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Adaptasi Logika Media Sosial Sebagai Strategi Komunikasi Politik Gerindra Menjelang Pemilu 2024
Abstract
Perkembangan media sosial berbasis internet membuat peran media sosial saat ini semakin meningkat secara signifikan, terutama di bidang politik. Bahkan, elektabilitas suatu partai dapat dipengaruhi oleh impresi publik yang dibentuk oleh media sosial. Dari fenomena tersebut, penulis secara khusus tertarik untuk mengkaji program dan strategi media sosial twitter dan facebook dari partai Gerindra. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis bagaimana penggunaan media sosial oleh partai Gerindra mempengaruhi citra dan dukungan publik terhadap partai tersebut. Penelitian ini sendiri menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi analisis wacana yang mengadaptasi logika media sosial dari Van Dijk-Poell yakni programabilitas, popularitas, konektivitas, dan datafikasi ke dalam komunikasi politik yang dilakukan Gerindra melalui media sosialnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Gerindra dengan baik telah mengimplementasikan logika media sosial dalam strategi pemasaran politiknya. Partai ini juga berhasil menciptakan ikatan yang kuat serta menarik perhatian publik, khususnya generasi muda, yang kemudian menjadi manifestasi dalam pemilu 2024 mendatang. Strategi ini menghasilkan tren positif bagi partai, hasil beberapa survei pada tahun 2021 menunjukkan bahwa kaum milenial dan Generasi Z lebih cenderung memilih Prabowo (Ketua Umum Gerindra) sebagai presiden. Seiring dengan dominasi media sosial, konsep logika media sosial menjadi suatu hal yang tidak dapat ditinggalkan bagi para aktor politik. Terakhir, dengan kemajuan teknologi, diperkirakan persaingan partai politik digital di media sosial akan semakin ketat pada tahun 2024.
... Rohmadi cited in Atmaja [15] describes social media as a space that facilitates interaction, communication, and the exchange of information. Similarly, Van Dijk cited in Gunawan [16] emphasizes how these platforms enable users to connect and engage, highlighting the growing importance of social media in modern life. Its convenience, accessibility, and instantaneous nature make it indispensable in daily activities, serving not only as a means of sharing and receiving updates but also as a powerful tool for communication, whether through messaging, voice calls, or video interactions. ...
This research aims to determine the influence of the intensity of social media use on perceptions and concerns about the war that occurred in Palestine. The method used in this research is quantitative methods by collecting data from the results of questionnaires that have been distributed. The analysis was carried out using the Microsoft Excel application and the SPSS application to find the results. The results of the research show that the intensity of social media use influences students' perceptions and concerns regarding the war taking place in Palestine. With a P value < 0.05. It is hoped that this research will provide insight to readers, researchers, or practitioners in understanding the role of social media and its influence.
Recently, social media has become a critical platform for accessing information worldwide. In Indonesia, the Indonesian Internet Service Providers Association (APJII) reports 221.56 million internet users in 2023, indicating widespread use for information gathering. However, the vast amount of accessible content makes it challenging for users to discern credible sources, often leading to the uncritical acceptance of information. This study examines the disaster-related behavior of the Sasak Muslim community on social media. The island of Lombok, which is predominantly inhabited by the Sasak people, experienced a devastating earthquake in 2018, a traumatic event that has since become a collective memory among the Sasak community. This collective memory has played a significant role in shaping the community’s behavior towards disaster preparedness. Given the Sasak people’s high engagement with social media, their online behavior presents an important area of study, particularly in relation to disaster information. This research employs a netnographic analysis approach, which involves the analysis of digital media to understand community behaviors and interactions. The findings of this study reveal that the Sasak Muslim community continues to uphold Islamic values as a means of filtering information received on social media, helping them determine the veracity of the information.
This research analyzes Gerindra Party's political communication strategy in increasing political participation through social media, focusing on young voters and political communicator activities. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, this research aims to describe and understand social phenomena from the perspective of participants, with a case study analysis model. The results show that Gerindra Party targets young voters as part of its electoral strategy. The party actively engages young voters through in-person and online discussion activities, and interacts on social media using casual language that is easily understood by the millennial generation. The activities of Gerindra's political communicators on social media aim to bridge the gap between young voters and political parties, as well as to build personal closeness. political parties, as well as building personal closeness. In addition, the announcement regarding Gerindra's legislative candidates for the Pekanbaru City DPRD in the 2024 Election is disseminated transparently through official letters. Overall, political communication strategy implemented by the Gerindra Party, through the activities of effective political communicators on social media, succeeded in increasing activities on social media, succeeded in increasing political participation, especially among young voters, political participation, especially among young voters.
Pemilihan umum (pemilu) sebagai indikator kehidupan negara demokratis memungkinkan perubahan tatanan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Partisipasi pemilih dalam setiap pemilu hendaknya semakin meningkat, namun dalam realitanya di era reformasi partisipasi politik belum seperti yang diharapkan yaitu jauh lebih rendah dibandingkan pada masa pemerintahan Orde Baru. Tidak ada mobilisasi dan represi pada masyarakat dalam setiap perhelatan pemilu bisa menjadi salah satu penyebab pemilu berjalan kurang lancar. Mengingat pemilu demikian strategis untuk rotasi kekuasaan maka perlu upaya meningkatkan partisipasi pemilih pada setiap pemilu. Media sosial menjadi alternatif lembaga pemerintah untuk mensosialisasikan pemilu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan konten pesan pemilu dalam perspektif pemilih pemula serta sejauh mana pemilih pemula mengunjungi media sosial yang dimiliki KPU. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data Focus Group Discussion (FGD). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan konten pesan pemilu masih bersifat teknis sehingga pemilih pemula belum sepenuhnya tertarik mengunjungi media sosial milik KPU dari level pusat, provinsi dan daerah. Salah satu alasannya kurang memberikan informasi yang dibutuhkan pemilih pemula. Penelitian ini memberikan kontribusi bagi lembaga pemerintah agar mengemas konten pesan pemilu di media sosial KPU agar lebih menarik bagi pemilih pemula.
Pada era digital, terjadi perubahan perilaku komunikasi generasi milenial dan generasi ZPerubahan tersebut dapat dilihat dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, seperti kurangnya interaksi tatap muka karena kehadiran gawai. Fenomena ini juga terjadi pada generasi milenial dan generasi Z di Kecamatan Kuranji. Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan perilaku komunikasi milenial dan generasi Z di Kecamatan Kuranji danmelihat degradasi komunikasi antarmuka yang terjadi. Adapun teori yang digunakan adalah perilaku komunikasi, komunikasi interpersonal, komunikasi generasi milenial, komunikasi generasi Z, media baru, dan behaviorisme sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan fenomenologi Alfred Schutz dengan paradigma konstruktivisme. Penelitian ini menganalisis perilaku komunikasi generasi milenial dan generasi Z era digital di Kecamatan Kuranji dari sepuluh orang informan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan empat perilaku generasi milenial dan generasi Z terbentuk di Kecamatan Kuranji, yaitu perilaku komunikasi dari aktif menjadi pasif disebabkan oleh gawai, berkurangnya komunikasi tatap muka disebabkan oleh gawai, tidak fokus dalam berkomunikasi disebabkan oleh gawai, dan perilaku komunikasi daring disebabkan oleh gawai. Dalam penelitian ini, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa perilaku generasi milenial dan generasi Z yang semula interaktif sebelum menggunakan gawai, setelah menggunakan gawai proses komunikasinya menjadi pasif, sehingga tidak terjadi komunikasi efektif. In the digital era, there has been a change in the communication behavior of millennial generation and generation Z. These changes can be seen in everyday life, such as the lack of face-to-face interaction due to the presence of devices. This phenomenon also occurs in the millennial generation and generation Z in Kuranji District. This study aims to describe the communication behavior of millennials and generation Z in Kuranji District and to see the degradation of communication interfaces that occurs. The theories used are communication behavior, interpersonal communication, millennial generation communication, generation Z communication, new media, and social behaviorism. This study used Alfred Schutz's phenomenological approach with the constructivism paradigm. This study analyzes the communication behavior of the millennial generation and generation Z in the digital era in Kuranji District from ten informants. The results showed that four millennial generation and generation Z behaviors were formed in Kuranji District, namely communication behavior from active to passive caused by devices, reduced face-to-face communication caused by devices, not focusing on communication caused by devices, and online communication behavior caused by devices. In this study, it can be concluded that the behavior of the millennial generation and generation Z, which was originally interactive before using a device, after using a device the communication process becomes passive, so there is no effective communication.
This paper is a result of the analysis and observations that the researchers conducted directly and openly. This research was carried out continuously by looking at several aspects related to the promotion of candidates as participants in the 2020 Bengkulu Provincial Election for Cagub. In this case the researchers focused on political marketing used by the number 1 pair, Helmi-Dedi. The research method used is the constructivist paradigm. Based on the results of research on political marketing applied by candidate pairs Helmi -Dedy in the Regional Head Election for the 2018-2023 period using an analysis knife, namely the Political Marketing Theory of Adnan Nursal (Nursal, 2004: 242) has three target groups that can be grouped into three: 1. Direct marketing of political products to potential voters (push political marketing), 2. Marketing of political products through mass media (pull political marketing) and 3. through influential groups, figures or organizations (pass political marketing).
Facebook facilitates more extensive dialogue between citizens and politicians. However, communicating via Facebook has also put pressure on political actors to administrate and moderate online debates in order to deal with uncivil comments. Based on a platform analysis of Facebook’s comment moderation functions and interviews with eight political parties’ communication advisors, this study explored how political actors conduct comment moderation. The findings indicate that these actors acknowledge being responsible for moderating debates. Since turning off the comment section is impossible in Facebook, moderators can choose to delete or hide comments, and these arbiters tend to use the latter in order to avoid an escalation of conflicts. The hide function makes comments invisible to participants in the comment section, but the hidden texts remain visible to those who made the comment and their network. Thus, the users are unaware of being moderated. In this paper, we argue that hiding problematic speech without the users’ awareness has serious ramifications for public debates, and we examine the ethical challenges associated with the lack of transparency in comment sections and the way moderation is conducted in Facebook.
This book investigates news use patterns among fve diferent generations in a time where digital media create a multi-choice media environment.
The book introduces the EPIG model (Engagement-ParticipationInformation-Generation) to study how diferent generational cohorts’ exposure to political information is related to their political engagement and participation. The authors build on a multi-method framework to determine direct and indirect media efects across generations. The unique dataset allows for comparison of efects between legacy and social media use and helps to disentangle the infuence on citizens’ political involvement in nonelection as well as during political campaign times. Bringing the newly of-age Generation Z into the picture, the book presents an in-depth understanding of how a changing media environment presents diferent challenges and opportunities for political involvement of this, as well as older generations.
Bringing the conversation around political engagement and the media up to date for the new generation, this book will be of key importance to scholars and students in the areas of media studies, communication studies, technology, political science, and political communication.
Media massa atau pers, merupakan alat atau sarana penyampaian informasi kepada masyarakat luas melalui media massa seperti media cetak maupun elektronik. Media massa dapat dibagi atas tiga jenis, yaitu media elektronik seperti televisi dan radio, media cetak yaitu koran dan majalah dan terakhir yaitu media online seperti internet, streaming TV dan informasi yang dapat diakses melalui internet. Jumlah pengguna internet yang begitu cepat bertambah ini menjadi semakin meningkat seiring dengan berkembangnya variasi media komunikasi berbasis internet. Pemanfaatannya yang begitu mudah dan dapat diakses dimana saja menjadi pilihan bagi sebagian besar masyarakat. Media cetak pun nyaris tersingkir dengan kehadiran media online. Menyikapi kemungkinan tersebut, maka industri media massa di Indonesia dituntut untuk menyesuaikan dirinya pada era globalisasi berbasis teknologi digital pada saat ini. Salah satu solusi yang diambil adalah digitalisasi koran dalam bentuk e-paper guna menjangkau pembaca yang lebih luas.
The branding strategy in the marketing concept has already been embraced by prospective regional leaders in introducing themselves in order to achieve the maximum possible voters. This study aims to examine influence personal branding, political marketing and pull marketing to the decision to choose beginner voters in West Java Governor election. The research method used is an explanatory survey with a sample of 200 respondents beginner voters. Data analysis is path analysis using SPSS Software. From the results of the study, it is known that political marketing, pull marketing and personal branding have a simultaneously effect on the decision to choose.
Pada awalnya, istilah buzzer hanya digunakan untuk mempromosikan produk-produk tertentu dengan atau tanpa imbalan. Namun, sejak tahun 2014 saat pemilihan umum secara langsung terjadi di Indonesia, buzzer mulai memasuki dunia politik. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran buzzer politik dalam aktivitas kampanye politik di media sosial Twitter dan aktivitas buzzer politik. Beberapa konsep yang dijadikan landasan dalam penelitian ini adalah komunikasi politik dalam bentuk kampanye politik, new media, dan media sosial. Jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif-kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian studi kasus. Subjek dalam penelitian ini adalah pihak yang bekerja sebagai buzzer di media sosial Twitter dengan imbalan tertentu, buzzer sukarelawan, serta pihak yang menjaring masyarakat untuk ikut tergabung menjadi buzzer. Sedangkan objek dalam penelitian ini adalah kicauan atau tweet yang dituliskan oleh buzzer sukarela maupun buzzer dengan imbalan tertentu. Kesimpulan dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa buzzer profesional atau buzzer dengan imbalan tertentu berperan untuk memperluas suatu informasi melalui aktivitas retweet terkait narasi dan hashtag harian hingga dapat dilihat oleh masyarakat dalam bentuk trending topic.
p>Komunikasi massa merupakan sumber kajian potensial yang memiliki bidang bahasan yang cukup luas dan mendalam, dan juga didukung oleh teori yang lumayan banyak jumlahnya. Hal ini bisa dipahami sebab ilmu komunikasi yang kita kenal sekarang ini, merupakan proses evaluasi panjang dari ilmu komunikasi massa, yang awalnya hanya dikenal sebagai ilmu media massa atau ilmu pers yang juga merupakan hasil elaborasi dari ilmu publisistik (ilmu persurat-kabaran) yang berpusat di Jerman dan ilmu Jurnalistik yang berbasis di AS. Baru dinamakan ilmu komunikasi pasca Perang Dunia II oleh para ilmuan Barat, tujuan utamanya adalah untuk mencover semua bidang kajian dalam komunikasi yang semakin luas dan berkembang. Komunikasi massa sendiri kerap didefinisikan sebagai komunikasi melalui media massa (modern) pada awalnya hanya mencakup media cetak (surat kabar, majalah atau tabloid) dan media elektronik (TV dan radio), baru belakangan termasuk kajian multimedia yang juga sering disebut media dot com (internet). Pada era ini, kajian komunikasi massa berkembang menjadi semakin luas, selain mencakup tiga jenis media (media cetak, media elektronik, dan multimedia), peran dan proses komunikasi massa, juga efek media bagi masyarakat dan budaya, sehingga semakin banyak dijadikan sebagai objek studi. Dalam tinjauan komunikasi massa, paling tidak teori-teori yang muncul dapat dikelompokkan ke dalam 4 (empat) bidang, yaitu teori-teori awal komunikasi massa, pengaruh komunikasi massa terhadap individu, pengaruh komunikasi massa terhadap masyarakat dan budaya, dan audiens pengaruhnya terhadap komunikasi massa. Teori Agenda Setting misalnya, masih saja sangat relevan hingga saat ini sekalipun dengan catatan-catatan tertentu harus dibubuhkan di sana, seperti pada masyarakat dan budaya seperti apa, atau pada kondisi kapan, dan seterusnya. Komunikasi massa merupakan sumber kajian potensial yang memiliki bidang bahasan yang cukup luas dan mendalam, dan juga didukung oleh teori yang lumayan banyak jumlahnya. Hal ini bisa dipahami sebab ilmu komunikasi yang kita kenal sekarang ini, merupakan proses evaluasi panjang dari ilmu komunikasi massa, yang awalnya hanya dikenal sebagai ilmu media massa atau ilmu pers yang juga merupakan hasil elaborasi dari ilmu publisistik (ilmu persurat-kabaran) yang berpusat di Jerman dan ilmu Jurnalistik yang berbasis di AS. Baru dinamakan ilmu komunikasi pasca Perang Dunia II oleh para ilmuan Barat, tujuan utamanya adalah untuk mencover semua bidang kajian dalam komunikasi yang semakin luas dan berkembang. Komunikasi massa sendiri kerap didefinisikan sebagai komunikasi melalui media massa (modern) pada awalnya hanya mencakup media cetak (surat kabar, majalah atau tabloid) dan media elektronik (TV dan radio), baru belakangan termasuk kajian multimedia yang juga sering disebut media dot com (internet). Pada era ini, kajian komunikasi massa berkembang menjadi semakin luas, selain mencakup tiga jenis media (media cetak, media elektronik, dan multimedia), peran dan proses komunikasi massa, juga efek media bagi masyarakat dan budaya, sehingga semakin banyak dijadikan sebagai objek studi. Dalam tinjauan komunikasi massa, paling tidak teori-teori yang muncul dapat dikelompokkan ke dalam 4 (empat) bidang, yaitu teori-teori awal komunikasi massa, pengaruh komunikasi massa terhadap individu, pengaruh komunikasi massa terhadap masyarakat dan budaya, dan audiens pengaruhnya terhadap komunikasi massa. Teori Agenda Setting misalnya, masih saja sangat relevan hingga saat ini sekalipun dengan catatan-catatan tertentu harus dibubuhkan di sana, seperti pada masyarakat dan budaya seperti apa, atau pada kondisi kapan, dan seterusnya.</p
Tujuan penelitian ini adalah meningkatan kesadaran dan partisipasi politik pemilih pemula terhadap Siswa/Siswi SMA/SMK/MA Negeri dan Swasta se-Kota Kendari. Melalui pendekatan teknik komunikasi pendidikan politik secara persuasif sebagai upaya meningkatkan kesadaran responden pemilih pemula akan pentingnya memilih dalam pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Kendari Tahun 2012 yang akan datang. Hal tersebut menjadi lebih penting karena responden (pemilih pemula) adalah para aktor yang akan menggerakkan jaringan kehidupan masyarakat luas sehingga terjadi gerakan memilih dengan kesadaran dan partisipasi politik secara bertanggung jawab. Artinya, kesadaran dan peningkatan partisipasi politik dari masyarakat akan menjamin munculnya kehidupan politik yang aman dan demokratis. Pemilih pemula memiliki peran yang sangat besar dalam hal mengurangi tingkat apatisme politik dalam Pemilukada secara langsung ini.
This essay introduces the contributions of the volume “Social Media, Political Marketing and the 2016 U. S. Election.” Using a variety of methodological approaches, the authors investigate the communication strategies of the Democratic and Republican candidates for president together with the responses of their audience. Collectively, this research offers insights into how new communication technologies are changing both political marketing and the ways candidates and voters interact. 2017
Political communication on social media is the topic of this dissertation. The Internet and social media platforms have provided participants in the public sphere with new ways to connect, communicate and distribute information. This study examines how and why the three main actor groups within political communication – political actors, media actors and citizens – connect and interact on social media during the electoral process in Norway in 2013. This hybrid media landscape is characterized by political actors who can bypass media as gatekeepers and communicate directly with voters on their own Facebook pages. Simultaneously, social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter are important traffic drivers for mass media, as well as convenient ways for political journalists to reach readers and political sources. Nevertheless, as I argue in this dissertation, the new mechanisms for attention, visibility and popularity on social media platforms is not sufficiently articulated or understood in the existing research literature. This dissertation suggests that the emerging theories of social media logic can help us understand how political communication occur in networked publics. Central in my arguments is a critical understanding of social media logic and affordances offered by communication technologies. Affordances are here understood as the action possibilities that communication technologies allow for, such as liking, sharing or measuring the response of an item. Based on the empirical findings from the articles in Part II, as well as the theoretical discussion in this cover chapter, I have developed the conceptual framework for political communication on social media, which allows us to analyse how political communication occurs on social media platforms. The conceptual framework consists of five high-level affordances: Publishing, visibility, networking, connectivity, and segmentation. I argue that these affordances are the building blocks of the social media logic in political communication. Lastly, this dissertation outlines the implications of the social media logic for the three key actor groups in this study. I argue that one of the main consequences of the social media logic is media actors’ weakening role as gatekeepers of information, potential turning media actors into curators of information.
Social media is characterized by a set of principles defined as ‘social media logic’ [van Dijck, J., & Poell, T. (2013). Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1, 2–14. doi:10.12924/mac2013.01010002], derived from the theory of ‘media logic’ developed in the era of mass media [Altheide, D. L., & Snow, R. P. (1979). Media logic. London: Sage.]. This article explores how ‘social media logic’ impacts on two interconnected but yet distinct professions, journalism and politics, by analysing one of the key principles of social media logics, namely ‘connectivity’, an advanced strategy of algorithmically connecting users to content and other users in social media [van Dijck, J., & Poell, T. (2013). Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1, 2–14. doi:10.12924/mac2013.01010002]. The operationalization of connectedness in this study is the Twitter hashtag, as it is the most common feature for users to connect and relate to within a larger networked discourse [Bruns, A., & Burgess, J. (2015). Twitter hashtags from ad hoc to calculated publics. In N. Rambukkana (Ed.), Hashtag publics: The power and politics of discursive networks (pp. 13–27). New York, NY: Peter Lang.]. The empirical material consists of tweets posted by 10 Norwegian politicians and 10 journalists, selected on their level of activity on Twitter. The tweets are analysed with the emphasis on the frequency and content of the hashtags, and the methodological design is comparative between the journalists and the politicians. A key finding is that there are significant differences between how journalists and politicians use hashtags, but that they both use mass media hashtags to reach outside their follower networks. Consequently, this demonstrates that journalists’ and politicians’ use of social media is closely connected to their professional norms, and that the ‘social media logic’ is still related to the ‘media logic’ of mainstream and broadcast media.
In recent years, social media are said to have an impact on the public discourse and communication in the society. In particular, social media are increasingly used in political context. More recently, microblogging services (e.g., Twitter) and social network sites (e.g., Facebook) are believed to have the potential for increasing political participation. While Twitter is an ideal platform for users to spread not only information in general but also political opinions publicly through their networks, political institutions (e.g., politicians, political parties, political foundations, etc.) have also begun to use Facebook pages or groups for the purpose of entering into direct dialogues with citizens and enabling political discussions. Previous studies have shown that from the perspective of political institutions, there is a need to continuously collect, monitor, analyze, summarize, and visualize politically relevant information from social media. These activities, which are subsumed under “social media analytics,” are considered difficult tasks due to a large numbers of different social media platforms and large amount as well as complexity of information and data. Systematic tracking and analysis approaches along with appropriate methods and techniques in political domain are still lacking. In this paper, we propose a framework for social media analytics in political context. More specifically, our framework summarizes different politically relevant analyses from the perspective of political institutions and according scientific methodologies that could be applied to analyze political communication in social media.
Political parties’ interaction strategy and practice on Facebook is the topic of this article. Political parties and individual politicians can use social media to bypass media and communicate directly with voters through websites and particularly social media platforms such as Facebook. But previous research has demonstrated that interaction on social media is challenging for political parties. This study examines the disparity between interaction strategy and online responsiveness and finds that political parties identify three clear disadvantages when communicating with voters online: online reputation risk, negative media attention, and limited resources. In addition, the authenticity requirement many parties adhere to is creating a “social media interaction deadlock,” which is increasing the disparity between the parties’ expressed strategy and online performance. This study compares major and minor political parties’ interaction strategy during the 2013 national election in Norway and combines interviews of political communication directors with an innovative method to collect Facebook interaction data.
In this article we propose a concept of network media logic in order to discuss how online social media platforms change political communication without resorting to technological determinism or normalization. We argue that social media platforms operate with a distinctly different logic from that of traditional mass media, though overlapping with it. This is leading to different ways of producing content, distributing information and using media. By discussing the differences between traditional mass media and social media platforms in terms of production, consumption and use, we carve out the central elements of network media logic – that is, the rules/format of communication on social media platforms – and some consequences for political communication.
Over the past decade, social media platforms have penetrated deeply into the mechanics of everyday life, affecting people's informal interactions, as well as institutional structures and professional routines. Far from being neutral platforms for everyone, social media have changed the conditions and rules of social interaction. In this article, we examine the intricate dynamic between social media platforms, mass media, users, and social institutions by calling attention to social media logic—the norms, strategies, mechanisms, and economies—underpinning its dynamics. This logic will be considered in light of what has been identified as mass media logic, which has helped spread the media's powerful discourse outside its institutional boundaries. Theorizing social media logic, we identify four grounding principles—programmability, popularity, connectivity, and datafication—and argue that these principles become increasingly entangled with mass media logic. The logic of social media, rooted in these grounding principles and strategies, is gradually invading all areas of public life. Besides print news and broadcasting, it also affects law and order, social activism, politics, and so forth. Therefore, its sustaining logic and widespread dissemination deserve to be scrutinized in detail in order to better understand its impact in various domains. Concentrating on the tactics and strategies at work in social media logic, we reassess the constellation of power relationships in which social practices unfold, raising questions such as: How does social media logic modify or enhance existing mass media logic? And how is this new media logic exported beyond the boundaries of (social or mass) media proper? The underlying principles, tactics, and strategies may be relatively simple to identify, but it is much harder to map the complex connections between platforms that distribute this logic: users that employ them, technologies that drive them, economic structures that scaffold them, and institutional bodies that incorporate them.
One key concept in research on how the media influence political processes is mediatization, which denotes a long-term process through which the media have become increasingly independent from politics and through which political actors and institutions have become increasingly dependent on the media. While it is often claimed that politics has become increasingly mediatized, the process of mediatization has not yet been properly addressed in the literature. Against this background, and based on the literature on mediatization and strategic party behavior, the purpose of this article is to theoretically explore the processes through which political parties become mediatized, and to suggest a model of media adaptation by political parties.
Pandemi COVID-19 memaksa Universitas Nusa Cendana (Undana) memberhentikan pembelajaran tatap muka dan menggantinya dengan pembelajaran daring. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki pelaksanaan komunikasi pendidikan melalui pengembangan media pembelajaran daring pada masa pandemi COVID-19 di Undana. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulandata dilakukan dengan teknik wawancara mendalam bersama 48 orang, dengan rincian 11 dosen mewakili masing-masing fakultas dan 37 orang mewakili mahasiswa selanjutnya data yang terkumpul dianalisis menggunakan teknik analisis data model interaktif. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa media komunikasi pendidikan pada masa pandemi COVID-19 di Undana adalah aplikasi Google Meet, Zoom, Whatsapp, Telegram, Google Classroom karena lebih mudah dioperasikan dibanding e-learning Undana sebagai mediakomunikasi internal kampus. Penggunaan ragam aplikasi sebagai media pembelajaran di Undana menambah kerumitan proses belajar. Minimnya antusiasme mahasiswa, pemahaman dosen terhadap media pembelajaran serta belum meratanya akses jaringan internet di Provinsi NTT juga menjadi kendala tersendiri sehingga belum sejalan dengan pengimplementasian kurikulum “Merdeka Belajar Kampus Merdeka”. Penelitian inimemberikan kontribusi tentang komunikasi pendidikan melalui pengembangan media pembelajaran daring pada masa pandemi COVID-19 serta sebagai masukan bagi pembuat kebijakan di universitas terkait efektivitas pemanfaatan aplikasi e-learning sebagai sarana komunikasi pendidikan di Undana.
Isu tiga (3) periode digulirkan elit partai politik Muhaimin Iskandar Ketua Umum Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) dan Zulkifli Hasan Ketua Umum Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), memiliki kedekatan sejarah dengan dua ormas besar Islam di Indonesia yaitu Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Isu juga dibicarakan oleh follower Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah. Perkembangan isu tiga (3) periode dapat dipahami melalui media sosial yang selama ini sulit diukur melalui metode tradisional (survei). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengukur perkembangan isu dan mengidentifikasi jaringan Islam Tradisional dan Modern di media sosial Twitter. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode riset sosial berbasis big data dengan analisis jaringan komunikasi. Menggunakan kata kunci “tiga (3) periode” melalui NodeXL dan ASIGTA teridentifikasi 12.818 pengguna membentuk 43.913 hubungan dalam sembilan (9) relasi percakapan. Hasil penelitian menemukan Top Influencer yaitu @jokowi, @fahmiagustian, @nephilaxmus, @andiarief__, @bachrum_achmadi, @jimlyas, @democrazymedia, @goel578, @cnnindonesia dan @_ekokuntadhi. Aktor Islam Tradisional 8,65%, Islam Modern 12,75%, Nusantara Berkemajuan 5,01%, dan Alternatif 73,59%. Pembicaraan Islam Tradisional 8,23%, Islam Modern 16,09%, Nusantara Berkemajuan 6,13%, dan Alternatif 69,55%. Sentimen percakapan negatif sebesar 44,05%, netral sebesar 25,49%, dan positif sebesar 30,46% menunjukkan mayoritas penolakan dan ketidaksetujuan. Penelitian ini memberi kontribusi terbentuknya isu dan dipengaruhi oleh berbagai faktor pada ruang kontestasi media sosial Twitter.
Keterbukaan media sosial memberikan peluang yang sangat besar bagi semua orang untuk mengakses informasi, terlebih di era revolusi industri 4.0 telah merambat ke media internet yang menyediakan semua akses informasi. Dengan pendekatan literatur tulisan ini membahas mengenai politik digital di era revolusi industri 4.0 “marketing & komunikasi politik”. Dimana penggunaan media sosial bukan lagi dimanfaatkan untuk kegiatan marketing barang dan jasa namun sudah mulai digunakan sebagai alat politik oleh paratai politik dan kandidat yang diusung partai politik. Hal ini membuktikan bahwa berpolitik melalui media sosial mulai menjadi wadah bagi para politisi untuk melakukan marketing politik, komunikasi politik dengan masyarakat pemilih. Oleh karena itu dengan keterbukaan informasi dan akses melalui media haruslah dapat dimanfaatkan dengan baik oleh partai politik dan politisi untuk memberikan informasi mengenai visi, misi dan program kerja bahkan prestasi-prestasi yang pernah dilakukan sehingga masyarakat pemilih dapat menentukan pilihan sesuai dengan harapannya.
Most research on gender and digital communication centers on how women use digital media, how they participate online, or how they are treated in online forums and social media. This article, in contrast, approaches gender from a behind the screen perspective. How algorithms and platforms are created, designed, and maintained, the affordances they provide for users and how they govern the ways users communicate with each other, has a major impact on digital communication. However, it is mostly men who create these technologies. Our study approaches technologies as socio-cultural, departing from the concept of network media logic. Empirically, it is based on (1) the review of a diverse body of literature from the history of programming, professional sociology, and computer science and documents such as the diversity reports from tech giants, as well as on (2) 64 semi-structured expert interviews conducted with male and female programmers in seven countries over a time-period of four years. Results show that the gender gap continues to run deep. We report results in four dimensions: professional culture, pervasive stereotypes, lack of role models and typical career paths.
This article examines the role of social media in contemporary political communication, focusing on Barack Obama’s Facebook campaign in the run-up to the 2012 presidential election. Although there is a growing body of literature on online forms of participation, little research exists on the role of social buttons on Facebook (like, comment, and share) as tools of political voice. We use these native interactive features as indicators of how citizens engage with particular political messages. A content analysis of posts published on Obama’s official Facebook page over the two months leading up to Election Day was conducted, along with a detailed measurement of all user interactions for each post. Our analysis indicates that the Obama campaign used Facebook as a tool of top-down promotion, focusing on Obama’s personality and as a means of strategically guiding followers to act, rather than as a means of bottom-up empowerment or hybridized coproduction. However, we also found that followers engaged selectively with campaign messages and often interacted more with policy-oriented posts than with promotional ones.
This report is based on the policy forum A New Agenda for E-democracy: Lessons from Initiatives Round the World, held at Oxford University's Oxford Internet Institute (OII) on 6-7 May 2004. It is one of a series of forum-based discussion papers produced by the OII. The event started on the evening of 6 May with presentations on the opportunities and challenges of e-democracy by Tracy Westen of the US-based Center for Governmental Studies, Stephen Coleman of the Oxford Internet Institute, and Matthew Taylor, policy adviser to the UK Prime Minister. It continued the next day with a roundtable discussion involving 35 specially invited practitioners, policy-makers and commentators from 13 countries (see Appendix 1). In addition to drawing on the research of many participants, including position papers written for the event, this discussion paper is informed by their relevant knowledge and practical experience in education, business, government and research. Wider sources than those covered at the Forum are also drawn on to provide a broader background.
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