tion from an external perspective, offering a distinct Outside-in critique compared to Inside-Out approaches of other
campaigns. This positions WUA and similar initiatives at opposing etic and emic viewpoints within humanitarian
critique.
Ultimately, WUA's contribution extends beyond entertainment; it sparks meaningful reflections and prompts
important conversations that reshape our understanding of humanitarian practices and their impact on marginalised
communities. By introducing an Africa-centric media intervention into international development discourse, WUA
illuminates the crucial but often overlooked discussions and problematisations of race within development ideolo-
gies, institutions and practices (Kothari, 2006). This nuanced analysis not only enhances our scholarly understanding
but also highlights the significance of diverse voices in shaping humanitarian discourse and practice.
Considering the effectiveness of humanitarian digilantist campaigns this article demonstrates how WUA, along
with similar critiques, embodies a broader trend: the critique of humanitarianism itself of which some are clearly in
the know while others find amusement from the Outside-In.
2410 ADEMOLU
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my gratitude to Ikenna Azuike for his invaluable insights and contributions to this article. As
the founder of the satirical pop-culture show ‘What's Up Africa’, his interviews both during and after the research
process provided essential context and depth to the content discussed herein. Additionally, I extend my thanks to
the anonymous reviewers whose feedback and suggestions greatly improved the quality and clarity of this work.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST STATEMENT
The author declares no competing interests.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
Data sharing not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.
ORCID
Edward Ademolu https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5122-6232
ENDNOTES
1
https://www.comicrelief.com/
2
A pejorative neologism denoting ‘men who sit with their legs in a wide v-shape filling two or three single seats on public
transport’
3
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-africa-30643838
4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mgqhFp3dWto
5
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ffIihjrlc4
6
https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/white-savior-barbie-hilariously-parodies-volunteer-selfies-in-africa_n_
570fd4b5e4b03d8b7b9fc464
7
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rEI8NzMpnho
8
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/nov/26/radiaid-norway-charity-single
9
https://youtu.be/Ps4-UPHneeI
10
https://www.ikennaazuike.com/
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How to cite this article: Ademolu, E. (2024). Laughing from the Outside-In: Considering ‘What's Up Africa’as
an(other) humorous humanitarian digilantism. Journal of International Development,36(5), 2393–2413.
https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.3916
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