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The role of digital status in adult child–parent relationships in European comparative perspective
Abstract
The increasing significance of technology-mediated social interactions gives rise to optimistic expectations that digitalisation leads to various overwhelmingly positive outcomes in all walks of life. Our study relies on the European Social Survey 10th wave data (2020–22) to investigate the role of digital status in the relationship between adult children and parents in 30 countries. We found media multiplexity in adult child–parent relationships to be coupled in interesting and partly counterintuitive ways with our novel measure of digital status that captures digital skills and the outcomes of ICT use. The country-specific binary logistic regression models revealed that digital skills and the emotional benefits of ICT use have a central role in using new and old technologies, whereas a positive practical outcome of ICT use decreased the frequency of adult child–parent contact. By shaping the opportunities of doing family digitally, the skills and outcomes aspects of digital status have independent roles in a key segment of intergenerational relationships of adult family members.
As digital transformations have the potential to reinforce longstanding inequalities and create novel ones within and among societies, it is vital to understand how this process is socially embedded. This article contributes to the study of macro‐level patterns of cross‐country differences in digitalization by providing a global comparative analysis of 76 countries in three different clusters, with a focus on the almost 30 countries with the lowest rates of adoption. Going beyond the “access, use, outcome” perspective of the digital divide approach, this empirical analysis addresses the social embeddedness of digitalization in the framework of the three types of social capital. In contrast to the digitalized and the digitalizing country clusters, the findings on the social capital profile of low‐adopter societies reveal their consistently low status on bridging and linking social capital, as well as their strengths in the trust and ties dimensions of bonding social capital. These results have alarming implications for digital inclusion in low‐adopter societies.
The complementarity interference (CI) model suggests that the Internet may either inhibit or facilitate interpersonal communications. This paper empirically examines the impact of Internet usage on interpersonal interactions, using a micro dataset from China to answer whether the Internet brings people closer together or further apart. The empirical results demonstrate, first, that Internet usage significantly increases both the time and frequency of people’s communications with their family and friends, rather than causing them to feel more disconnected and isolated. Holding other factors constant, for each one-standard-deviation increase in Internet usage, weekly communications with family members increases by an average of 102.150 min, while there is an average increase of 54.838 min in interactions with friends. These findings as to its positive effects are robust when using other regression models and interpersonal contact measures, as well as the instrumental variable method. Second, Internet usage also contributes to decreased loneliness; it exerts this effect primarily by improving people’s interactions with their family members. However, communications with friends do not significantly mediate such impacts. Third, the positive role of Internet usage on communications is more prominent for people with more frequent online socialization and self-presentation, better online skills, younger age, higher educational level, and who are living in urban areas. In addition, the beneficial effects of Internet usage are larger for communications with family members in the case of migrants. Therefore, in the context of the rapid development of information technology, the network infrastructure should be improved to make better use of the Internet to facilitate interpersonal communications and promote people’s wellness.
Through a re-analysis of survey data collected with a sample of 9,731 youth aged 11–17 from 10 European countries, the article explores how some of the most popular online activities for children and young people (i.e., informational, social, and entertainment activities) relate to different types of perceived digital skills, as well as individual and social characteristics (such as age, gender, emotional problems, sensation seeking, parental mediation, and family environment). Furthermore, this paper looks at the moderating role of the family environment between enabling parental mediation and online activities. Using multi-group structural equation modeling we found that emotional problems, perceived informational and social digital skills, and enabling parental mediation were associated with informational online activities; sensation seeking, perceived informational digital skills, and enabling and restrictive parental mediation were associated with social online activities; and restrictive parental mediation was associated with entertainment online activities. Implications of these findings for educators, policy-makers, and parents are outlined, as well as limitations and future directions.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to create a research framework to scrutinize how individuals' digital technology use produces tangible and intangible outcomes in online (digital) and offline realms.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper applies the Bourdieusian e-capital perspective to create a theory-based framework. The framework was used to guide a survey design to explore women's “social media-assisted reuse” at the micro-scale in Helsinki, Finland.
Findings
The paper argues that a new form of capital emerges when individuals utilize digital technologies in correspondence to their goals to gain added value that would be impossible or significantly more arduous to gain without the digital realm. The survey indicates that the respondents utilize the digital space – set objectives and gain capital-related outcomes – in correspondence to their differing social, economic and cultural positions and related resources in- and outside of the digital realm.
Practical implications
If digital spaces – due to social inequality and underlying power structures – become increasingly stratified, there will be significant impacts on how individuals from differing backgrounds gain accumulated forms of capital through the digital realm. The question is of great importance for battling inequality.
Originality/value
The paper enhances and synthesizes recent discussions on different forms of capital and outcomes of the use of digital technologies and presents a combined “e-capital–digital divide” framework that offers a more complete agenda for investigating the finely nuanced links between the inputs, outputs and outcomes of digital technology use.
A tanulmány a digitális egyenlőtlenségek és a digitális tőkemegoszlás romániai helyzetét vizsgálja az európai és a romániai nyilvános statisztikai adatok másodelemzése alapján. Az elemzés két feltételezés megerősítését célozza: 1. a digitális technológia széles körű elterjedése ellenére a digitális egyenlőtlenségek nem egyenlítődnek ki; 2. a hagyományos és a digitális tőke megoszlása hasonló tendenciákat követ. A feltételezéseket a vizsgálat igazolta. Az elmúlt tíz évben Romániában az internethasználók aránya folyamatosan nőtt, azonban a másodlagos és harmadlagos digitális megosztottság tekintetében Románia és az európai országok között jelentős szakadék húzódik.
Technology can be helpful for family relationships. Media multiplexity theory illustrates that the more technological connections (i.e., multimodality) an individual has with their family members, the stronger that relationship. Yet, this theory assumes that spending time face to face (FtF) is equitable to multimodality for relationship quality. The goal of this study is to examine the impact of online and offline interactions for the quality of family relationships. Data are from undergraduate students completing an online survey (N = 154). Results reveal that spending time FtF is better for the quality of relationships for one parent, but not the other. Although FtF was not significantly different for grandparent and sibling relationships, participants felt closer to siblings when they texted. Correlational analyses revealed that individuals scoring high in collectivism report that spending time FtF is associated with higher relationship closeness and love, particularly with parents, but not other family members. These results provide some evidence for the importance of spending quality time with family members, particularly for those who identify as collectivistic.
2020 marks the 25th anniversary of the “digital divide.” Although a quarter century has passed, legacy digital inequalities continue, and emergent digital inequalities are proliferating. Many of the initial schisms identified in 1995 are still relevant today. Twenty-five years later, foundational access inequalities continue to separate the digital haves and the digital have-nots within and across countries. In addition, even ubiquitous-access populations are riven with skill inequalities and differentiated usage. Indeed, legacy digital inequalities persist vis-à-vis economic class, gender, sexuality, race and ethnicity, aging, disability, healthcare, education, rural residency, networks, and global geographies. At the same time, emergent forms of inequality now appear alongside legacy inequalities such that notions of digital inequalities must be continually expanded to become more nuanced. We capture the increasingly complex and interrelated nature of digital inequalities by introducing the concept of the “digital inequality stack.” The concept of the digital inequality stack encompasses access to connectivity networks, devices, and software, as well as collective access to network infrastructure. Other layers of the digital inequality stack include differentiated use and consumption, literacies and skills, production and programming, etc. When inequality exists at foundational layers of the digital inequality stack, this often translates into inequalities at higher levels. As we show across these many thematic foci, layers in the digital inequality stack may move in tandem with one another such that all layers of the digital inequality stack reinforce disadvantage.
Marking the 25th anniversary of the “digital divide,” we continue our metaphor of the digital inequality stack by mapping out the rapidly evolving nature of digital inequality using a broad lens. We tackle complex, and often unseen, inequalities spawned by the platform economy, automation, big data, algorithms, cybercrime, cybersafety, gaming, emotional well-being, assistive technologies, civic engagement, and mobility. These inequalities are woven throughout the digital inequality stack in many ways including differentiated access, use, consumption, literacies, skills, and production. While many users are competent prosumers who nimbly work within different layers of the stack, very few individuals are “full stack engineers” able to create or recreate digital devices, networks, and software platforms as pure producers. This new frontier of digital inequalities further differentiates digitally skilled creators from mere users. Therefore, we document emergent forms of inequality that radically diminish individuals’ agency and augment the power of technology creators, big tech, and other already powerful social actors whose dominance is increasing.
Based on Bourdieu’s theory, this article focuses on the third-level digital divide in relation to offline outcomes of Internet use. Based on 30 in-depth qualitative interviews with young people in Madrid, we analyzed the mechanisms used to convert three main forms of capital—economic, cultural, and social—into digital capital (DC) and the subsequent reconversion of DC back into the three main forms of capital. We conclude that economic capital is the most basic form of digital inequality, imposing material barriers to access. Cultural capital is transformed into DC through people’s techno-socialization, while social capital is converted into DC by means of social practices and social support. DC can be retransformed into each of the three main forms of capital: to economic capital by means of professional networking and access to goods; to cultural capital through access to knowledge; and into social capital by the differential management of social ties.
Educational researchers, psychologists, social, epidemiological and medical scientists are often dealing with multilevel data. Sometimes, the response variable in multilevel data is categorical in nature and needs to be analyzed through Multilevel Logistic Regression Models. The main theme of this paper is to provide guidelines for the analysts to select an appropriate sample size while fitting multilevel logistic regression models for different threshold parameters and different estimation methods. Simulation studies have been performed to obtain optimum sample size for Penalized Quasi-likelihood (PQL) and Maximum Likelihood (ML) Methods of estimation. Our results suggest that Maximum Likelihood Method performs better than Penalized Quasi-likelihood Method and requires relatively small sample under chosen conditions. To achieve sufficient accuracy of fixed and random effects under ML method, we established ‘‘50/50” and ‘‘120/50” rule respectively. On the basis our findings, a ‘‘50/60” and ‘‘120/70” rules under PQL method of estimation have also been recommended.
Computer use has been proposed to carry a host of benefits for cognitive function and socioemotional well-being in older adults. However, the literature on computer use remains equivocal as extant research suffers from mixed findings as well as methodological limitations, such as overreliance on cross-sectional designs, small sample sizes, and use of narrow criterions. The current studies (NStudy 1 = 3,294, NStudy 2 = 2,683) sought to address these limitations through the use of a large-scale, nationally representative, and longitudinal dataset. We found that frequency of computer use—over a period of approximately 9 years—longitudinally predicted positive changes in executive functioning, hedonic well-being, eudaimonic well-being, sense of control, optimism, self-esteem, and social relationships with family and friends. We also found that these cognitive and socioemotional benefits are associated with greater computer use over time. In contrast to studies showing that computer use promoted sedentary lifestyles or adverse physical health outcomes, we instead found that computer use longitudinally predicted better self-reported physical and mental health and reduced functional disabilities. The current findings attest to the promising benefits of computer use in promoting healthy cognitive and socioemotional functioning across midlife and old age.
This article develops a Digital Capital Index by adopting the definition provided by Ragnedda, who defines Digital Capital as the accumulation of digital competencies and digital technologies, and the model for measuring it developed by Ragnedda and Ruiu. It aims to develop a measure that can be replicated for comparison in different contexts. This article contributes both theoretically and empirically to the literature by (a) consolidating the concept of Digital Capital as a specific capital and (b) empirically measuring it. A Digital Capital Index is developed through an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and validated with a representative sample survey of 868 UK citizens. The validation procedure shows that the Digital Capital Index is associated with socioeconomic and sociodemographic patterns, such as age, income, educational level and place of residence, while it appears not to be related to gender.
This article makes a theoretical contribution by looking at the rise of digital capital and its relation to the already existent social, economic, personal, political and cultural capitals (the five capitals, 5Cs from now on).
• It refers to the ways through which the interaction between the digital capital and the 5Cs generates inequalities in online experience (second level of digital divide), and how this new capital contributes towards the creation of the third level of digital divide, seen as the inequalities in the returning social benefits of using the Internet (van Deursen and Helsper, 2015, Ragnedda, 2017).
• It explains how, in order to make profitable the resources gained from the digital realm and transform them into social resources, individuals need a positive interrelation between the digital capital and social (Bourdieu, 1983, Coleman, 1990, Putnam, 1995), political (Syed and Whiteley, 1997), economic (Bourdieu, 1983), personal (Becker, 1996) and cultural capitals (Bourdieu, 1983). This interaction helps individuals to transform the digital resources into social resources and to exploit the full advantages offered by the Internet.
• It defines digital capital (first attempt ever), and the reasons why do we – as researchers of communication and its social and technological aspects – need to introduce a new capital in our theoretical toolkit.
• It fills a gap in the literature by proposing a nuanced definition of digital capital (as a new “bourdieusian capital”) and analysing how its relationship with the 5Cs influences digital inequalities, and how it may reinforce or mitigate previous social inequalities.
Geographically dispersed family members utilize frequent and diverse modes of communication to maintain their relationships. In transnational families separated by national boarders, family members may face constraints on channel selection due to cultural and/or structural factors. We draw from media multiplexity theory (MMT) and the cultural dimensions model to examine how transnationalism, societal individualism-collectivism (I-C), family allocentrism, and relational closeness influence the use of information communication technologies (ICTs) to maintain long-distance family relationships (LDFRs). Whereas results of the analysis provide cross-cultural support for MMT’s predictions regarding closeness and ICT frequency, the analysis reveals little support for MMT’s predictions regarding closeness and ICT variety. This study extends MMT by including culture in the study of relational closeness and ICT use, highlights the importance of family allocentrism when applying MMT to LDFRs, and demonstrates how transnational families can have frequent communication to maintain close, long-distance ties despite limited channel variety. Keywords: Culture, Immigrants, Information Communication Technologies, Long Distance Families, Relational ClosenessThis work was supported by the Humanities Center Faculty Fellowship program at Wayne State University.
Although much research examines the factors that affect technology adoption and use, less is known about how older adults as a group differ in their ability to use the Internet. The theory of digital inequality suggests that even once people have gone online, differences among them will persist in important ways such as their online skills. We analyze survey data about older American adults’ Internet skills to examine whether skills differ in this group and if they do, what explains differential online abilities. We find that there is considerable variation in Internet know-how and this relates to both socioeconomic status and autonomy of use. The results suggest that attempts to achieve a knowledgeable older adult population regarding Internet use must take into account these users’ socioeconomic background and available access points.
The objective of the present paper is to characterize the structure of individual social networks and to provide new insights into the underlying mechanism of individual social capitalization process. In particular, we put to the test three main assumptions underlying Lin's seminal explanatory model of individual social capital determinants (Lin, 2001). We analyzed the results of an extensive and specifically designed survey on personal networks in Spanish society (OSIM, 2011). Our findings, based on the use of Principal Component Analysis (PCA), regression and structural methods allow us to complement Lin's general model distinguishing accessibility and mobilization of social resources. Furthermore, the empirical evidence suggests the need for introducing a significant distinction between instrumental-expert and expressive mobilization. Finally, our analysis allows us to identify the main determining factors of both forms of capitalization of personal relations.
Purpose
Research into the explanations of digital inclusion has moved from investigations of skills and usage to tangible outcomes, what we label here as the third-level digital divide. There is a lack of theoretical development about which types of people are most likely to benefit. Understanding how achieving outcomes of internet use is linked to other types of (dis)advantage is one of the most complex aspects of digital inclusion research because very few reliable and valid measures have been developed. In the current study we took a first step toward creating an operational framework for measuring tangible outcomes of internet use and linking these to the inequalities identified by digital divide research.
Methodology/approach
After having proposed a classification for internet outcomes, we assessed these outcomes in a representative sample of the Dutch population.
Findings
Our overall conclusion in relation to the more general relationship between offline resources and third-level digital divides is that the internet remains more beneficial for those with higher social status, not in terms of how extensively they use the technology but in what they achieve as a result of this use for several important domains.
Social implications
When information and services are offered online, the number of potential outcomes the internet has to offer increases. If individuals with higher social status are taking greater offline advantage from digital engagement than their lower status counterparts, existing offline inequalities could potentially be acerbated.
Although a number of instruments have been used to measure Internet skills in nationally representative surveys, there are several challenges with the measures available: incompleteness and over-simplification, conceptual ambiguity, and the use of self-reports. Here, we aim to overcome these challenges by developing a set of reliable measures for use in research, practice, and policy evaluations based on a strong conceptual framework. To achieve this goal, we carried out a literature review of skills-related studies to develop the initial Internet skills framework and associated instrument. After the development of this instrument, we used a three-fold approach to test the validity and reliability of the latent skill constructs and the corresponding items. The first step consisted of cognitive interviews held in both the UK and the Netherlands. Based on the cognitive interview results, we made several amendments to the proposed skill items to improve clarity. The second step consisted of a pilot survey of digital skills, both in the UK and in the Netherlands. During the final step, we examined the consistency of the five Internet skill scales and their characteristics when measured in a representative sample survey of Dutch Internet users. The result is a theoretical, empirically and cross-nationally consistent instrument consisting of five types of Internet skills: operational, navigation information, social, creative, and mobile.
Country effects on outcomes for individuals are often analysed using multilevel (hierarchical) models applied to harmonized
multi-country data sets such as ESS, EU-SILC, EVS, ISSP, and SHARE. We point out problems with the assessment of country effects
that appear not to be widely appreciated, and develop our arguments using Monte Carlo simulation analysis of multilevel linear
and logit models. With large sample sizes of individuals within each country but only a small number of countries, analysts
can reliably estimate individual-level effects but estimates of parameters summarizing country effects are likely to be unreliable.
Multilevel modelling methods are no panacea.
This article develops understanding of cultural and digital capital in order to evaluate the contribution of creative practitioners to rural community resilience. Online practices today impact on creative work in rural locales in a number of ways. However, exactly how they extend ‘reach’ and contribute to rural creativity deserves greater attention. We examine how broadband Internet access and online practices impact on rural creative work and, in turn, how this enables creatives to participate at different levels in their rural communities, thus contributing to research into both rural community resilience and rural creative economies by providing in-depth qualitative analysis. Through interviews undertaken in rural Scotland, the article outlines the implications of poor rural Internet connectivity for creative economies and explores the impact of this on the role of creatives in their rural communities and their ‘community-focused’ creative activities. Our findings suggest creative practitioners are using digital technologies and adaptive approaches to overcome barriers to connectivity and to remain in rural locations. Creatives are invested in their communities and their rurality on a number of levels, contributing to community resilience through building cultural capital in diverse ways, and to ‘ripple effects’ from online activities.
Lee Rainie, Director, Pew Internet Project This Pew Internet & American Life Project report is based on the findings of two daily tracking surveys on Americans' use of the internet. The Pew Social Ties survey was fielded from February 17, 2004, through March 17, 2004, and it surveyed 2,200 adults age 18 and older. The Pew Internet Project survey on the internet's role in major life decisions was fielded from February 21, 2005, through March 21, 2005, and it surveyed 2,201 adults age 18 and older. This report confronts one of the great debates about the internet: What is it doing to the relationships and social capital that Americans have with friends, relatives, neighbors, and workmates? Those on one side of the debate extol the internet's ability to expand relationships — socially and geographically. Those on the other side of the debate fear that the internet will alienate people from their richer, more authentic relations. Once upon a time, the internet was seen as something special, available only to wizards and geeks. Now it has become part of everyday life. People routinely integrate it into the ways in which they communicate with each other, moving between phone, computer, and in-person encounters.
In a representative survey of the Dutch population we found that people with low levels of education and disabled people are using the Internet for more hours a day in their spare time than higher educated and employed populations. To explain this finding, we investigated what these people are doing online. The first contribution is a theoretically validated cluster of Internet usage types: information, news, personal development, social interaction, leisure, commercial transaction and gaming. The second contribution is that, based on this classification, we were able to identify a number of usage differences, including those demonstrated by people with different gender, age, education and Internet experience, that are often observed in digital divide literature. The general conclusion is that when the Internet matures, it will increasingly reflect known social, economic and cultural relationships of the offline world, including inequalities.
There is a dearth of survey instruments for measuring Internet skills. This article presents results from additional implementations of a previously-developed index measure. It considers the performance of the original instrument over time as well as shortened versions of it on two surveys of different populations. Drawing on analyses of five different data sets, the article makes recommendations for various length survey items for measuring people’s web-use skills.
Because of the growing amount of information on the internet and people’s increasing dependence on information, internet skills should be considered as a vital resource in contemporary society. This article focuses on the differential possession of internet skills among the Dutch population. In two studies, an in-depth range of internet skills are measured by charging subjects assignments to be accomplished on the internet. Subjects were recruited by applying a random stratified sampling method over gender, age, and education. While the level of operational and formal internet skills appeared quite high, the level of information and strategic internet skills is questionable. Whereas education appeared an important contributor to all skill levels, age only appeared a significant contributor to operational and formal skills. The results strengthen the findings that the original digital divide of physical internet access has evolved into a divide that includes differences in skills to use the internet.
This article presents a theoretical examination of the digital divide, tracing its origins in the centre–Left social inclusion policy agenda of the 1980s and 1990s to its current status of political ‘hot topic’. It then moves on to outline four conceptual limitations to conventional dichotomous notions of the digital divide and individuals’ ‘access’ to information and communications technology (ICT): what is meant by ICT; what is meant by ‘access’; the relationship between ‘access to ICT’ and ‘use of ICT’; and a lack of consideration of the consequences of engagement with ICT. The article outlines a more sophisticated, hierarchical model of the digital divide based around these conceptual ‘stages’ while recognizing the mediating role of economic, cultural and social forms of capital in shaping individuals’ engagements with ICT. It concludes by developing a set of research themes and questions for future examination of inequalities in individuals’ use of ICT.
The relationship that disabled university students have with both their technologies and institutions is poorly understood. This paper seeks to illuminate this relationship using the conceptual lens of digital capital. The results from a study that explored the technology experiences of 31 disabled students studying in one university were analysed with a view to revealing evidence for both cultural and social digital capital. The analysis suggests that disabled students possess significant levels of both cultural and social capital, but that there are times when this capital is compromised or insufficient to enable students to fully benefit from technologies. Possessing digital capital does not appear to guarantee complete inclusion into university life.
This article presents survey measures of web-oriented digital literacy to serve as proxies for observed skill measures, which are much more expensive and difficult to collect for large samples. Findings are based on a study that examined users’ digital literacy through both observations and survey questions, making it possible to check the validity of survey proxy measures. These analyses yield a set of recommendations for what measures work well as survey proxies of people’s observed web-use skills. Some of these survey measures were administered on the General Social Survey 2000 and 2002 Internet modules, making the findings relevant for the use of existing large-scale national data sets. Results suggest that some composite variables of survey knowledge items are better predictors of people’s actual digital literacy based on performance tests than are measures of users’ self-perceived abilities, a proxy traditionally used in the literature on the topic.
Contemporary research on disparities in access to and use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) – what is commonly referred to as the digital divide – is limited in terms of its ability to explain the interrelationships between digital and urban inequalities. Drawing upon critical geographical conceptualizations of the relationships between power, place, and scale, and a Bourdieusian conceptualization of technological and social capital, this article proposes a model of the interconnections between urban and digital inequalities from the vantage point of the everyday experiences of economically marginalized urban residents in the United States. On the basis of this model, the author suggests a future research agenda that examines the empowerment or disempowerment of people related to ICTs in relation to their own frameworks for ICT use; how technological capacity is related to technological and social capital embedded in particular places; and how technical capacity is developed across multiple spaces and multiple arenas situated in a broader analysis of inequality.
There is widespread concern that the growth of the Internet is exacerbating inequalities between the information rich and poor. Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
Purpose: There is support for the role of Internet use in promoting well-being among older people. However, there are also contradictory findings which may be attributed to methodological issues. First, research has focused on frequency of online activity rather than how engagement in different types of online activities may influence well-being. Secondly, previous studies have used either cross-sectional designs, which cannot elucidate causality or intervention designs with uncontrolled extraneous variables. In this longitudinal observational study, we test the indirect impact of online engagement for
social, informational, and instrumental purposes on older adults’ well-being via reducing loneliness and supporting social engagement.
Design and Method: A population sample of 1,165 adults aged 60–77 (M = 68.22, SD = 4.42; 52.4% female) was surveyed over 3 waves. Using longitudinal mediation analysis with demographic controls, the indirect effects of types of Internet use on well-being through loneliness and social engagement were estimated.
Results: Participants engaged online for 3 purposes: social (e.g., connecting with friends/family), instrumental (e.g., banking), and informational (e.g., reading health-related information). Social use indirectly impacted well-being via decreased loneliness and increased social engagement. Informational and instrumental uses indirectly impacted well-being through engagement in a wider range of activities; however, were unrelated to loneliness.
Implications: Findings highlight that Internet use can support older adults’ well-being; however, not every form of engagement impacts well-being the same way. These findings will inform the focus of interventions which aim to promote well-being.
This paper identifies individuals’ accumulated history with Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) as a replacement for the contested and outdated term ‘digital divide.’ We propose that an individual’s ability to benefit from their technological history consists of four factors: awareness, knowledge, access, and technological capacity of the user’s social collective. Together, these factors make up the individual’s level or amount of Technological Capital. The development of this construct was based on empirical research conducted in Soweto, South Africa, and through an analysis of the literature on assessing individuals’ accumulated histories. The concept of technological capital has the potential for application in fields in which ICTs are used for communication, capacity building, and identifying barriers to adoption of new technologies. The use of the concept may have implications for policy decisions, resource allocation, and future research into differences among individuals’ and communities’ ability to benefit from the introduction of new technologies.
Recently, several digital divide scholars suggested that a shift is needed from a focus on binary Internet access (first-level digital divide) and Internet skills and use (second-level digital divide) to a third-level digital divide in which the tangible outcomes of Internet use are highlighted. A plethora of studies have been conducted to identify determinants of digital divides. Unfortunately, there is a lack of consistency in the terminology used. Moreover, terms are often not theoretically grounded. Therefore, we conducted a systematic literature review of digital divide determinants. The results show that the third-level digital divide was underexposed. The primary focus is on Internet use. More importantly, the identified determinants show that digital divide research is largely limited to sociodemographic and socioeconomic determinants.
Social interaction is integral to the healthy psychosocial development of adolescents. The rapid expansion and evolution of the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector over the last two decades has opened up a new world of unlimited opportunities and possibilities for social interaction. Despite the tremendous strides that have been made in the ICT sector, there has been a dearth of research on the factors linked to adolescents’ use of ICT for social interaction. The present study, therefore, drawing on data from the 2013 International Computer and Information Literacy Study (ICILS) database and employing three-level hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) as an analytic strategy, examined the predictive effects of ICT-related behavioral and motivational characteristics on the frequency of use of ICT for social communication among 56209 early adolescents from 3132 schools in 20 ICLIS participating countries. The results of the three-level HLM analyses, after accounting for student-, school-, and country-level demographic characteristics, revealed that early adolescents’ ICT-related behavioral and motivational characteristics significantly and positively predicted their use of ICT for social communication. Specifically, Internet access at home, number of computers at home, learning of ICT tasks at school, use of specific ICT applications, use of ICT during lessons at school, use of ICT for recreation, ICT self-efficacy, and interest as well as enjoyment in using ICT significantly and positively predicted the use of ICT for social communication among early adolescents in 20 countries. Implications of the findings are discussed briefly for policy and practice.
Current debates on students’ use of information and communication technology (ICT) have brought to attention profiles and purposes of ICT use in either school-related or recreational contexts. Examining these two contexts at the same time, the present study seeks to identify student profiles of ICT use on the basis of the Norwegian International Computer and Information Literacy Study (ICILS) 2013 data (N = 2,426). In order to explore profiles of ICT use in schools and at home for different purposes such as recreation, study purposes, exchanging information, and social communication, we take a person-centered approach and apply latent profile analysis. These analyses revealed two independent user profiles and showed that background characteristics (i.e., gender, immigration status) and motivational constructs (i.e., self-efficacy, interest, and enjoyment in ICT) play a significant role in determining profile membership. Significant differences between the user profiles in students’ computer and information literacy test performance did not exist. Given that the coverage of ICT at home and in schools has increased substantially over the last decades, the identification of user profiles informs teachers and parents about whether or not students exploit these opportunities to the same extent. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.
The paper can be downloaded here (until March 17, 2017): https://authors.elsevier.com/a/1URl92f~UW0wlq
Logistic regression estimates do not behave like linear regression estimates in one important respect: They are affected by omitted variables, even when these variables are unrelated to the independent variables in the model. This fact has important implications that have gone largely unnoticed by sociologists. Importantly, we cannot straightforwardly interpret log-odds ratios or odds ratios as effect measures, because they also reflect the degree of unobserved heterogeneity in the model. In addition, we cannot compare log-odds ratios or odds ratios for similar models across groups, samples, or time points, or across models with different independent variables in a sample. This article discusses these problems and possible ways of overcoming them.
Despite what students and teachers believe about their own engagement with New Literacies and their connection with print-based, school sanctioned literacies, New Literacies and print-based literacies are not unconnected (Alvermann, 2001; Alexander, 2006; Baird & Fisher, 2005-2006). Ad-olescents are able to navigate adeptly the old and New Literacies (Lankshear & Knobel, 2006). They move through and between paper-based and New Literacies for academic, economic, and social purposes at school, at work, and at home. Given the quantity of time students spend online, it seems foolish to ignore the role of the Internet in the lives of students and the effects of enabling the instantiation of that role in students' academic lives. This paper describes the experience of introducing a blog into an English literature classroom in an alternative education classroom over the course of two years and how the students there reconstructed the blog into a third space for identity construction. It also discusses the effects of student online literacies on pedagogy and students and to what use knowledge of that role can be put in the classroom.
The Deepening Divide: Inequality in the Information Society explains why the digital divide is still widening and, in advanced high-tech societies, deepening. Taken from an international perspective, the book offers full coverage of the literature and research and a theoretical framework from which to analyze and approach the issue. Where most books on the digital divide only describe and analyze the issue, Jan van Dijk presents 26 policy perspectives and instruments designed to close the divide itself.
Based on the idea that Internet use can be conceptualized in terms of depth (frequency) and width (differentiated) uses of the Web, this study explored how socio-demographic factors and digital skills are related to frequency and types of Facebook use among young adults. It used a face-to-face representative survey conducted in the three main urban areas of Chile among a sample of 18-to 29-year olds. The results found that men and more educated young people had higher levels of skills, confirming that the so-called ‘digital natives’ are not a monolithic group. They also revealed that digital skills did not predict frequency of Facebook use. Furthermore, lower educated young people tended to use Facebook more frequently. Although these results go against the long-established digital divide research, traditional digital gaps emerged when types of use were analyzed. While more educated and skillful individuals tended to use Facebook for informational and mobilizing purposes, socio-demographic factors and skills did not make a difference in Facebook use for social purposes.
This paper presents the results of an analysis of secondary students’ computer use, aimed at understanding how different factors influence the profile of activities carried out by students with computers. The analysis is based on the data from a national study aimed at measuring students’ Information and Communication Technology (ICT) skills for learning. A factor analysis was carried out to categorize students’ activities with computers and several indexes were constructed to define the comparison groups. Finally, a multiple linear regression analysis was performed to explain the frequency of the activities. Results show that students with access to computers at home mainly perform activities categorized as Socializing, Academic, Gaming and Production and that although the absolute frequency of these activities differs across groups, the profiles of computer use are surprisingly similar for groups based on students’ socio-economic group, experience with ICT, and self-confidence in the use of ICT. The only variable that discriminates user profiles is gender. Based on these findings, it can be claimed that Chilean secondary students with access to computers at home tend to show a rather homogenous computer-use profile, once access is equated.
Chapter 1: Introductory Factor Analysis Concepts Chapter 2: Requirements for and Decisions in Choosing Exploratory Common Factor Analysis Chapter 3: Requirements and Decisions for Implementing Exploratory Common Factor Analysis Chapter 4: Factor Analysis Assumptions Chapter 5: Implementing and Interpreting Exploratory Factor Analysis Chapter 6: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to develop and promote a realistic understanding of young people and digital technology with a view to supporting information professionals in playing useful and meaningful roles in supporting current generations of young people. In particular the paper aims to offer a critical perspective on popular and political understandings of young people and digital technologies – characterised by notions of “digital natives”, the “net generation” and other commonsense portrayals of expert young technology users. The paper seeks to consider the accuracy of such descriptions in reflecting young people's actual uses of digital technology and digital information.
Design/methodology/approach
– The paper provides a comprehensive review of the recent published literatures on young people and digital technology in information sciences, education studies and media/communication studies.
Findings
– The findings show that young people's engagements with digital technologies are varied and often unspectacular – in stark contrast to popular portrayals of the digital native. As such, the paper highlights a misplaced technological and biological determinism that underpins current portrayals of children, young people and digital technology.
Originality/value
– The paper challenges the popular assumption that current generations of children and young people are innate, talented users of digital technologies. Having presented a more realistic basis for approaching generational differences in technology use, the paper explores the functions and roles that information professionals can be expected to play in supporting young people in the digital age.
This paper explores the impact of communication media and the Internet on connectivity between people. Results from a series of social network studies of media use are used as background for exploration of these impacts. These studies explored the use of all available media among members of an academic research group and among distance learners. Asking about media use as well as about the strength of the tie between communicating pairs revealed that those more strongly tied used more media to communicate than weak ties, and that media use within groups conformed to a unidimensional scale, showing a configuration of different tiers of media use supporting social networks of different ties strengths. These results lead to a number of implications regarding media and Internet connectivity, including: how media use can be added to characteristics of social network ties; how introducing a medium can create latent tie connectivity among group members that provides the technical means for activating weak ties, and also how a change in a medium can disrupt existing weak tie networks; how the tiers of media use also suggest that certain media support different kinds of information flow; and the importance of organization-level decisions about what media to provide and promote. The paper concludes with a discussion of implications for Internet effects.