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TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
NEW CHALLENGES FOR XXI CENTURY CITIES:
Global warming, ageing of population, reduction of energy consumption, immigration flows,
optimization of land use, technological innovation
1 (2024)
Published by
Laboratory of Land Use Mobility and Environment
DICEA - Department of Civil, Architectural and Environmental Engineering
University of Naples "Federico II"
TeMA is realized by CAB - Center for Libraries at “Federico II” University of Naples using Open Journal System
Editor-in-Chief: Rocco Papa
print ISSN 1970-9889 | online ISSN 1970-9870
Licence: Cancelleria del Tribunale di Napoli, n° 6 of 29/01/2008
Editorial correspondence
Laboratory of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
DICEA - Department of Civil, Building and Environmental Engineering
University of Naples "Federico II"
Piazzale Tecchio, 80
80125 Naples
web: www.serena.unina.it/index.php/tema
e-mail: redazione.tema@unina.it
The cover image shows older people climbing Via Raffaele Morghen's stairs in Naples (Source: TeMA Journal Editorial Staff).
TeMA
Journal of
Land Use, Mobility and Environment
TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
TeMA. Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment offers researches, applications and contributions with a unified approach to planning and
mobility and publishes original inter-disciplinary papers on the interaction of transport, land use and environment. Domains include: engineering,
planning, modeling, behavior, economics, geography, regional science, sociology, architecture and design, network science and complex
systems.
With ANVUR resolution of April 2020, TeMA Journal and the articles published from 2016 are included in A category of scientific journals. The
articles published on TeMA are included in main international scientific database as Scopus (form 2023), Web of Science (form 2015) and the
Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). TeMA Journal has also received the Sparc Europe Seal for Open Access Journals released by
Scholarly Publishing and Academic Resources Coalition (SPARC Europe). TeMA is published under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
License and is blind peer reviewed at least by two referees selected among high-profile scientists. TeMA has been published since 2007 and is
indexed in the main bibliographical databases and it is present in the catalogues of hundreds of academic and research libraries worldwide.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Rocco Papa, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Mir Ali, University of Illinois, USA
Luca Bertolini, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Luuk Boelens, Ghent University, Belgium
Dino Borri, Politecnico di Bari, Italy
Enrique Calderon, Technical University of Madrid, Spain
Pierluigi Coppola, Politecnico di Milano, Italy
Derrick De Kerckhove, University of Toronto, Canada
Mark Deakin, Edinburgh Napier University, Scotland
Carmela Gargiulo, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Aharon Kellerman, University of Haifa, Israel
Nicos Komninos, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece
David Matthew Levinson, University of Minnesota, USA
Paolo Malanima, Magna Græcia University of Catanzaro, Italy
Agostino Nuzzolo, Tor Vergata University of Rome, Italy
Rocco Papa, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Serge Salat, UMCS Institute, France
Mattheos Santamouris, NK University of Athens, Greece
Ali Soltani, Shiraz University, Iran
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Rosaria Battarra, CNR, Italy
Matteo Caglioni, Université Cote D'azur, France
Alessia Calafiore, University of Edinburgh, UK
Gerardo Carpentieri, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Luigi dell'Olio, University of Cantabria, Spain
Isidoro Fasolino, University of Salerno, Italy
Romano Fistola, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Stefano Franco, Politecnico di Bari, Italy
Federica Gaglione, University of Sannio, Italy
Carmen Guida, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Thomas Hartmann, Utrecht University, Netherlands
Markus Hesse, University of Luxemburg, Luxemburg
Zhanat Idrisheva, D. Serikbayev EKTU, Kazakhstan
Zhadyra Konurbayeva, D. Serikbayev EKTU, Kazakhstan
Seda Kundak, Technical University of Istanbul, Turkey
Rosa Anna La Rocca, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Houshmand Ebrahimpour Masoumi, TU of Berlin, Germany
Giuseppe Mazzeo, Pegaso Telematic University, Italy
Nicola Morelli, Aalborg University, Denmark
Enrica Papa, University of Westminster, United Kingdom
Yolanda Pena Boquete, AYeconomics Research Centre, Spain
Dorina Pojani, University of Queensland, Australia
Nailya Saifulina, University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain
Athena Yiannakou, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece
John Zacharias, Peking University, China
Cecilia Zecca, Royal College of Art, UK
Floriana Zucaro, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
EDITORIAL STAFF
Gennaro Angiello, Ph.D. at University of Naples Federico II, Systemica, Bruxelles, Belgium
Annunziata D’Amico, Ph.D. student at University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Valerio Martinelli, Ph.D. student at University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Stella Pennino, Ph.D. student at University of Naples Federico II, Italy
Tonia Stiuso, Research fellowship at University of Naples Federico II, Italy
TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
TeMA
Journal of
Land Use, Mobility and Environment
NEW CHALLENGES FOR XXI CENTURY CITIES:
Global warming, ageing of population, reduction of energy consumption, immigration
flows, optimization of land use, technological innovation
1 (2024)
Contents
5
3
EDITORIAL PREFACE
Rocco Papa
FOCUS
7
Land use changes of coastal wetlands using remote sensing.
Study of Muthurajawela & Anawilundawa wetlands, Sri Lanka
Harsha Dias Dahanayake, DDGL Dahanayaka, Paul Hudson, Deepthi Wickramasinghe
23
Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviours in the Tunisian Sahel region
Mehdi El kébir, Aymen Ghédira
LUME (Land Use, Mobility and Environment)
51
Towards the Spanish local urban agenda. The evolution of urban
regeneration in Spain (2014-2022)
Federico Camerin, Lucas Álvarez-Del-Valle, Ana Díez-Bermejo, Ivan Rodríguez-Suárez
71
Sustainable development and proximity city. The environmental
role of new public spaces
Antonio Bocca
89
Spatial attractiveness towards industrial placement: a parametric index
based on spatial-economic territorial exposure metrics
Diego Altafini, Valerio Cutini
TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
109
Planning the transition of cities. Innovative research
approaches and trajectories
Francesca Moraci, Carmelina Bevilacqua, Pasquale Pizzimenti
129
The cost of shopping: measuring virtual and physical
access for obtaining goods
Jing Chen, Mengying Cui, David Levinson
REVIEW NOTES
147
New trends in energy transition policies: citizens' involvement
in the European energy market
Valerio Martinelli
155
Strategies and instruments for active mobility: comparison
of international experiences
Annunziata D’Amico
169
Global warming or global warning? A review of urban practices
for climate change adaptation in Europe
Stella Pennino
179
Exploring approaches and solutions for urban safety: a focus on women
Tonia Stiuso
TeMA
Journal of
Land Use, Mobility and Environment
TeMA 1 (2024) 23-49
print ISSN 1970-9889, e-ISSN 1970-9870
DOI: 10.6092/1970-9870/10415
Received 30th October 2023, Accepted 8th April 2024, Available online 30th April 2024
Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial License 4.0
http://www.serena.unina.it/index.php/tema
Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the
Tunisian Sahel region
Mehdi El Kébira,b*, Aymen Ghédirab
a Higher School of Economic and Commercial Sciences,
University of Tunis, Tunis, Tunisia
e-mail: m.elkebir01@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7592-9883
* Corresponding author
b Higher Institute of Transport and Logistics
University of Sousse, Sousse, Tunisia
e-mail: a.ghedira@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4614-4037
Abstract
The integration of gender into questions of everyday mobility has been the focus of scientific research for
several years. Despite the breadth of this topic, few studies on gender mobility are conducted in southern
countries. This article attempts to fill this knowledge gap and paint a portrait of women's travel behavior in
Tunisia. The study area is the Tunisian Sahel, which was studied as part of a household travel survey
conducted in 2019. Based on 2,021 observations, a descriptive analysis of mobility behavior was carried
out, providing information about the main travel patterns for both genders in this region. Our analysis
deviates from the traditional approach of categorizing women as a unified group, and examining their
mobility on an individual basis by considering their income levels. Significant differences were observed
between the two genders, which are influenced by the socio-cultural context of Tunisian women and their
financial situation. The majority of women are less mobile than men, as more complex journeys are limited
to the vicinity of home, and they often rely on public transport. As financial conditions improve for women,
travel tends to become easier. Comparing the analytical results of our study with scientific references reveals
numerous similarities and differences.
Keywords
Mobility; Gender; Income; Equity; Distance; Time; Costs
How to cite item in APA format
El Kébir, M. & Ghédira, N. (2024). Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region.
TeMA - Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
,
17
(1), 23-49. http://dx.doi.org/10.6093/1970-
9870/10415
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
24 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
1. Introduction
The new structure of modern cities emphasizes the central role of mobility in them. With the vast expansion
of urban areas and the spatial disparity of essential activities, mobility becomes a necessity that influences an
individual's right to the city and shapes its participation in communal activities (Lucas et al., 2016; Thynell,
2016; Boisjoly & Yengoh, 2017; Kett et al., 2020; Pirra et al., 2021; Joshi & Bailey, 2023). However, given this
importance, mobility tends to be very different across different social groups, whether for economic, physical,
cultural or even psychological reasons. This idea has consequently led to unequal access to various
opportunities in the city (Maksim, 2011; Heinen, 2016; Boisjoly & Yengoh, 2017; Pirra et al., 2021), which is
particularly the case for women who continue to face significant challenges in accessing various transportation
options that affect their participation in society (Sane, 2022). Therefore, forming a gender perspective on
mobility in urban environments without gender neutrality represents a crucial step towards understanding
these barriers with the aim of reducing gender differences and inequalities (Bellmann et al., 2020; Gauvin et
al., 2020).
The connection between mobility and gender has been the focus of research since the 1970s (Law, 1999),
and studies fields have been mainly limited to developed countries (Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Lee, 2017;
Uteng & Tuner, 2019; Gauvin et al., 2020; Hidayati et al., 2020; Kawgan-Kagan, 2020; Pirra et al., 2021;
Rodríguez De La Rosa et al., 2022; Chen et al., 2023; Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023). Largely due to the
unavailability of data, gender mobility has rarely been studied in southern contexts, even though greater
mobility differences exist between both genders, where women face many challenges in accessing
transportation facilities, coupled with sociocultural constraints that significantly impact their right to the city
(Adeel et al., 2017; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Howe, 2022; Kacharo et al., 2022; Macedo et al., 2022; Porter et
al., 2022; Alizadeh & Sharifi, 2023; Murphy et al., 2023; Parker & Rubin, 2023; Vanderschuren et al., 2023;
Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). According to this fact, this article seeks to fill this gap by examining the mobility
practices of men and women in the Sahel, and being among the first references to analyze the relationship
between gender and mobility in Tunisia.
Tunisia is located in North Africa and has been one of the most progressive countries in terms of women's
rights since its independence in 1956 (Nillesen et al., 2021; Kashina, 2021). Despite all efforts, Tunisian women
still face inequality in both the private and public spheres, especially in the interior and the south, and are
even seen as second-class citizens living in the shadow of men as the main breadwinners, according to the
conservative consciousness of the Tunisians' social and cultural heritage and deviate from the progressive
legal framework (Abbott, 2017; Nillesen et al., 2021; Kashina, 2021; Murphy et al., 2023): a situation that is
intensifying after the Arab Spring and the rise of Islamic groups are attempting to impose a sharia-based
religious identity on Tunisian society (Hitman, 2018).
In this socio-cultural environment, increasing restrictions on female mobility are evident, underpinned by
security issues (particularly harassment) that limit women's travel, their participation in social and economic
life, and even their choice of clothing, leading to further family restrictions through permissions and
companionship. These restrictions influence women's travel behavior (choice of mode of transport, purpose of
the trip, distance travelled, transport costs, etc.) and also lead to the differences in daily mobility between
both genders.
Against this background, the aim of our study is to analyze the everyday journeys of women in the Tunisian
transport system and to examine the similarities as well as differences in mobility patterns compared to men
according to different income categories. Therefore, we seek to answer the following questions: What are the
differences in mobility patterns between men and women in Tunisia in terms of mode choice, travel purpose,
travel volume, time, distance, and cost? How does the financial situation affect the mobility of Tunisian
women? Our research is organized as follows: Section 2 presents a literature review of the main ideas arising
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
25 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
from the articulation between mobility and gender. Section 3 is dedicated to presenting the data collection
technique as well as our research area and the variables to be analyzed. The results obtained will be the
subject of Section 4. The fifth part concludes with a summary of the main findings and suggestions for further
research.
2. Literature review
While the focus is on examining the issues related to gender differences, several studies have focused on
analyzing travel behavior based on the differences between men and women (Mahadevia & Advani, 2016;
Maciejewska, 2019; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Kacharo et al., 2022; Macedo et al., 2022; Porter et al., 2022;
Alizadeh & Sharifi, 2023; Murphy et al., 2023; Parker & Rubin, 2023; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). They
repeatedly find a visible connection between mobility and gender, with some assuming that this connection
reflects the existing inequalities and inequities in our contemporary society. Certainly, mobility is both a
necessity and a means of preserving the right to collective life in cities characterized by geographical sprawl
and dispersion of activities. However, this meaning does not hide its discriminatory nature, linked to unequal
access to transport facilities and, consequently, to urban facilities (Maksim, 2011; Porter et al., 2022; Murphy
et al., 2023).
Biological and behavioral differences between men and women, as well as the cultural context they experience,
lead to different access to opportunities within the city. This imbalance particularly disadvantages women in a
transport system that is primarily geared towards men (Babinard, 2011; Pojani, 2011; Uteng, 2011; Basaric
et al., 2016; Heinen, 2016; Cook & Butz, 2018; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Rodríguez De La Rosa et al., 2022;
Jain & Geetam, 2020; Senikidou et al., 2022; Parker & Rubin, 2023; Pourhashem et al., 2022; Porter et al.,
2022; Alizadeh & Sharifi, 2023; Murphy et al., 2023; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). Therefore, we move from
an inequality issue to a social justice issue and evaluate women's travel from an equity perspective.
Women's mobility has been studied in the literature in two main categories (Maciejewska, 2019). The first
category focuses specifically on women's travel behavior with an emphasis on social justice and environmental
sustainability (Delbosc & Currie, 2011; Pojani, 2011; Uteng & Tuner, 2019; Iqbal et al., 2020; Hidayati et al.,
2020; Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023). The second highlights gender differences in mobility between
men and women (Onadja et al., 2013; Zunzunegui et al., 2015; Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Basaric et al.,
2016; Lee, 2017; McLaren, 2018; Craig & Van Tienoven, 2019; Maciejewska, 2019; Uteng & Turner, 2019;
Adom-Asamoah et al., 2020; Bellmann et al., 2020; Gauvin et al., 2020; Hidayati et al., 2020; Nasrin & Bunker,
2021; Jain & Geetam, 2020; Parker & Rubin, 2023; Pourhashem et al., 2022; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024).
Our work falls into the second category and aims to analyze the position of women in the Tunisian transport
system by comparing their mobility behavior with that of men.
The main findings in the literature suggest that women typically travel shorter distances, often closer to home
and for optional reasons (Scheiner, 2010; Frändberg & Vilhelmson, 2011; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al.,
2021; Rodríguez De La Rosa et al., 2022; Parker & Rubin, 2023). Women's trips are chained and involve
multiple activities, making them more complex than men's trips (Jain et al., 2011; Brown et al., 2014; Basaric
et al., 2016; Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Scheiner & Holz-Rau, 2017; Vanderschuren et al., 2019; Bellmann
et al., 2020; Gauvin et al., 2020; Dingil et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Rodríguez De
La Rosa et al., 2022; Parker & Rubin, 2023).
Regarding transportation choice, women tend to walk and use public transportation more often (Levy, 2016;
Scheiner, 2014; Basaric et al., 2016; Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Greed, 2019; Uteng & Turner, 2019;
Bellmann et al., 2020; Havet et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Abdullah et al., 2022;
Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023; Murphy et al., 2023) and have limited access to private car, which are more
commonly used by men as they have the primary privilege for car use within a household (Boarnet & Hsu,
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
26 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
2015; Levy, 2016; Mahadevia & Advani, 2016; Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Singh, 2019; Dingil, et al., 2021;
Havet et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023). Some explain
this by the diversity of natural preferences between the two sexes and by women being less interested in
modes and activities that are largely carried out by men (Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021).
These differences have their roots in social identity and culture, which is formed either within the family or at
school (Sultana & Mateo-Babiano, 2017; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023) and
portray men in a position of strength at the expense of women. This fact is supported by the unequal
distribution of roles between the two genders in the household or society globally, as well as women's limited
access to resources (reflected in their lower income) (Kwan & Kotsev, 2015; Parker & Rubin, 2023; Nasrin &
Bunker, 2021). This reality leads to increased responsibilities for women, including travel related to household
tasks and accompanying children or even the elderly (Sánchez de Madariaga, 2013; Scheiner & Christian Holz-
Rau, 2017; Motte-Baumvol et al., 2017, Havet et al., 2021; Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023; Pirra et al., 2021;
Scheiner & Holz-Rau, 2017; Abdullah et al., 2022; Loukaitou-Sideris & Ceccato, 2020), and they find
themselves very constrained in terms of time, which limits the work opportunities that may be available to
them (Kim et al., 2012; McQuaid & Chen, 2012; Scheiner & Holz-Rau, 2012; Craig & Powell, 2013;
Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023; Havet et al., 2021; Fan, 2015; Pirra et al., 2021).
These results likely differ from one geographical context to another and consequently from one culture to
another (Hanson, 2010; Adeel et al., 2017; Maciejewska, 2019; Hidayati et al., 2020; Xu, 2020; Pirra et al.,
2021), directing several works towards analyzing this perception with the aim to fully understand the mobility
behavior of both genders. The consideration of sociodemographic characteristics in addition to gender such
as age, income or marital status (Onadja et al., 2013; Zunzunegui et al., 2015; Basaric et al., 2016; Adeel et
al., 2017; Pirra et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021) proves to be an essential addition to the analysis.
To address this issue, we decided to expand our analysis by including the income aspect to examine its impact
on women's urban mobility and identify differences compared to men. This idea has been the subject of
various studies in the literature, mainly focused on developing countries (Uteng, 2011; Gera & Hasdell, 2020;
Jain & Geetam, 2020; King et al., 2021; Olivieri & Fageda, 2021; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). According to
these references, women's mobility characteristics are described by their financial situation, which not only
determines their choice of mode of transport but also shapes the extent of their opportunities (Uteng, 2011;
Gera & Hasdell, 2020; Jain & Geetam, 2020; King et al., 2021; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). Given limited
affordability, women choose walking to meet their mobility needs and are less inclined to own a vehicle or a
driver's license (Lecompte & Bocarejo, 2017; Gera & Hasdell, 2020). This situation changes as income
increases, as women tend to use more motorized transport (Lecompte & Bocarejo, 2017; Saigal et al., 2021).
The study on gender issues in transport in the context of Tunisia was presented in an exploratory study by
the CODATU association (Cooperation for Urban Mobility in Developing Countries) in 2017, focusing on the
masculinity of the transport sector and violence against women in public spaces, especially on public transport.
A recent study by Porter et al. (2022) in the low-income neighborhoods of Tunis has drawn attention to the
safety challenges faced by young women in two different periods (pre- and post-COVID-19). Another recent
study was conducted by Murphy et al. (2023) with the aim of studying the daily journeys of women living in
socioeconomically marginalized neighborhoods of Grand Tunis. In contrast, limited research on women as
transport users or even employees have been published in Tunisia, and some of it has been conducted on a
large scale involving the MENA region (Delatte et al., 2018). For example, the World Bank study on the
challenges and opportunities of mobility from a gender perspective in MENA countries (World Bank, 2012)
focused on women's mobility patterns without including Tunisia in this research. This serves as motivation for
us to delve deeper into this topic and provide insights into the position of women in the Tunisian transport
system. Despite efforts to support women's rights and promote their place in society, little action has been
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
27 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
taken due to an inherited repressive regime that neglects recognition of women's needs in development
strategies and disadvantages them (Kallander, 2021; Murphy et al., 2023). Numerically, this situation was
expressed by the fact that according to Global Gender Gap Reports, Tunisia ranked 120th among 156 countries
in 2021 (after ranking 90th in 2006) (Murphy et al., 2023). Furthermore, Tunisian women are less present in
the labor market than men, with a participation rate of 25.5% (58% in the informal segment) compared to
68% of men (World Bank, 2022; World Economic Forum, 2022). Combined with unequal wages and the unfair
cultural roles assigned to them (carrying household responsibilities around 33-50% of their day) (The New
Arab, 2023), many Tunisian women still find it difficult to achieve financial freedom. This reality forces low-
income females to use the least safe and convenient modes of transportation and to adapt their mobility needs
to avoid unsafe stations and neighborhoods, even if it means spending additional time to reach their
destination (Murphy et al., 2023). Safety remains one of the biggest challenges for Tunisian women (with or
without financial relief) when accessing and using transportation in Tunisia. It influences their choice of
transport, the way they reach transport stations, their travel time and even the way they dress (to prevent
petty crime) (Murphy et al., 2023).
3. Data and analysis variables
In this section, we highlight the methodology used in our study by presenting the data collection approach,
the study area and the analysis variables used.
3.1 Data collection
This study uses data from a survey conducted in 2019 in the Tunisian Sahel region. The questionnaire was
carried out as part of a master's research with the aim of defining a real state of daily mobility practices in the
Greater Sahel region and highlighting the existing socio-demographic and spatial gaps by providing answers
to questions such as: How do the inhabitants of the Sahel region move around? what are their mobility
patterns? what modes of transport do they use? how often? for what purpose? for how much cost, time and
distance? how do they rate the quality of the transport supply available to them? What variability can be
observed between the different socio-demographic categories serving this region? And what are the spatial
gaps in mobility and access to social life between the different governorates and even the different delegations
that make up the Sahel region?
The survey consists of four parts, which make it possible to provide information both on the socio-demographic
characteristics of the respondents, the needs and characteristics of mobility, the total number of trips made
daily and the level of participation in social life related to the available transport service. For this research we
will use the sections on the characteristics and mobility needs of the inhabitants of the Sahel, as well as the
peculiarities of their daily travels (The survey questionnaire is presented in Appendix A-1).
The total sample collected for our study consisted of 2,021 respondents selected from a total population of
1,206,763 individuals aged 15 to 60 years and older (INS, 2014), using the stratified probability sampling
technique. According to this sampling method, a heterogeneous population is first divided into homogeneous
strata based on preselected characteristics and then independent samples are selected from each of these
subgroups. In simpler terms, it involves defining distinct and mutually exclusive strata within the target
population based on a specific variable such as gender, age, region, household status, income, etc.
Independent sampling can then be performed using any sampling method that may vary from one subgroup
to another.
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
28 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
The main reason for choosing this method is its efficiency in sample definition. It allows the determination of
an appropriate sample size for each subgroup within the target population, ensuring precise and accurate
representation.
For this study, stratification was carried out according to spatial context (governorates/delegations), gender
and age of the Tunisian Sahel population. This approach allows us to recruit the appropriate number of people
to be interviewed within a specific gender, age group and residence in a specific delegation of a specific
governorate. Appendix A-2 provides a representation of stratified sampling in Sousse Governorate. The overall
sample was evenly distributed between women (51.4%) and men (48.6%). This parity is due to the
comparatively higher proportion of women in the Sahel compared to men (51% women versus 49% men).
Below we present a statistical distribution of the sociodemographic characteristics of our sample (Tab.1).
Tunisian Sahel
Region (2,021)
Women (1,038)
Men (983)
Age
15-19 years old
235
11.6%
117
11.3%
118
12%
20-29 years old
504
25%
258
24.9%
246
25%
30-39 years old
428
21.1%
225
21.7%
203
20.7%
4049 years old
337
16.7%
168
16.2%
169
17.2%
50-59 years old
256
12.6%
130
12.5%
126
12.8%
60 years and older
261
13%
140
13.5%
121
12.3%
Socio-
professional
category
High school student
236
11.7%
127
12.2%
109
11.1%
Teaching
33
1.6%
16
1.5%
17
1.7%
Student
206
10.2%
122
11.8%
84
8.5%
Private job
898
44.4%
341
32.9%
557
56.7%
Public job
130
6.4%
60
5.8%
70
7.1%
Liberal profession
30
1.5%
21
2%
9
0.9%
Retired
161
8.1%
47
4.5%
114
11.6%
Unemployed
327
16.1%
304
29.3%
23
2.3%
Marital
status
Single
812
40.1%
390
37.6%
422
43%
Divorced
48
2.4%
32
3%
16
1.6%
Married
1050
52%
514
49.5%
536
54.5%
Widow(er)
111
5.5%
102
9.9%
9
0.9%
Income
Low-income
(0-1050 dinars)
1629
80.6%
944
91%
685
69.6%
Middle-income
(1050-2100 dinars)
308
15.2%
85
8.2%
223
22.7%
High-income
(+2100 dinars)
84
4.2%
9
0.8%
75
7.7%
Household
size
Small household
(1-4 persons)
1205
59.6%
604
58%
601
61.1%
Big household
(5-10 persons)
816
40.4%
434
42%
382
38.9%
Tab.1 Sociodemographic characteristics of the study sample
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
29 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
To ensure the legitimacy of our work, we informed the relevant authorities in each of the delegations visited
about the purpose of our study.
In order to attract the largest possible number of participants with different profiles, we held meetings on the
streets and in public places (as a privileged target group) in urban and rural contexts, e.g. bus stops, train
stations, public transport terminals, parking lots, Shopping areas, parks, coffee shops, sports complexes,
farmers markets, administrative facilities, schools and universities, etc. Once a person agrees to participate in
our survey, the total duration of the questionnaire was estimated at 15 to 20 minutes.
The statistical reference unit of our study is the person surveyed. Seven researchers were involved in
conducting this survey: three professional researchers with experience at the National Institute of Statistics
(INS) and four master's research students.
The aim was to cover two to three delegations per day (depending on the specifics of the region served). Two
teams, each consisting of three to four people, were assigned to a specific study area. Quotas were established
based on the age and gender of participants assigned to each interviewer. This approach allowed us to adhere
to the predetermined sampling quotas and organize the questionnaire with optimal efficiency. The survey
lasted one and a half month from January 29, 2019, not counting Sundays and Mondays, school vacations and
public holidays. To maintain the specified sample size, discrepant observations were first identified and
excluded. These observations were then collected again during the specified time period. Thus, the pre-
determined total number of 2,021 respondents was successfully reached, respecting the specific quotas
established for each delegation visited. Given the lack of systematic data on urban mobility in the Tunisian
Sahel context (and even at the national level), this database represents a detailed reference for travel patterns
and aims to provide an overview of what is actually happening in terms of mobility in the region.
3.2 Study area
The Tunisian Sahel represents 4% of the country's total area and covers 6,659 km2. Administratively, it includes
40 delegations grouped in three governorates: Sousse (the most populous), Monastir (the main industrial pole)
and Mahdia (the most spatially extensive), which are home to more than 15.3% of the country's total
population, which makes it the second national metropolis according to the figures of the General Commission
for Regional Development (CGDR).
The Tunisian Sahel has a strategic geographical location and serves as an intermediate passage between the
southern and northern regions of the country. This is also supported by a well-developed infrastructure, which
makes traveling between these two ends increasingly easier. This advantage positions the Sahel as a historical
research laboratory for urban mobility studies and travel behavior surveys.
In Appendix A-3 we present the urban setting of our study area1, illustrating the infrastructure and key public
facilities in the region.
As for road transport, the Tunisian Sahel is connected by a network of 1,812,761 km of national, regional and
local roads that serve the various delegations in the region. This infrastructure is reinforced by different
categories of transport (individual, collective and semi-collective) that serve the region at urban, suburban,
regional and rural levels.
In addition, the region serves as a central hub in the Tunisian highway network, with the city of M'saken (a
delegation in Sousse Governorate) taking center stage. The A1 motorway stretches 140 km north to Tunis and
98 km south to Sfax.
1 From the cartographic atlas of the Ministry of Equipment, Housing and Spatial Planning (2019)
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
30 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
Sahel region (Tunisia map)
Governorates
Demographic characteristics
Sousse
Total population in 2023 (estimated): 753,370
Area (km2): 2,669
Population evolution rate (2014-2023): 11.61%
Classified road network (2021): 596.81 km
Urbanisation rate (2014): 81.1%
Monastir
Total population in 2023 (estimated): 611,118
Area: 1,024 km2
Population evolution rate (2014-2023): 11.35%
Classified road network (2021): 516.5 km
Urbanisation rate (2014): 100%
Mahdia
Total population in 2023 (estimated): 448,273
Area: 2,966 Km2
Population evolution rate (2014-2023): 9.12%
Classified road network (2021): 569.92 km
Urbanisation rate (2014): 45.7%
Fig.1 The Tunisian Sahel region
In addition to the road infrastructure, the greater Sahel area is also crossed by a regional railway line with a
length of 72.5 km. Managed by the National Company of Tunisian Railways (SNCFT), this railway (known as
the Sahel Metro (the tram)) serves as an important and widely used public transport in the region, connecting
Mahdia to Sousse via Monastir. At the national level, all three governorates offer comprehensive rail transport
for both passenger and freight transport.
This service is represented by line No. 5, which connects major coastal cities with Tunis, Sfax, Gabès and the
southern regions of the country, including Gafsa and Tozeur.
It is worth noting that the Tunisian transport system has several deficiencies, mainly related to the regularity
of modes of transport, their spatial availability, security of access, fare irregularities and the behavior of drivers.
One of the notable features of Tunisian transport is the very limited presence of informal modes of transport
compared to Asia, Africa or even the South American continent. Furthermore, bicycles are relatively rare on
the streets of Tunisia, as this mode of transport is ingrained in the culture as a symbol of lower economic
status (Poussel, 2018). Depending on the spatial configuration of the delegation (urban or rural), the presence
of adequate transport stations is not for everyone, even access to these is characterized by poor infrastructure
for the majority of Sahel delegations (particularly in rural areas). These restrictions lead to security problems
and open the possibility for petty crimes, which is primarily supported by women (Murphy et al., 2023).
3.3 The analysis variables
We focus on a variety of variables that show the behavioral characteristics of everyday mobility of women and
men in the Sahel, its spatial and temporal dimensions, as well as the volume of daily trips and their
monetization (Tab.2).
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
31 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
Behavioral features of mobility
Modal choice
Trip purpose
Volume of travel
Daily travel rate
Daily expenses (dinars)
Daily expenses/travel (dinars)
Spatial dimension of mobility
Total daily distance traveled (km)
Distance to transportation (km)
Cost per kilometer (dinars/km)
Temporal dimension of mobility
Access time to transportation (minutes)
Waiting time for the means of transport (minutes)
Time budget (minutes)
Average duration of each trip (minutes)
Hourly cost (dinars/hour)
Tab.2 Analysis variables by category
Here we define a daily trip as the journey between a starting point and a destination. Cost per kilometer is a
monetary quantification of kilometers traveled per day and is measured by the ratio between daily expenses
and the number of kilometers (distance) traveled across all modes of transport. Regarding the time aspect,
the time budget measures the total time a person invests in their trips and considers the time in the vehicle
in addition to the access and waiting time. The average duration of each trip is measured by the ratio between
the time budget and the average number of daily trips. Finally, hourly costs quantify each hour spent on
transportation and are measured by the ratio of daily expenses to time budget multiplied by 60.
4. Results and discussion
In this section we will outline the survey results and attempt to identify gender differences in mobility patterns
in the Sahel. Our analysis begins by highlighting these differences by looking at women as a unique category
and then examining how income affects their travel behavior.
4.1 Modal choice
Before presenting the results regarding modal choice by gender, we first categorize transportation modes into
three groups:
− Individual modes including two-wheel drive, animal, truck, van, walking, private taxi, and private car;
− Public modes covering bus, work-bus, tram, and train;
− Semi-collective modes, a specificity of the Tunisian transport routine, including clandestine, the ‘Louage’
(connects intercity and inter-governorate), and the collective taxi (8-seater car that connects urban and
rural areas in the governorate).
Bus transport is one of the most used modes of transport in the study area, as it is cheaper than the private
“yellow” taxi (which is also not 100% spatially available), but its availability appears to be irregular and scarce
in many areas of the region and extremely crowded. In the second row there are the shared taxis and the
“Louage”, which are a semi-collective means of transport in Tunisia and wait at fixed stops until they are full
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
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and then travel on fixed routes. Due to the behavior of the driver, this mode is less safe than others, and train
stations are so crowded, especially during rush hour, that they are a place for harassment and robbery.
The tram (which crosses the region from Mahdia to Sousse via Monastir), on the other hand, represents one
of the most reliable means of transport due to its low cost, its availability and its ability to reach the intended
destination on time. In contrast, the train (which is usually used for used for long distances) is exactly the
opposite, as it has the most delays and traffic jams (most of the time passengers can't find a place to sit and
can stay standing the whole time).
Transportation problems are not limited to public transport, in fact even private taxis in Tunisia have some
deficiencies. In addition to price fraud, taxis refuse to offer door-to-door service either because they plan their
trips according to their needs or on the grounds that some areas (low-income neighborhoods) are not safe or
poorly accessible (damaged infrastructure, which is particularly worse during heavy rain when it becomes more
difficult for cars and even people to move).
For the clandestine mode of transport, this has the same characteristics as the Louage and collective taxi, but
with the only one difference:
it is illegal
. Owners of private cars with 7 to 9 seats act as passenger transporters
with a variable tariff depending on the importance of the offer. This transport scheme is presented in particular
in the Monastir delegations.
Based on this categorization, it can be seen that four out of five daily trips made by men (81.2%) using
individual means of transport, compared to only 11% using semi-collective modes of transport. Collective
modes make up only 7.9%. For women, private transport accounts for only 61% of trips. The differentiation
is balanced by greater use of public transport (13.4%) and semi-public transport, which account for a quarter
of their transport choice (Tab.3).
Total sample
Low-income
Middle-income
High-income
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
2-wheel drive
2,5%
17%
2.8%
19.5%
12.4%
8.5%
Animal
0,2%
0,2%
0.5%
0.2%
Bicycle
0,4%
2,6%
0.2%
3.5%
0.9%
Bus
10,2%
6,2%
11.1%
8%
2%
2.8%
0.7%
Work bus
1,2%
0,5%
1.3%
0.4%
0.7%
Truck
0%
0,3%
0.3%
0.6%
Van
0%
0,5%
0.4%
0.7%
0.7%
Clandestine
0,8%
0,1%
0.8%
0.2%
1%
‘Louage’
9,2%
3,7%
9.1%
3.9%
10.3%
3%
7.1%
3.3%
Walking
38,9%
33,7%
40.1%
38.2%
28.5%
24.7%
21.4%
19.9%
Metro
1,8%
1%
1.9%
1.1%
1.3%
0.8%
Collective cab
15,6%
7,1%
16.3%
7.9%
9.3%
5.5%
7.1%
4.6%
Individual cab
2,9%
1,3%
2.7%
1.5%
5.6%
0.7%
0.7%
Train
0,1%
0,2%
0.1%
0.1%
0.7%
0.6%
Private car
(as a driver)
6,8%
22,4%
3.9%
10.4%
31.1%
45.1%
57.1%
61.9%
Private car
(as a passenger)
9,3%
3,2%
9.2%
4.3%
10.3%
1.1%
7.1%
Tab.3 Modal distribution by mode character and income category for both sexes
The table above clearly shows how women and men in the Sahel move differently, use different means of
transport and face different restrictions in their daily movements. The statistical results highlight the
dominance of two modes of transport: walking, which is used more often by women (38.9%) than by men
(33.7%), and the private car, with one in four trips for men (of which 87.5% are drivers) and only one in six
trips are for women (with around 57.7% as passengers) (Bellmann et al., 2020; Kawgan-Kagan, 2020; Havet
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
33 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021 ; Pirra et al., 2021; Abdullah et al., 2022; Chidambaram & Scheiner, 2023;
Murphy et al., 2023). This is due to the fact that women are less likely to have a driving license compared to
men (Fig.2).
Fig.2 Driver License possession for Men and Women
Women in the study area are often perceived by their families as weak and vulnerable individuals when they
travel alone. For this reason, they are mostly accompanied by a male family member, which limits their travel
and even their choice of mode of transport (limited access to private vehicle) (Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Parker
& Rubin, 2023; Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023).
Despite its modest modal share (2.4%), bicycle use is six times higher among men than among women (0.4%)
(Pojani, 2011). For Tunisian women, cycling is considered a culturally inappropriate practice (Porter et al.,
2022). These types of restrictions have given women a natural preference for less masculine modes of
transport (Miralles-Guasch et al., 2016) and make them highly dependent on public transport.
For women, the shared taxi comes third and covers 15.6% of their trips, followed by the bus (10.2%) and the
‘louage’ (9.2%). For men, the two-wheeled vehicle is in third place with a share of 17% and justifies the gap
between the shares of the individual means of transport, followed by the shared taxi (7.1%) and the bus
(6.2%). When using public transport, women face particular problems, particularly harassment and sexual
assault, whether through taunting gestures, verbal insults, physical abuse, or a combination of these
behaviors. The most stressful experiences tend to occur on very congested public transport, especially when
men are in close proximity to women or at night when the availability of transport services is scarce (Nasrin &
Bunker, 2021; Pira et al., 2021; Kacharo et al., 2022; Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023; Nasrin &
Chowdhury, 2024).
According to Gekoski et al. (2017), this phenomenon seems to be related to gender norms that classify some
public institutions as male-dominated and limit the place of women in the country's economic and social
development.
Contrary to popular belief, the use of the clandestine mode is eight times more common among women (0.8%)
than men (0.1%). The low use of this mode of transport is due to its small presence in the Sahel. As already
mentioned, this type of transport is used exclusively in the Monastir Governorate (specifically in the Sahline
and Werdanine delegations). Compared to other continents such as Asia and Africa, there is relatively little
informal transport in the Tunisian transport system (Murphy et al., 2023).
The two findings and the dominance of motorized modes for both men (63.5%) and women (60.4%) are also
reflected in the work of Miralles-Guasch et al. (2016), Greed (2019) and Uteng & Turner (2019), which look
at northern countries from both urban and rural perspectives.
The observed mode choices for women and men in the Sahel region provide insight into what actually happens
in people's daily mobility. Recognizing these patterns is crucial for urban planning to mitigate inequalities
between the two genders when navigating urban spaces.
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
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Looking at the financial situation, walking remains the most frequently used mode of transport (also for men)
by women in the Tunisian Sahel with a share of 40.1%, followed by shared taxis (16.3%) and private cars
(mainly as a passenger (9.2%)) (Lecompte & Bocarejo, 2017; Saigal et al., 2021). For low-income men,
mobility is much easier when they use more private means such as two-wheelers (19.5%) and cars, mostly
as drivers (10.4%). As income increases, the use of private cars is preferred for both genders (Lecompte &
Bocarejo, 2017; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Saigal et al., 2021; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024). In fact, as affordability
increases, women can hold a driver's license and own a private car (Tab.4).
Low-income
Middle-income
High-income
Gender
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Driver license possession
Yes
12%
46%
53%
83%
56%
85%
No
88%
54%
47%
17%
44%
15%
Vehicle possession
Private car
3%
13%
22%
62%
44%
72%
Family car
31%
23%
46%
4%
56%
7%
No
66%
64%
32%
34%
21%
Tab.4 Driver license possession and vehicle ownership by income category for both sexes
As shown in the table above, Sahelian women tend to use their own car and distance themselves from family
influence as their financial comfort increases (similar to men, with higher rates than women). While men
continue to use private transportation as their income increases, women, on the other hand, still use public
transportation. In the middle-income group, women consistently choose shared taxis, although the rate is
significantly lower compared to the low-income group (9.3%), and this percentage falls further among those
with higher financial comfort (7.1%, similar to the ‘louage’).
As already mentioned, clandestine mode is used more often by women than men. This is the case of females
with low incomes in Monastir (0.8%) and even of women with a significantly better financial situation (middle
income) who are looking for economical transport according to the offer available in their area of residence
4.2 Trip purpose
The travel purposes most frequently mentioned by our respondents are 11: work, study, administrative matters
(travel for public administrations (city administration, post office, police, etc.)), professional matters (travel
related to professional purposes)), accompaniment, shopping, leisure, Health and care, personal (e.g. visits to
family/friends, visits to places of worship).
Total sample
Low-income
Middle-income
High-income
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Work
26,2%
36,2%
23.8%
32%
48.5%
42.3%
76.9%
55.3%
Study
19,7%
12%
21.8%
17.2%
0.6%
0.9%
Administration
4,7%
1,6%
5%
1.1%
2.3%
3.3%
1.2%
Professional Affairs
0,5%
1%
0.3%
1%
1.3%
Accompaniment
8,1%
3,2%
7.6%
2%
12.9%
6%
15.4%
5.3%
Shopping
17,5%
9,1%
17.4%
8.1%
19.3%
11.1%
10.6%
Leisure
5,3%
28,8%
5.5%
30.9%
2.9%
25%
7.7%
21.2%
Health and care
7%
1,2%
7.4%
1.5%
2.9%
0.7%
0.6%
Personal
11,1%
7%
11.2%
6.2%
10.6%
9.4%
6%
Tab.5 Distribution of trips purpose per income category for both genders
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
35 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
The elementary distribution of the trip purpose (Tab. 5) shows that one of three trips made by men (36.2%)
is for work reasons, compared to only one of four trips by women (26.2%). This is consistent with the
unemployment rates reported in Tunisia in the current decade, which disproportionately affect women: the
unemployment rate for women in 2018 was almost twice that of men (22.7% versus 12.5%) (INS, 2019). Our
finding is in line with the results of the empirical literature, which recognizes that the responsibilities carried
limit the time spent on accessing the labor market (Loukaitou-Sideris & Ceccato, 2020; Dingil et al., 2021;
Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Abdullah et al., 2022; Rodríguez De La Rosa et al., 2022; Parker &
Rubin, 2023). Women are likely work in small businesses (bakeries, small factories, kindergartens, etc.) and
have little chance of getting high-paying jobs because these are predominantly occupied by men. Despite the
low proportion of women in the Tunisian workforce, progress has been made such that their employment rate
is above the average of Arab countries (28.1% compared to 21.2% in 2021 (Kashina, 2021).
In second place, we note that about 20% of women's trips are made for educational purposes, while for men
the leisure and recreational motive stands out, which accounts for over 28% of their total trips (while for
women it represents only 5.3% of their daily trips). Conversely, education is the third most important reason
for men with a share of 12%. These results can be explained objectively by the significant difference in the
female enrollment rate at the university level (Almost 60% of students are female (Tab.1 in Section 3)) and
subjectively by the conservative and sometimes restrictive culture towards women in certain delegations in
the Tunisian Sahel, which is mainly characterized by traditional Muslim values and customs that determine the
majority of women's student behaviors, especially after the 2011 revolution (when Muslim conservation was
strengthened) (Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023).
Daily shopping is in third place for 17.5% of women, while for men it is only 9.1%, followed by private trips
(11.1%), companionship (8.1%) and health/care rides (7%). Despite the increasing presence of gender
equality movements, Tunisian societal norms still dedicate women's lives to the home, raising and
accompanying children on their daily journeys, caring for their husbands, and accompanying the elderly (Porter
et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023).
Looking at income, it seems that for both genders, work trips are the most important activity for using the
Tunisian transport system, increasing as the financial situation improves. For low-income women, study
motives come second, accounting for 21.8% of all trips, as this category is predominantly students. For men,
leisure represents a primary activity, particularly for the low-income group (30.9% of all trips). The same
classification of motives for the overall sample also applies to the low-income category. As income increases,
there is a proportional shift in travel priorities. In fact, for middle-income women, shopping comes second
(19.3%), followed by companionship for 12.9%. The latter is more likely to be observed among women who
are financially better off. These results show that women, regardless of their financial status, are still bound
by cultural norms that dictate the division of household responsibilities. While men travel mainly for leisure
activities (after work), women take on the role of shopping and caregiving (Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et
al., 2021; Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024).
4.3 Travel dimensions and rates
When it comes to daily trips (Tab.6), men are significantly more mobile than women, at a rate of about 4.1
trips per day, compared to only 3.2 trips for women. This difference between the two genders remains true
even when income is considered. In this context, our results show that the middle-income category has the
highest travel rate compared to other income groups for both women (3.4 trips/day) and men (4.2 trips/day).
On the other hand, high-income women tend to take the fewest trips, making around 3.1 trips per day.
Men's dominance in daily travel is associated with higher daily expenditures than women's, whether for the
total number of trips made (4.9 dinars per day (equivalent to US$1.79)) or for each trip (1.43 dinars/trip/day).
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
36 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
In addition to the total distance traveled: Women travel only a few kilometers, with an average of around
22.11 km/day, while men cover 27.13 km/day. This discrepancy is consistent with other empirical studies
(Dingil et al., 2021; Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Abdullah et al., 2022; Rodríguez De La Rosa et
al., 2022; Parker & Rubin, 2023), and it becomes more explicit on year basis. In fact, men cover an average
of more than 9,900 km per year, covering 1.24 times more distance than women, who limit themselves to an
average of 8,070 km. Women's mobility is primarily about family obligations that require the combination of
several trips closer to their home. This fact becomes clearer as we move further into the southern part of the
region and throughout the country, where authority in the family is vested in men, who are essentially the
breadwinners of the workforce (Abbott, 2017; Murphy et al., 2023).
Volume &
Distance
Daily travle
rate
Daily distance
travelled (km)
Distance to
transportation
(km)
Total sample
3.6
24.55
0.57
Women
3.2
22.11
0.61
Low-income
3.2
21.81
0.61
Middle-income
3.4
26
0.61
High-income
3.1
17.2
0.36
Men
4.1
27.13
0.53
Low-income
4
20.91
0.57
Middle-income
4.2
39.73
0.44
High-income
4.1
46.44
0.48
Time aspect
Access time to
transportation
(minutes)
Waiting time for the
means of transport
(minutes)
Time budget
(minutes)
Average duration of
each trip (minutes)
Total Sample
9
11
80
26
Women
10
12
82
30
Low-income
10
12
82
30
Middle-income
8
11
78
28
High-income
5
10
57
22
Men
7
10
77
23
Low-income
8
10
75
22
Middle-income
5
7
82
24
High-income
6
9
86
29
Cost aspect
Daily
expenses
(dinars)
Daily expenses/trip
(dinars)
Cost per
kilometer
(dinars/km)
Hourly cost
(dinars/hour)
Total Sample
3.61
1.15
0.52
6
Women
2.38
0.89
0.37
2.7
Low-income
2.18
0.84
0.34
2.36
Middle-income
4.2
1.33
0.66
5.51
High-income
7.98
2.38
0.73
7.21
Men
4.9
1.43
0.67
6.4
Low-income
3.12
0.85
0.52
4.07
Middle-income
7.98
2.39
0.92
10.04
High-income
12
3.84
1.28
16.27
Tab.6 Mobility indicators for both gender and income category
In terms of financial situation, men's daily distance traveled increases as income increases, moving from 20.91
km/day to 46.44 km/day for the high-income category. A classification that continues to be respected for daily
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
37 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
expenses (even for women). In contrast, improved financial conditions for females result in shorter distances
of about 17.2 km per day. Furthermore, it appears that low-income women travel more kilometers than men
in the same category (21.81 km/day versus 20.91 km/day) (Nasrin & Bunker, 2021; Nasrin & Chowdhury,
2024).
A person in the Sahel pays an average of 0.52 dinars per kilometer traveled. These unit costs are cheaper for
women than for men, whose average cost per kilometer is 29% higher than average, rising to 0.67 dinars. In
other words, the cost per kilometer is 81% more expensive for men than for women. A sum that increases
with income for both genders, where women with high incomes spending 0.73 dinars per kilometer traveled,
compared to 0.34 dinars/km for women with modest financial resources.
The distances to the various means of transport used daily are comparable (0.61 km vs. 0.53). However, the
cumulative annual difference puts the woman at a disadvantage of almost 30 km. The built environment in
many areas of the Sahel (particularly in low-income neighborhoods) is poorly managed (not all areas have
train stations and not all existing train stations have shelters, and they are on main roads far from residential
areas: people have to walk an average of 570 meters to use an irregular and unsecured transport service
provided over damaged infrastructure) and poses many safety problems for women who prefer to walk further
kilometers to a safer neighborhood to use transport, or a Ask a family member with a vehicle to take them
there (Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023). This reality is particularly evident among low- and even middle-
income women, who travel a distance of 0.61 km (corresponding to the overall average observed among
women). In developing countries, the transportation system is mainly characterized by deteriorating
transportation infrastructure, long distances between home and train stations, and accessibility issues (Dingil
et al., 2021; Pirra et al., 2021; Alizadeh & Sharifi 2023). A condition that occurs primarily in low-income
neighborhoods (Porter et al., 2022; Murphy et al., 2023). On the other hand, accounting for income in our
analysis uncovered a case where men travel a greater distance to access transportation than women. This is
an example of the high-income category, where men travel 0.48 km to use transportation while women travel
only 0.36 km.
When it comes to time, women invest the most in access to available transport options (access and waiting
times) and even in the entire journey (average length of each journey traveled). However, men bear higher
hourly costs than women, with more than 6.4 dinars per hour, compared to only 2.7 dinars. On average,
women reserve 5 minutes more per day for rides than men. Given the average rate for both genders and at
the level of a single trip, this gap is more noticeable and is 7 minutes (26 min vs. 19 min), which is almost
37% of the average trip time for women. The difficulty of women's mobility is most evident from this temporal
perspective (as in the case of Abdullah et al., 2022 study). Taking income into account, improved financial
conditions make traveling much easier for this population group. According to Tab.6, high-income women
spend the least amount of time accessing public transportation at about 5 minutes, while low-income females
struggle with twice as much time (10 minutes).
For both genders, low income tends to lead to longer access times to transportation and even longer waiting
times for transportation (Gera & Hasdell, 2020). Ironically, it appears that low-income men spend an average
of 10 minutes patiently waiting for transportation, which takes the same amount of time for high-income
women (underscoring the clear hierarchy between the two genders). Notably, middle-income men experience
the lowest time loss in access (5 minutes) and waiting for transport (7 minutes). Despite the aforementioned
observation that women generally spend more time in transportation than men (time budget and average
duration per trip), income considerations reveal further variation between the two genders. While women's
time budget decreases as their income increases, the opposite is the case for men. It appears that low-income
women spend about 1 hour and 22 minutes as much on transportation as middle-income men (a duration
relatively close to that of high-income men (1 hour and 26 minutes)).
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
38 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
The transposition of this finding to the average duration per trip, present a relatively equal differences between
the income groups of the two genders. For this variable, low- and middle-income women spend a longer time
on each trip than their male counterparts, 30 and 28 minutes per trip, respectively.
Conversely, well-financed women invest only 22 minutes per trip, which is less than the 29 minutes spent by
high-income men. Since men spend the most per hour traveled, these costs increase in proportion to financial
comfort for both genders. For low-income women, the cost is 2.36 dinars/hour, for the middle-income group,
5.51 dinars/hour, and for women with significant financial relief, 7.21 dinars/hour. For men in this income
category there are also costs of 16.27 dinars per hour traveled.
5. Conclusion
Within the context of no gender-neutral cities, women's travel behavior has been the focus of several research
studies, highlighting the differences in mobility patterns between the two genders as a result of the inherent
cultural role distribution in which predominantly women assume most of the household duties. A circumstance
that is most evident in developing countries, where women encounter inadequate transportation and are
constrained by limited financial resources and societal norms (Nasrin & Chowdhury, 2024).
The aim of this research was to analyze women's mobility in the Tunisian Sahel and examine the impact of
financial status on their travel habits compared to men. The initial results of the descriptive analysis of
variables, addressing multiple dimensions of mobility, revealed notable differences between the two genders.
These differences are consistent with those documented in the literature and facilitate the integration of our
geographical study into the limited empirical research on the case of Tunisia.
According to the various findings, women in the Sahel appear to spend the most time accessing transport and
making their daily journeys, with a greater average distance. On the other hand, men travel more than women,
with almost 420,000 trips per day, for almost every mode and travel purpose, incurring much higher
transportation costs. Measured by the modal split, women use public and semi-public transport significantly
more often than men. The travel motives are predominantly optional for both genders and are in similar
proportions. The table presented below provides a summary of the variations in various variables when
comparing the values recorded for women with those for men.
Average variation women vs men
Daily travel rate
-22.0%
Number of daily trips
-17.4%
Daily expenses (dinars)
-51.4%
Daily expenses/travel (dinars)
-37.7%
Daily distance travelled (km)
-18.5%
Distance to transportation (km)
+15.1%
Cost per kilometer (dinars/km)
-44.8%
Access time to transportation (minutes)
+42.8%
Waiting time for the means of transport (minutes)
+20.0%
Time budget (minutes)
+6.5%
Average duration of each trip (minutes)
+30.4%
Hourly cost (dinars/hour)
-57.8%
Tab.7 Summary of the variable’s variation between women and men
When it comes to economic status, limited income puts women in the Sahel at a disadvantage. This limitation
forces them to walk and use mostly poor transport services, forcing them to endure the misbehavior of drivers
and to confront the security issues they encounter. As financial wealth increases, women tend to have a
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
39 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2024)
driver's license and own their own car. Improving financial conditions leads to greater choice of transportation
options, easier access to transportation in time and space, greater affordability, and even less time spent on
transportation for females in our study area.
These results highlight the position of women in the Tunisian transport sector, which is mainly linked to the
socio-cultural context and Tunisian consciousness, and consider them as an essential research target whose
mobility patterns must be carefully taken into account when drafting urban policies and public decisions.
Expanding our study can integrate a more detailed analysis of the socio-cultural perspectives in which women
live by opting even for a finer spatial scale involving country delegations. The analysis of mobility practices in
relation to gender, taking into account other socio-demographic characteristics such as age or socio-
professional status or other criteria related to the transport system such as security or even public investment,
represents an interesting axis that can be carried out in a developing country such as Tunisia.
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Appendix
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Appendix A-1: The questionnaire
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El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
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Appendix A-2: Starified sampling of the governorate of Sousse
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Appendix A-3: The urban frame of the Sahel region
Image Sources
Fig.1: Personal elaboration;
Fig.2: Personal elaboration;
Author’s profile
Mehdi El Kébir
Mehdi El Kébir holds two research masters’ degrees. The first degree was obtained from the Higher Institute of Transport
and Logistics of the University of Sousse and the second degree from the Higher School of Economics and Commercial
Sciences of the University of Tunis. El Kébir has a multidisciplinary profile and is currently pursuing a PhD in Transport
Studies and Regional Economics. He is interested in the vulnerability issues of mobility behavior and territorial studies. In
his role as a temporary university assistant, he teaches tutorials and courses for undergraduate students. During his research
career, he published two first papers (with three more in progress) and participated in half a dozen international symposia
and indexed scientific conferences.
Aymen Ghédira
Aymen Ghédira is an urban transport modeler and planner who holds two PhDs from Grenoble Alps University (Territory
Sciences) and University of Sousse (Public Management) and is an Associate Professor at the Higher Institute of Transport
and Logistics. In addition to teaching urban and regional planning courses, he also teaches courses on sustainable mobility.
Since 2010 he has been a visiting professor at the Polytechnic School of the ULB Brussels and gives seminars and training
courses in transport management and logistics for international master's students. He is a member, co-founder and
coordinator of many territorial development organizations. He is also spokesman for the Tunisian School of Politics (TSoP),
El Kébir M. & Ghédira A. - Gender analysis of urban mobility behaviors in the Tunisian Sahel region
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the Decentralization Training and Support Center (CFAD) and the Baladyia Seminar of the Robert Bosch Foundation GIZ. As
project manager, Ghédira was, between 2018 and 2021 responsible for the integrated urban development program of
Sousse in Tunisia, funded by Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO), and covering urban planning (1), mobility
and transport (2), energy efficiency (3) and GIS (4) areas. In his current position at Ingérop, he leads transport and mobility
projects in the French context. A large number of his publications deal with public and political decision-making processes
related to urban transport and local and regional development with an interdisciplinary and applied perspective.