ArticlePDF Available

The Way Older Childless Women Value Their Life—A Qualitative Study

Authors:

Abstract and Figures

Older women without children, like all older adults, evaluate their lives and face a conflict between despair and ego integrity as proposed by Erikson’s theory of development. Their uniqueness lies in their deviation from the societal norm of parenthood prevalent in pro-natalist societies such as Israel. This study aims to explore how older childless women evaluate their lives. Using a qualitative approach, 20 semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with women over 60 years of age who do not have children. Three main themes emerged from the participants’ responses: their experiences as women without children in a pro-natalist society, the significance of freedom in their lives, and their life experiences from conflicting perspectives—an internal and external locus of control. The study’s findings demonstrate that older childless women adeptly utilize different perspectives across various aspects of their lives, contributing to ego integrity, contrary to the prevailing societal notion that in the absence of children, women are damaged and lack identity. It is conceivable that other segments of the older adult population, diverging from mainstream societal norms, may similarly leverage these different perspectives to uphold their ego.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Citation: Boker Gonen, T.; Bachner,
Y.G.; Slonim-Nevo, V. The Way Older
Childless Women Value Their Life—A
Qualitative Study. Behav. Sci. 2024,14,
418. https://doi.org/10.3390/
bs14050418
Academic Editor: Dikla Segel-Karpas
Received: 7 April 2024
Revised: 13 May 2024
Accepted: 14 May 2024
Published: 15 May 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
behavioral
sciences
Article
The Way Older Childless Women Value Their
Life—A Qualitative Study
Tom Boker Gonen 1,* , Yaacov G. Bachner 1and Vered Slonim-Nevo 2
1M.A Program in Gerontology, School of Public Health, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev,
Beersheba 8410501, Israel; bachner@bgu.ac.il
2The Charlotte B. and Jack J. Spitzer Department of Social Work, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev,
Beersheba 8410501, Israel; slonim@bgu.ac.il
*Correspondence: tombo@post.bgu.ac.il; +972-507753580
Abstract: Older women without children, like all older adults, evaluate their lives and face a conflict
between despair and ego integrity as proposed by Erikson’s theory of development. Their uniqueness
lies in their deviation from the societal norm of parenthood prevalent in pro-natalist societies such as
Israel. This study aims to explore how older childless women evaluate their lives. Using a qualitative
approach, 20 semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with women over 60 years of
age who do not have children. Three main themes emerged from the participants’ responses: their
experiences as women without children in a pro-natalist society, the significance of freedom in their
lives, and their life experiences from conflicting perspectives—an internal and external locus of control.
The study’s findings demonstrate that older childless women adeptly utilize different perspectives
across various aspects of their lives, contributing to ego integrity, contrary to the prevailing societal
notion that in the absence of children, women are damaged and lack identity. It is conceivable
that other segments of the older adult population, diverging from mainstream societal norms, may
similarly leverage these different perspectives to uphold their ego.
Keywords: pro-natalism; childless women; life review; locus of control; qualitative study
1. Introduction
Global transformations have altered the concept of the family unit, allowing for the
separation of relationships, sexuality, and parenthood. This shift has contributed to a
rise in the number of individuals without children [
1
]. According to the OECD, there
is an observable increase in the percentage of women aged 40 to 44 without children.
However, it is important to note that existing data are not consistently available, and in
many countries, there are a lack of comprehensive data spanning multiple years. In Israel,
as of 2008,
10.8% of
women aged 40–44 were reported to be childless [
2
]. Israel is often
characterized as a pro-natalist state where childbirth and parenthood are upheld as central
values [
1
]. The policy of encouraging childbirth was rooted in society and established a
widespread perception of motherhood as a social status [
3
]; consequently, there is criticism
towards childless women [
1
]. These women face social stigma [
4
] and are labeled as being
emotionally blocked, damaged, selfish [
5
], and having a damaged identity [
6
]. Nevertheless,
Rothrauff and Cooney’s study did not find conclusive evidence supporting the notion that
parenting is indispensable for the development of women [7].
Among childless women, there is a unique group of older women. While specific
data regarding the number of older childless women in Israel are unavailable, U.S. Census
Bureau data indicate that 15% of women over the age of 55 are childless in the United
States [
8
]. The State of Israel incorporates fertility treatments into its state health services,
extending these services to women until the age of 54 for treatments involving egg cell
donation [
9
]. Beyond the age of 60, the likelihood of natural conception diminishes due
to diminished egg cell quality and a depleted reserve of ovarian follicles [
10
]. The social
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs14050418 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/behavsci
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 2 of 11
distinctiveness of older childless women influences their lives. Their identity encompasses
membership in various social groups, impacting their self-perception and societal expec-
tations [
11
]. For example, their gender places them under unique societal expectations
regarding family-raising, child education, and household responsibilities [
12
]. In addition
to belonging to a subset of individuals who are not parents, situated within a pro-natalist
society [
13
], they are also a part of the older adult’s demographic in a society with ageist
perceptions [
14
]. The deviation of these women from the social norm of parenting leads to
societal labels [
5
,
6
,
15
]. There is a risk that they may internalize these stigmas, potentially
impacting their life evaluations and their ability to attain ego integrity detrimentally.
Due to the unique circumstances of older childless women, they encounter distinct
challenges in many aspects in their old age. Socially, according to studies, older adults
without children have a limited social network compared to those with children [
6
,
16
]. The
main areas of assistance that the family should provide are emotional support, instrumental
help, and contact with health, welfare, and economic institutions. Aging without children
decreases the amount of family assistance to older adults, since the children usually pro-
vide this assistance [
17
]. Hsieh and Zhang, found that in the absence of family support,
older adults tend to neglect their health problems, which may be a factor that increases
mortality [
16
]. Emotionally, according to Erikson’s theory of development, older adults
experience an internal conflict when observing and evaluating their own life. When a
person examines his own life and evaluates it positively, the result of the internal conflict
will be ego integrity, even if he had difficulties and failures in the past [
18
]. There are
conflicting findings about the emotional state of older adults without children. On the one
hand, the study by Vikstrom and others found that older adults without children do not
experience loneliness and depression at a higher level than older adults with children. The
reason for this may be the use of coping strategies, adopted throughout life, in dealing with
their deviation from the social norm [
19
]. On the other hand, Hsieh and Zhang found that
childless older adults report depression, poor wellbeing, loneliness, anxiety, and multiple
functional limitations, more than older adults with children [
16
]. From the scientific lit-
erature, it is impossible to assess whether the absence of children affects their emotional
state in old age and how they value their lives. In the context of a pro-natalist societal
framework, childless women encounter stigmatization due to their departure from the
established social norm of parenthood, subsequently being subjected to derogatory labels
such as “damaged”. Within the framework of Erikson’s psychosocial developmental theory,
childless women in their later years confront a profound existential conflict between despair
and ego integrity as they engage in a retrospective assessment of their life trajectories. This
study seeks to scrutinize how older childless women value their life experiences within the
confines of a pro-natalist society that actively advocates for and emphasizes the imperative
of childbirth. While the scientific literature encompasses many studies on individuals
without children [
1
,
4
,
5
,
15
], there is a scarcity of research explicitly focusing on women in
old age.
2. Materials and Methods
This study utilized a qualitative research method. While numerous studies have
delved into the experiences of childless women [
1
,
4
,
5
,
15
], this research specifically focuses
on this demographic in old age.
2.1. Participants
The study’s participants were selected based on their compliance with predetermined
criteria in purposive sampling [
20
], which included women over the age of 60 who were
not mothers and were living in Israel. Academic literature lacks a precise definition for old
age. For this study, the age of 60 was established as the threshold for participation since
some researchers define this age as older adulthood. Childless women over the age 60,
are not organized under an official body or institution. The invitation to the study was
distributed to social workers in institutions for older adults, such as welfare departments
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 3 of 11
for older adults, assisted living facilities, nursing companies, and day centers. The referral
to older adults’ institutions stemmed from the understanding that although most older
adults were unsuitable for the study, older adults without children tend to turn more to
welfare services to fulfill their needs when family support is limited [
6
]. Social workers
from these institutions facilitated the connection with women who were suitable for the
study. Simultaneously, the invitation to participate in the study was published on the
social network Facebook in designated groups for seniors and people without children. A
description of the study’s participants is presented in Table 1.
Table 1. Description of the Study’s participants.
Name
(Pseudonym) Age Place of
Living
Level of
Religiosity
Sexual
Preference
Family
Status
Health
Condition
Galia 78 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Shlomit 63 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Mimi 72 City Secular Heterosexual Married Recovering from cancer
Yochi 71 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Flora 95 City Secular Heterosexual Widow Have a nursing
assistant
Tirzza 76 Kibbutz Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Hava 80 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Sigal 72 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Ana 61 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Kira 65 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Ilana 67 City Secular Heterosexual Widow In good health
Rinat 65 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Orit 64 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Oxana 69 City Secular Heterosexual Widow Have a nursing
assistant
Shoshana 72 City Secular Heterosexual Divorced In good health
Svatlana 76 City Secular Heterosexual Married In good health
Amalia 66 City Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Rivka 85 City Traditional Heterosexual Single In good health
Mari 76 Village Secular Heterosexual Single In good health
Kamila 78 City Secular Heterosexual Single Have a nursing
assistant
2.2. Data Collection
The study’s data were gathered through semi-structured, in-depth interviews [
21
],
employing an interview guide approved by the ethics committee of Ben Gurion University
(protocol code 39-2022). Initial contact with the participants occurred through a telephone
call, during which the purpose of the study and the intention to conduct face-to-face
interviews, subsequently recorded, were explained. Regrettably, four women declined to
participate, expressing a preference for telephone interviews, leading to their exclusion from
the study. The interviews commenced with a general question, “Tell me about yourself”
providing participants the opportunity to articulate their narratives and share salient
aspects of their lives from their perspectives. Following this, additional questions were
posed regarding various aspects of their lives, including their childhood, adulthood, and
the experience of not having children. At the end of each interview, additional questions
were asked to gather socio-demographic information, including age, family status, and
sexual preference. All interviews were conducted face-to-face, with the participant locations
determined by the participant’s preferences, recognizing the significance of creating a secure
and conducive environment for sharing personal details. Predominantly, participants opted
to meet at their residences, while three preferred interviews in a café, two in a park, and
one in her office. All interviews transpired in quiet, secluded, and private settings.
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 4 of 11
2.3. Data Analysis
The interviews were analyzed using the thematic analysis method, which refers to
the interview as a reflection of the inner world of the participants. In the first phase, all
interviews were subjected to a comprehensive analysis, during which initial observations
were made regarding the insights derived from the interviews [
22
]. For instance, a notable
contrast emerged between the perception of life as predetermined by fate and the lived
experience of having choices and the capacity to shape one’s own life. Subsequently, each
interview was carefully reread and categorized into distinct themes based on its content [
23
].
Following the categorization of interviews, a tabular representation was constructed, with
each column corresponding to one interview, listing all pertinent topics derived from
it. This table facilitated the visualization of topics across all interviews and enabled the
examination of connections between them, leading to the formulation of three central
themes [22].
2.4. Standards for Evaluating the Quality of the Research
The reliability of the study was strengthened by using direct quotes and rich detail
about the procedure of recruiting the participants, conducting the interviews and their
location, and the process of analyzing the findings. While conducting the interviews and
their analysis, the researcher compiled a researcher’s diary that allowed familiarization
with the researcher’s feelings, distinguishing them from the knowledge that emerged
from the interviews. This diary provided the researcher with the means to self-examine
the research process. Throughout the analysis process, the researchers returned to the
interview recordings to maintain the broad context of the interviews and the reliability of
the study’s findings.
2.5. Ethical Issues
The qualitative study involves ethical considerations arising from the interactions
between the researcher and the participants, including the dynamics of their relationship.
Firstly, to uphold the confidentiality of the participants, pseudonyms were utilized in the
study for all names.
Among the consenting participants, the majority expressed a preference for the inter-
views to be conducted in their homes, perceived as a space granting researchers access to
their private realms. Home settings, however, introduced complexities concerning privacy
boundaries, necessitating meticulous care from interviewers to safeguard the confidentiality
of participants. Notably, in one instance of the 14 interviews conducted at the participant’s
home, the participant’s husband was present, while in 3 others, nursing assistants were in
close proximity. All interviews were conducted in a designated private room to mitigate
potential influences on interview content and the participants’ openness. At the beginning
of the interview, participants were apprised of their prerogative to terminate the interview
at any juncture and to solely respond to queries within their comfort zone. Furthermore,
the researcher provided the participants with comprehensive contact details, extending
an avenue for recourse in the event of post-interview distress. Participants were further
informed of their option to defer the interview until the eventual publication of the study.
It should be noted that in order to enhance and refine the text, some parts were edited
for English language improvements using AI tools.
3. Results
Three main themes emerged from the participants’ responses regarding how older
childless women appreciate their lives: firstly, their experiences as women who are not
mothers in a pro-natalist society; secondly, the meaning of freedom in their lives. Thirdly,
the participants described events from their lives from contrasting perspectives: on one
hand, they described life as designed by fate, and on the other hand, they believed that
they can shape their life as they want.
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 5 of 11
3.1. Experience as Childless Women in a Pro-Natalist Society
The participants described their lives as childless women in a society that sanctifies
childbirth and parenthood. They described the events that led them not to be mothers, their
feelings about it at old age, and their perception of parenting in the pro-natalist society, as
women who are not mothers.
3.1.1. Explanation Provided for the Reasons Participants Are Not Mothers
The life events that led the participants not to be mothers were different and stemmed
from their life experiences, the environment in which they grew up and the opportunities
that came their way. Two key aspects of why they were not mothers were identified. Firstly,
many expressed difficulty in finding a suitable partner with whom to co-parent. Secondly,
some chose not to become single mothers, which they perceived as a direct continuation of
the difficulty of finding a suitable relationship. A relationship symbolizes partnership and
sharing the effort required in raising a child. Several explanations were identified for the
difficulty of finding a relationship for parenting. Firstly, a general difficulty in finding a
relationship was noted, as 14 of the participants were single and were never married.
“I was looking for a partner, in Kibbutz Ha’ir, I went out to the city for a bit, came back to
the farm, uh... I couldn’t find the partner”. (Orit)
The second difficulty was having a relationship that is not suitable for parenting. Not
every relationship is well-established and stable enough for partnership and long-term
commitment. Rinat described that she had several relationships that were not suitable for
parenthood. In some cases, the man made it clear that he was not interested in parenting,
and in some cases, she decided that she was not interested in parenting with the man with
whom she was in a relationship.
“All the relationships that I had, and had, stood in contradiction to... the children [...]
either they didn’t want, or I looked at the man I was with and I said that I’m not ready for
him to be the father of my children, and I’m not ready for a child who can’t be returned to
the store to bind us forever”. (Rinat)
In contrast to Rinat, Amalia described a relationship dedicated to parenting that did
not achieve this goal. Towards the age of 40, Amalia decided to try to be a mother and
found a partner who was interested in parenting like her. Despite the desire of the two,
Amalia was unable to conceive, and the relationship eventually ended.
“I said, well, he can only suit me if I conceive, only. And it’s been a whole year, and I
didn’t, and I got tested and the doctor told me, ‘You are perfectly fine’. The doctor told me
that my partner needed to do a test [...] I told him that if he didn’t have test results when
I was back, he shouldn’t be here. And so it was, I knew he wouldn’t, probably he knew he
had some kind of an issue”. (Amalia)
In addition, the participants described their choice not to be single mothers due to the
physical and mental strength required in raising a child alone and the belief that a child
needs two parents. Their choice not to be single mothers was influenced by the difficulty of
creating a relationship in general and parenthood in particular.
“I thought about being a single mother and I thought that for the child, from my point of
view, a child needs two parents. It’s a big job if you take it seriously and... I didn’t think I
had enough strength, mentally and physically, to take care of the child myself. So, I said
to myself, ‘I will not raise a child alone’”. (Mimi)
3.1.2. Between Regret and Reconciliation
The participants expressed a range of emotions regarding their non-motherhood status.
Kamila described regret; however, Sigal described an acceptance regarding her status.
“What I regret in life is that I don’t have children”. (Kamila)
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 6 of 11
“I’m neither a mother nor a father ((laughing)), yes... uh... I don’t mind that. I don’t
mind, no [...] I don’t have any... uh... I don’t have any Ah... Deliberations or... I don’t
have any... qualms of conscience”. (Sigal)
While some expressed regret and some described a feeling of completeness and
acceptance with this aspect of their lives, some women described a change in their feelings
that resulted from the ability to examine the past. Yochi described both regret as well as
acceptance that she is not a mother. These feelings, which usually oppose each other, testify
to the process she went through over the years. She wanted to be a mother, but it did not
happen. Today, at 71 years old, she has no regrets about the way her life turned out.
“Let’s say that up until the age of 30, I actually thought about having a child and it didn’t
work out... now I don’t regret it... in retrospect, I don’t regret it”. (Yochi)
On the other hand, Kira expressed deep sorrow for not having children. Kira’s regret
characterized her mature life; according to her, the change occurred because she grew up
and could examine her past.
“I’m quite sorry for the process I went through [
. . .
] I’m not satisfied with the fact that I
wasn’t a mother [...] But everything is in today’s view because today I say sorry, but then
I was in a completely different situation”. (Kira)
3.1.3. Criticism towards Parenting
The participants described their points of view regarding parenting, including the
motives for parenting and children’s behavior towards their parents. Some of the partici-
pants believed that parenting stems from the parent’s egoistic motives. Yochi described her
point of view as one in which parenthood fulfills the parent’s needs and is not necessarily
intended to benefit the child.
“I think that having a child... I mean, I also think, for example, that parenthood is a very
selfish step. He doesn’t bring the... he wants the child for himself, and not for the child”.
(Yochi)
Another criticism refers to the failure of the children to fulfill their responsibilities to
their parents. Parents face difficulty when their children become independent, sometimes
without gratitude for the parental effort in raising them. From the eyes of the participants,
parents in old age feel that their children have forgotten them.
“The days you are alone happens to everyone, not only to those who are alone and don’t
have children... it also happens to those who have children, and the children don’t always
come to visit them... and they are miserable”. (Sigal)
3.2. Freedom
The participants emphasized their desire for freedom and the resources they invested
to achieve it, even when it meant facing social and personal challenges. Freedom allows
one to act according to personal needs and desires, without the need to be flexible to the
will of others. Commitment, in its various forms, may affect freedom due to the needs
of another person. Fourteen of the participants were not married, an aspect that allowed
them, from their perspective, to maintain their independence.
“Being free for me... it’s not just that I’ve never married [...] my freedom is a very, very
important value in my life.” (Rinat)
3.3. Different Perspectives on Events in Life
The participants recounted events from their lives through two conflicting perceptions.
Firstly, they viewed life as a product of their choices, decisions, and actions, wherein they
had the ability to shape their reality, strive towards their goals, and determine the course
of their lives. Secondly, some perceived life as predetermined by fate or a higher power,
without their ability to exert control. Interestingly, most participants held both perceptions
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 7 of 11
simultaneously, despite their contrast. For instance, Rinat highlighted her experience of
not having children. On one hand, she described her proactive choice to undergo fertility
treatments in an attempt to conceive and become a mother.
“And I said OK, so now I’m going to have a child alone like they do [...] I said well I’m
going to do it, and I went to do it”. (Rinat)
On the other hand, she attributed the failure to conceive to “God”, conceptualizing it
as a decree by a higher power.
“The universe helps me decide, I leave it to God, I’m not a religious person but I have a lot
of faith. I leave it to God...if God wants it will be successful before the age of 45”. (Rinat)
Galia also presented conflicting points of view on events in her life. Most of the time,
she presented her life as the product of actively choosing how she would live.
“The labor [...] I said to myself ‘I’m not going through this, I don’t want to go through
this.’ [
. . .
] And I think that then, at the age of 20 or so, I already felt that I was probably
not into it. And... over the years, I wasn’t into getting married either”. (Galia)
At the same time, she described a belief in fate and the universe as having the
power to shape her life and to open and close opportunities for her.
“I believe in fate, in the universe [...] late in my life, someone from above is looking down
on me and constantly organizing and arranging things for me”. (Galia)
First, Galia described her choices of not becoming a mother and not getting married
as choices that she made and shaped her life. At the same time, she described her belief in
fate, in the universe a belief that another power shapes her life, creates possibilities for her,
and directs the path of her life.
4. Discussion
This study aimed to understand the subjective evaluations of life among older childless
women. In the context of Israel, a pro-natalist nation, women who remain childless are
often perceived as deviating from the prevailing social norm [
1
]. This deviation is often
accompanied by social labeling, which can significantly influence self-perception. The
impact of such labeling may be either positive, reinforcing one’s sense of self, or negative,
leading to introspection and questioning of identity [
3
]. This study specifically focused
on older women without children, investigating how they evaluate their lives in light of
societal norms and expectations.
The study’s findings reveal three main aspects of the way old childless women evalu-
ate their lives. Two primary factors contribute to their childlessness. Firstly, many expressed
difficulties in finding a suitable partner with whom to co-parent. Among the 20 partici-
pants, 14 remained single in their later years. Secondly, some chose not to become single
mothers, which they perceived as a direct continuation of the difficulty of finding a suitable
relationship. In view of those decisions and other aspects of their lives, older childless
women highlight the significance and centrality of freedom in their life trajectory. Lastly,
the study’s findings reveal the different perspectives used by older childless women when
evaluating their life and the decisions they made.
According to Erikson’s developmental theory, a crucial aspect of the aging process
involves individuals evaluating their past lives and confronting a conflict with outcomes
of either despair or ego integrity [
18
]. Butler posited that this life-evaluation process is a
natural and healthy occurrence that happens universally in old age. This cognitive and
conscious retrospective analysis involves revisiting unresolved conflicts from the past and
reassessing them through a contemporary lens [
24
]. In Erikson’s framework, a positive
resolution to this evaluative process results in ego integrity, whereas feelings of frustration
and regret towards past experiences may lead to a sense of despair [
18
]. Older childless
women employ diverse perspectives when evaluating various facets of their lives. On
one hand, they manifest an internal locus of control, signifying a belief in their ability
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 8 of 11
to shape the trajectory of their lives [
25
]. Accordingly, they articulated instances where
they actively directed the course of their lives. Conversely, an external locus of control
is evident, reflecting a belief that life is influenced by fate or a higher power as God [
25
].
This perspective is associated with experiences wherein certain aspects of their lives were
perceived as beyond their control. Notably, most of the participants used both perspectives,
despite the inherent dissonance between them, navigating the nuanced interplay between
them. Their tendency to attribute successes and achievements to an internal locus of
control, thereby associating positive facets of their lives with a sense of pride and meaning,
is noteworthy. The utilization of an internal locus of control is recognized for its role in
fortifying one’s sense of self [
26
]. Conversely, when recounting failures or expressing
regrets, older childless women tended to attribute those to external factors such as fate or a
higher power, framing them as circumstances beyond personal control. This deployment of
an external locus of control serves as a mechanism for distancing themselves from negative
aspects of their lives. The findings underscore the salience that older childless women
attribute to the concept of freedom in their lives. These women emphasized the significance
of freedom in shaping their life trajectories and as a foundational element influencing their
choices. The prominence of freedom in the lives of childless women aligns with findings
from prior research [27,28]. The ability to live a life characterized by freedom is perceived
as a valuable resource. It serves as a coping mechanism when addressing life’s challenges,
such as the experience of being single or lamenting the absence of motherhood among some
women. It is conceivable that the interpretation of older women without children regarding
the concept of freedom within their lives may stem from a concerted effort to achieve
ego integrity during their “life review” phase. The perceived benefits and opportunities
engendered by this freedom may serve as a protective mechanism for their sense of self,
thereby reducing the likelihood of encountering despair in old age.
The study’s findings reveal the deliberate choice of older childless women to refrain
from becoming single mothers. Consistent with the findings of the study by Chauhan and
colleagues, the present results highlight that the lack of suitable relationships serves as a key
factor influencing women’s decisions to refrain from becoming mothers [
29
]. These women
highlighting that their status as childless women originated from a conscious decision
rooted in an internal locus of control. This decision-making process entailed a thorough
evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages associated with single parenthood in com-
parison to a life without children. Historically, societal norms have reflected a prevailing
notion that a single parent could not adequately fulfill all the needs of a child, contributing
to the non-acceptance of single parenthood. This facet also emerged prominently within
the findings of the study, wherein the entrenched social norm emphasizing the necessity
of a couple in parenting influenced the participants’ perceptions of competence. While
many women affirmed their decision not to pursue single motherhood, some expressed
regret regarding this choice. The ability to make such decisions is imbued with elements
of power and control over one’s life, accompanied by a responsibility for the ensuing
outcomes. Consequently, the women articulated a nuanced interplay of autonomy and
control [
30
] alongside feelings of regret and, at times, perceived failure, which may give
rise to a sense of despair when reflecting on their past lives. It is possible that some of
the criticism expressed by the participants towards parenting may serve as a means of
protecting themselves against feelings of regret for not being mothers.
The study’s findings revealed that older childless women employ various perspectives
to describe events in their lives, thereby enhancing ego integrity. Professionals involved
in facilitating “life review” processes for older adults should be aware of these diverse
perspectives, including the interplay between internal and external locus of control, and
their significance in fostering ego integrity. Furthermore, it is conceivable that other
segments of the older adult population, diverging from mainstream societal norms, may
similarly leverage these different perspectives to maintain their integrity in the context of
aging. Older childless women may encounter societal reactions in a pro-natalist society
due to their unique status, deviating from the prevailing societal norm of parenthood. This
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 9 of 11
divergence can give rise to the emergence of social stigmas and attendant challenges [
1
].
The risk associated with stigma lies in its potential internalization by the stigmatized
individual [
31
]. Consequently, the risks associated with societal stigma toward older
childless women encompass their internalization as damaged individuals [
5
], selfish [
15
],
or considered underdeveloped [
6
]. As part of the normative “life review” process in old
age, older childless women engage in a comprehensive evaluation of their lives. They
employ an internal and external locus of control, strategically leveraging these perspectives
to bolster positive aspects and navigate away from failures and disappointments. The
strategic utilization of both internal and external locus of control serves as a tool, allowing
these women to evaluate their lives in a way conducive to preserving ego integrity and
avoiding experiences of despair in their later years.
Limitations
This study has several limitations. The study relied on a small qualitative sample
comprising semi-structured in-depth interviews, with 20 women. It does not differentiate
between women who were not mothers by choice due to ideological reasons and those
who were not mothers due to life circumstances, such as difficulties in finding a partner.
There is a difficulty in making a distinction regarding how much women choose not
to be mothers [
32
]; participants testified that throughout life, their perception changed,
and some of them did not know how to testify clearly as to why they are not mothers.
Moreover, the findings of the study hold relevance within the context of a pro-natalist
society characterized by both covert and overt pressures towards parenthood. However, it is
imperative to acknowledge the dynamic nature of societal attitudes and norms surrounding
parenthood, especially considering the ongoing global shifts in social perceptions and
behaviors related to childbearing. Thus, while the research outcomes offer valuable insights,
their applicability to contemporary cohorts of young childless women may warrant closer
examination and potential recalibration.
5. Conclusions
Older childless women in a pro-natalist society attribute meaning to their lives and
portray them positively, even when discussing failures, regrets, and a sense of missed
opportunities from their past. They achieve this by harmoniously employing both internal
and external locus of control in their narratives. This nuanced utilization of cognitive
mechanisms allows them to navigate and reconcile potential conflicts, contributing to a
more positive overall evaluation of their lives within the context of societal expectations.
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, T.B.G., Y.G.B. and V.S.-N.; Methodology, T.B.G. and
V.S.-N.
; Formal analysis, T.B.G. and V.S.-N.; Investigation, T.B.G.; Writing—original draft preparation,
T.B.G.; Writing—review and editing, Y.G.B. and V.S.-N.; Visualization, T.B.G. and Y.G.B.; Supervision,
Y.G.B. and V.S.-N. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration
of Helsinki, and approved by the Ethics Committee of Ben Gurion University of the Negev, protocol
code 39-2022 at 11/1/2022.
Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in
the study
.
Data Availability Statement: The data presented in this study are available on request from the
corresponding author due to privacy concerns and confidentiality of the interviewees.
Acknowledgments: The authors thank all the women who participated in this study. Some sections
of the study were edited for English language improvements using ChatGPT 3.5.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 10 of 11
References
1. Donat, A. Fractured pronatalism: Narratives of procreation and nonprocreation in Israel. Isr. Sociol. 2010,11, 417–439.
2.
The Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, OECD Family Database (OECD Publication No. SF2.5). 2018.
Available online: https://www.oecd.org/els/family/SF_2-5-Childlessness.pdf (accessed on 1 March 2024).
3. Tal, A. And the Country Is Full: Dealing with Population Explosion in Israel; The United Kibbutz: Tel Aviv, Israel, 2016; pp. 119–236.
4.
Kreyenfeld, M.; Konietzka, D. Childlessness in Europe: Contexts, Causes, and Consequences; Springer: Gewerbestrasse, Switzerland,
2017; pp. 3–57.
5.
Szalma, I. Attitudes, Norms, and Beliefs Related to Assisted Reproduction Technologies among Childless Women in a Pronatalist Society;
Springer: Budapest, Hungary, 2021; pp. 1–38.
6.
Hadley, R. ‘It’s Most of My Life—Going to the Pub or the Group’: The Social Networks of Involuntarily Childless Older Men.
Ageing Soc. 2021,41, 51–76. [CrossRef]
7.
Rothrauff, T.; Cooney, T.M. The role of generativity in psychological well-being: Does it differ for childless adults and parents? J.
Adult Dev. 2008,15, 148–159. [CrossRef]
8.
U.S. Census Bureau. Childless Older Americans: 2018. (P70–173). Available online: https://www.census.gov/content/dam/
Census/library/publications/2021/demo/p70 (accessed on 22 February 2024).
9.
State Health Insurance Law. 1994. Available online: https://www.nevo.co.il/law_html/law01/036_001.htm (accessed on
2 November 2023).
10.
Aimala, A.M. Age and fertility. In Preconception Health and Care—Handbook for Education; Tuomi, J., Ed.; Tampereen Ammattiko-
rkeakoulun: Tampere, Finland, 2021; pp. 37–45.
11.
Kulich, C.; Lemus, S.; Kosakowska-Berezecka, N.; Lorenzi-Cioldi, F. Editorial: Multiple identities management: Effects on (of)
identification, attitudes, behavior and well-Being. In Multiple Identities Management; Kulich, C., Lemus, S., Kosakowska-Berezecka,
N., Lorenzi-Cioldi, F., Eds.; Frontiers Media SA: Lausanne, Switzerland, 2017; pp. 5–9.
12.
Seixas da Silva, M. Motherhood. In Gender Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion in Academia; Duarte, M., Losleben, K., Fjørtoft, K., Eds.;
Routledge: London, England, 2023; pp. 62–72. [CrossRef]
13.
Birenbaum-Carmeli, D. Israeli demography: A composite portrait of a reproductive outlier. Isr. Aff. 2021,27, 1053–1081. [CrossRef]
14.
Hartzog, E.; Korazim-Korosy, Y. “A population at risk”: Ageism toward elders during the COVID-19 era in Israel. J. Contemp.
Ethnogr. 2024,53, 96–126. [CrossRef]
15.
Coates-Davies, J. The Experience of Being a Childfree Woman. In The Existential Crisis of Motherhood; Arnold-Baker, C., Ed.;
Pelgrave Macmillan: London, UK, 2020; pp. 241–256.
16.
Hsieh, N.; Zhang, Z. Childlessness and social support in old age in China. J. Cross-Cult. Gerontol. 2021,36, 121–137. [CrossRef]
[PubMed]
17.
Halevi-Hochwald, I.; Arieli, D.; Radomyslsky, Z.; Danon, Y.; Nissanholtz, R. Emotion work and feeling rules: Coping strategies of
family caregivers of people with end stage dementia in Israel—A qualitative study. Dementia 2022,21, 1154–1172. [CrossRef]
[PubMed]
18.
Erikson, A. Childhood and Society the Landmark Work on the Social Significance of Childhood; W. W. Norton & Company: New York,
New York, NY, USA, 1993; pp. 247–275.
19.
Vikstrom, J.; Bladh, M.; Hammar, M.; Marcusson, J.; Wressle, E.; Sydsjo, G. The influences of childlessness on the psychological
well-being and social network of the oldest old. BMC Geriatr. 2011,11, 78. [CrossRef]
20.
Miles, M.B.; Huberman, A.M. An Expanded Sourcebook: Qualitative Data Analysis, 2nd ed.; Sage Publications: Thousand, CA, USA,
1994; pp. 1–50.
21. Lincoln, Y.S.; Guba, E.G. Naturalistic Inquiry; Sage Publications: London, UK, 1985; pp. 332–382.
22. Braum, V.; Clarke, V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qual. Res. Psychol. 2006,3, 77–101. [CrossRef]
23.
Creswell, J.W.; Poth, C.N. Qualitative Inquiry & Research Design: Choosing among Five Approaches; Sage Publications: Thousand, CA,
USA, 2017; pp. 181–225.
24. Butler, R.N. Aging and Mental Health: Positive Psychosocial and Biomedical Approaches; Allyn & Bacon: Boston, MA, USA, 1963.
25.
Rotter, J.B. Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. Psychol. Monogr. Gen. Appl. 1966,
80, 1–28. [CrossRef]
26.
Akbay, S.E.; Delibalta, A. Academic risk-taking behavior in university students: Academic procrastination, academic locus of
control, and academic perfectionism. Eurasian J. Educ. Res. 2020,89, 159–177. [CrossRef]
27.
Chan, R.; Rossen, L.; Kwee, J. Voices of (m)otherhood: Listening to the experiences of single and childless women. J. Soc. Pers.
Relatsh. 2023,40, 4293–4313. [CrossRef]
28.
Peterson, H. Fifty shades of freedom. Voluntary childlessness as women’s ultimate liberation. Women’s Stud. Int. Forum 2015,
53, 182–191. [CrossRef]
29.
Chauhan, D.; Jackson, E.; Harper, J.C. Childless by circumstance—Using an online survey to explore the experiences of childless
women who had wanted children. Reprod. Biomed. Soc. Online 2021,12, 44–55. [CrossRef] [PubMed]
30.
Rubinstein, R.L. Childless elderly: Theoretical perspectives and practical concerns. J. Cross-Cult. Gerontol. 1987,2, 1–14. [CrossRef]
[PubMed]
Behav. Sci. 2024,14, 418 11 of 11
31. Goffman, E. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity; Simon & Schuster: Hoboken, NJ, USA, 1963; pp. 1–41.
32. Harrington, R. Childless. Psychoanal. Dialogues 2019,29, 35–50. [CrossRef]
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual
author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to
people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
Single and childless women over the age of 35 constitute an expanding demographic in North America and many parts of the world, yet our society continues to place importance on marriage and family as markers of life success. This study explored how eight single (never-married) and childless women experience themselves during early midlife (ages 35–45) utilizing the Listening Guide method of analysis. Three categories of participant voices were uncovered in this research: voices which conveyed the positivity of living a single and childless identity (i.e. the voices of hope, faith, gratitude, nurturance, freedom, and resilience), voices which conveyed the struggles of living a single and childless identity (i.e. the voices of invisibility, shame, confusion, loneliness, guilt, longing, and uncertain waiting), and the voice of ambivalence. Implications for clinical practice and research are discussed.
Article
Full-text available
Background End stage dementia is an inevitable phase following a prolonged deterioration. Family caregivers for people with end stage dementia who live in their home can experience an emotional burden. Emotion work and “feeling-rules” refers to socially shared norms and self-management of feelings, as well as projecting emotions appropriate for the situation, aiming at achieving a positive environment as a resource for supporting others’ wellbeing. Objectives Exploring and describing the experience of family caregivers of people with end stage dementia at home, in Israel, unpacking their emotional coping and the emotional-strategies they use, and placing family caregivers' emotion work in a cultural context. Method We conducted fifty qualitative interviews using semi structured interviews analyzed through a thematic content analysis approach. Findings Four characteristics of emotion work were identified: (1) sliding between detachment and engagement, (2) separating the person from their condition (3), adoption of caregiving as a social role and a type of social reinforcement, and (4) using the caregiving role in coping with loneliness and emptiness. The emotional coping strategies are culturally contextualized, since they are influenced by the participants’ cultural background. Discussion This article’s focus is transparent family caregivers' emotion work, a topic which has rarely been discussed in the literature is the context of caring for a family member with dementia at home. In our study, emotion work appears as a twofold concept: the emotion work by itself contributed to the burden, since family caregivers' burden experience can evolve from the dissonance between their “true” feelings of anger and frustration and their expected “acceptable” feelings (“feeling-rules”) formed by cultural norms. However, emotion work was also a major source of coping and finding strength and self-meaning. Understanding and recognizing the emotion work and the cultural and religious influence in this coping mechanism can help professionals who treat people with end stage dementia to better support family-caregivers.
Article
Full-text available
Although previous studies showed that children are the primary source of old-age support in China, much less is known about the availability and sources of social support among childless elders. Also, little research has explored how older adults’ social support transitions over time by childless status. Using the 2005 and 2011 Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey (N = 14,575), this study examined the transition of living arrangement and sources of social support by childless status among adults aged 65 and older. A series of multinomial logistic and linear regression models were used to analyze the data. Results show that compared to elders with children, childless elders were more likely to live alone or in an institution at baseline, but their probability of living alone decreased substantially while that of living in an institution increased modestly in the 6-year follow-up. Moreover, childless elders generally had fewer support sources, but this disadvantage became smaller over time. Although childless elders were significantly more likely to depend on nobody, the spouse, grandchildren (or other relatives), or nonrelatives for support at baseline, this pattern disappeared in the follow-up likely due to mortality selection. Findings imply that although the risk of social isolation among childless elders becomes lower as age progresses, garnering more social resources at younger ages may help reduce their premature mortality.
Article
Full-text available
Childlessness is increasing globally. This study aimed to explore the experiences of childless women who had wanted children. An online survey study was promoted through social media to recruit women aged ≥46 years who were childless by circumstance. The survey remained open for 15 days. In total, 303 survey responses were collected, 176 of which were complete surveys. In total, 15.3% (27/176) of women who had wanted children reported that they had not tried to have children, most commonly due to the lack of a partner (40.7%, 11/27). Of the 139 women who had tried to have children, 70.5% (98/139) had used calendar-based menstrual cycle tracking methods to identify their fertile window, and many had undergone fertility checks including hormone tests (75.5%, 105/139) and ultrasound scans (71.2%, 99/139). A significant proportion of women had experienced a miscarriage (40.2%, 56/139). Many women had decided not to have any fertility treatment (43.2%, 60/139). For those who did, the majority had tried in-vitro fertilization (74.6%, 59/79). The most common reason that women gave for stopping fertility treatment was due to emotional reasons (74.7%, 59/79). When asked how women felt now about their childlessness, the most common issues identified were unhappiness (85/158, 54%), acceptance (43/158, 27%) and happiness (30/158, 19%). There should be more support for unsuccessful fertility patients and other childless women, and more emphasis should be placed upon fertility education in order to ensure that women are better informed about fertility issues.
Article
With a fertility rate twice higher than the OECD average, Israel is a world outlier in terms of fertility. This article puts together a composite portrait of this exceptional reproductive landscape. Within a comparative framework, it offers context-specific illustrations showing that considered vis-à-vis women in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and Jewish FSU immigrants to the U.S., FSU immigrants to Israel had higher fertility. Inside Israel, all non-Jewish women have decreased their fertility rate in the past two decades, whereas Jewish women of all strata, but ultra orthodox women, have increased their fertility rate. Given the material challenges of child-rearing in Israel, the article concludes with some questions and preliminary answers regarding Israel’s exceptional fertility rates.
Book
This book examines the general attitudes of childless women to assisted reproduction technologies as well as the norms and beliefs concerning partnership, age and burdens related to assisted reproduction technologies based on four focus group discussions and 32 semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The results show that there is an overall positive attitude to assisted reproduction, but that does not necessarily mean that someone would use assisted reproduction if they needed it and considerable differences in views across age groups can be found. Content • Childless women’s general attitudes to assisted reproductive technology in Hungary • Views about what partnership norms are necessary for involvement in assisted reproductive treatments in a pronatalist society • Beliefs about age-related restrictions and the burdens related to undergoing assisted reproductive treatments Target groups • General readers interested in the topic of assisted reproductive treatments • Policymakers who are interested in understanding the embeddedness of social attitudes towards ART in a pronatalist society • Family sociologist who are boarder interested in family formations related to beliefs and norms among childless women Author Ivett Szalma, PhD is a Senior Researcher at the Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences and an Associate Professor at the Corvinus University of Budapest (Hungary). She is the Head of the Family Sociology Section of the Hungarian Sociological Association. Her research topics include attitudes towards assisted reproduction technology, childlessness, non-resident fatherhood, post-separation fertility, measurement of homophobia and adoption by same-sex couples.
Book
“This is an amazing and rich exploration of motherhood through many different voices. It shines a light on so many hidden voices and from many unique and fascinating perspectives. I loved the differing chapters each with their own focus interwoven with the stories of women, and men, and scientific literature. Highly recommended not only for those working with mothers professionally but also for new mums to explore this unique time in their life.” - Dr Rebecca Moore, Perinatal Psychiatrist and Co-Founder Make Birth Better “This extremely well-written book discusses motherhood in the context of our existence as a whole. The contributions range from philosophical considerations to social and cultural dimensions to clinical practice. It turns out that motherhood teaches us a lot about what it means to be human, if only we are willing to share and listen. A unique collection, fascinating to read.” - Tanja Staehler, Professor of European Philosophy, University of Sussex, UK This book offers a new perspective on the motherhood experience. Drawing on existential philosophy and recent phenomenological research into motherhood, the book demonstrates how motherhood can be understood as an existential crisis. It argues that an awareness of the existential issues women face will enable mothers to gain a deeper understanding of the multifaceted aspects of their experience. The book is divided into four sections: Existential Crisis, Maternal Mental Health Crisis, Social Crisis and Working with Existential Crisis, where each section examines different experiences of being a mother. Each chapter is based on either experiential research or the author’s extensive therapeutic experience of working with mothers and reflects different aspects of the motherhood journey, all through the lens of a philosophical existential approach. The book offers a new resource for mental health practitioners and researchers working with mothers, midwives and health visitors, but it is also written for mothers, providing new insights on this important life transition. Claire Arnold-Baker is a counselling psychologist and existential psychotherapist specialising in working with mothers. She is also Course Leader of the DCPsych Programme, a joint programme with The New School of Psychotherapy and Counselling and Middlesex University, UK.
Chapter
One-fifth of women in Britain reach 45 without having children, yet much of the literature around this age group views women as primarily mothers and biological specimens whose psychological health is affected by the menopause. This chapter is based upon qualitative research that asked how the decade between 45 and 55 is experienced by women who have chosen to remain childless. The concepts of choice, freedom, maternal instinct, temporality, selflessness and selfishness are deconstructed and explored from an existential perspective in order to shed new light on the often misunderstood phenomenon of being childfree.