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Deviant Behavior
ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/udbh20
Unpacking the Construction of Online Identities of
Hybristophilia Communities on TikTok
Thomas James Vaughan Williams, Harriet Emily Slater & Camilo Tamayo
Gomez
To cite this article: Thomas James Vaughan Williams, Harriet Emily Slater & Camilo Tamayo
Gomez (09 Apr 2024): Unpacking the Construction of Online Identities of Hybristophilia
Communities on TikTok, Deviant Behavior, DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2024.2338273
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2024.2338273
© 2024 The Author(s). Published with
license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
Published online: 09 Apr 2024.
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Unpacking the Construction of Online Identities of Hybristophilia
Communities on TikTok
Thomas James Vaughan Williams , Harriet Emily Slater , and Camilo Tamayo Gomez
The University of Huddersfield (UK), Huddersfield, UK
ABSTRACT
This study delves into the expressions of Hybristophilia, an intriguing phe-
nomenon characterized by a sexual attraction to criminal oenders. While
existing literature has primarily focused on manifestations including letter-
writing and courtroom support, scant attention has been given to the online
realm, leaving a notable gap in understanding the interplay between
Hybristophilia, online identity constructions, and oine duality. Employing
an innovative method termed the TikTok Matrix Analysis (TMA), the research
team explored Hybristophilia content on the popular social media platform
TikTok. This analytical method identied four prominent themes: Sexual
Objectication, Trivialisation of Trauma, Romanticisation of Criminals, and
Guiltiness. Notably, the content online exhibited a concerted eort to
reshape the negative perception of the criminal oender and their actions,
simultaneously serving as an outlet for the author’s admiration for the
chosen oender. The ndings highlight the transformative nature of
Hybristophilia content online and its potential impact on both users and
victims. By diluting the negative perception of criminal actions, these expres-
sions may inadvertently contribute to minimizing the severity of oenses
and overlooking the trauma experienced by victims. The study also under-
scores the importance of considering the ethical implications and limitations
inherent in researching such sensitive topics. This research contributes to the
broader understanding of Hybristophilia by shedding light on its manifesta-
tions within the digital landscape. As society navigates the complex inter-
section of online and oine identities, the study prompts further exploration
into the consequences of these expressions on individuals, communities, and
the justice system.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 13 December 2023
Accepted 28 March 2024
Introduction
Despite TikTok being a relatively new social media platform compared to its main competitors, the
platform quickly became one of the most prominent and popular social media platforms across the
globe, with the site reporting 1.7 billion users in 2023 (Curry 2023). The platform’s popularity is
a result of numerous factors, according to users of the site, such as, the variety of unique content they
can find and the comfort the site provides users who want to publish and express their own content
and views (Southern 2021). The ease of content creation and personal expression that TikTok
provides, although valuable for the site from a business perspective, does simultaneously present the
platform with issues regarding the content that users are uploading freely.
Currently, when it comes to problematic content on TikTok, the platform adamantly states in their
transparency reports that they prohibit and actively remove any content that violates their terms of
CONTACT Camilo Tamayo Gomez c.a.tamayogomez@hud.ac.uk Department of Behavioural and Social Sciences, School of
Human and Health Sciences, University of Huddersfield (UK), Ramsden Building R2/46, Queensgate, Huddersfield HD1 3DH, UK
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR
https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2024.2338273
© 2024 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the
original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. The terms on which this article has been published allow the
posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
service (TikTok 2023). The content they actively prohibit and remove ranges from TikToks that
include hate speech and mature themes to posts that include and promote violent extremism (TikTok
2023) However, research exploring the efficiency of TikTok’s ability to adhere to these terms of service
have highlighted failings within the safeguarding efforts of the site to protect its users from potentially
harmful content (Williams et al. 2023).
In addition, potentially harmful content that is not included within their terms of service has been
reported to be prominent on the site, such as, content that involves and promotes the use of drugs and
alcohol to its users (Alliance House Foundation 2023). This content being prominent on the site and
bypassing the safeguarding measures of the site creates an ominous concern due to the content that
those TikToks contain and the behaviors it encourages. This potential failure in safeguarding content
also creates an issue when it comes to lesser known and monitored behaviors. The combination of ease
of expression and content creation with a limited monitoring system, provides users with the
opportunity to express behaviors, opinions, and beliefs that they, in other environments and contexts,
might be criticized and reprimanded for.
However, with the ability on TikTok to create an anonymous account and create content within the
application/site itself, users have less restrictions when it comes to publicly expressing themselves,
especially for behaviors they might otherwise hide or not present offline or in other online formats.
One of the behaviors that TikTok has provided users with is the opportunity to express the
phenomena of “Hybristophilia;” which Money (1986) originally coined as a paraphilia in which
arousal is a response to being with a partner known to have committed a crime, with this definition
later being refined as “being sexually attracted to a sex partner who is a criminal (Corsini 2002:456).”
This phenomenon is not a new experience, with documented cases and research discussions on the
phenomena of individuals expressing their attraction to infamous and convicted criminal offenders
dating back decades (Money 1986; Vitaliano, James, and Boyer 1981). However, although the
phenomenon is not new, there is still limited agreement on a universal symptomology of
Hybristophilia, with the phenomena often being labeled as an extreme form of sexual attraction as
opposed to a separate disorder (Slavikova and Panza 2014).
There are numerous theories as to how Hybristophilia is manifested, with Gurian (2013) suggesting
Hybristophilia may be a result of an individual being a victim of abuse, lowering their self-esteem and
influencing their sexual preferences toward criminality. Additionally, Parker (2014) proposed that
Hybristophilia may be manifested by the individuals own violent tendencies, where they seek out
a known criminal to aid them with their own criminal intentions. Alternatively, in most cases of
Hybristophilia the individual never experiences physical intimacy or contact with the desired criminal
(Vitello 2006), yet by attaching themselves to an individual who has knowingly committed criminal
behavior, the individual experiencing Hybristophilia may be able to construct and formulate their own
criminal identity through association and the illusion of intimacy (Slavikova and Panza 2014).
Additionally, they may also be living and experiencing a criminal identity vicariously through their
desired criminal, allowing them to fulfill their criminality-based needs without having to commit
a crime themselves (Vitello 2006). Yet, despite the phenomena not being new, the motivations and
origins of the individual manifestation of this sexual desire still remains highly speculative (Pettigrew
2019).
A notable example of Hybristophilia was showcased during the case of infamous serial killer Ted
Bundy, where not only did the offender attract scores of admirers to the courtroom during his trial but
he also received letters of admiration from members of the public, often stating the authors attraction
and love for Bundy (Cawthorne 2007). This behavior of actively showcasing affection, attraction, and
admiration for a criminal offender (prominent features of Hybristophilia) has occurred for other
infamous criminal offenders of varying criminal actions, ranging from serial homicide to acts of
terrorism (Bailey 2016). Those actions and efforts are also prevalent for infamous criminals who after
they are deceased, are posthumously subjected to Hybristophilia, where even in some cases, they are
subjected to Hybristophilia retroactively by individuals who were not alive when the criminals
committed their crime (Beaumont 2015).
2T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
However, documented cases of Hybristophilia have often focused on the offline representa-
tions of the phenomena, which often takes the form of actions such as protesting the
detainment of the criminal to writing and sending letters to the incarcerated criminal,
declaring the author’s love and admiration. Thus, there is little research exploring how the
introduction of the internet and social media platforms may have transformed these expres-
sions of affection and admiration.
If social media platforms including TikTok provide users with the ability to freely express
themselves publicly and anonymously, then individuals wanting to showcase and share their affection
and admiration for criminal offenders might opt to utilize these platforms for this purpose. It may
provide an individual with a more flexible and easier method of showcasing their admiration and
attraction to the criminal, without having to approach or contact them offline. Additionally, through
the social and cross-media platforms feature of providing anonymity, the user can create their own
identity around whatever beliefs and expressions they want to share on the platform, presenting the
option of duality and separation between the socially accepted behaviors they exhibit offline and the
potentially scrutinized behaviors they exhibit online, including showing sexual attraction to an
infamous criminal offender.
In this paper, our aim is to explore the expression and presentation of Hybristophilia online, with
a particular focus on the constructions of online identities and the duality of identity. These explora-
tion efforts are centered within the social media platform TikTok. The article comprises five sections,
each contributing to a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. The first section revisits
theoretical perspectives to comprehend the construction of offline and online identities. We argue that
the construction of online and offline identities is a multifaceted and complex social process, involving
performance, impression management, and the negotiation and reconfiguration of multiple identities.
We claim that Erving Goffman’s and Zygmunt Bauman’s theories remain essential epistemological
tools for analyzing and understanding how individuals construct, present, and navigate their identities
in contemporary times. The second section provides an insight into the methodological design of this
research, outlining the approach taken to delve into the complex realm of online identity construction.
The third section presents the research findings after conducting a TikTok Matrix Analysis (TMA).
This analysis identified four prevalent themes within the collected sample: Sexual Objectification (SO),
Trivialisation of Trauma (TT), Romanticisation of Criminal (RC), and Guiltiness (G). Each theme
sheds light on distinct aspects of Hybristophilia expressions on TikTok. The fourth section initiates
a discussion of the overall findings, highlighting three elements regarding the creation of
Hybristophilia content on TikTok. This discussion unfolds in three parts: an examination of the
problematic nature of these representations for the victims, an exploration of how this content
promotes desensitization on the topic, and an analysis of the motivation behind the dissemination
of these online narratives. The final section concludes with some views on understanding the
expression and presentation of Hybristophilia online, with a particular focus on constructions of
online identities and duality of identity, and our suggestions for conducting future research about this
topic.
Revisiting theoretical perspectives to understand the construction of oine and online
identities
The construction of online identities is a dynamic, intricate, and complex social process that
can be explained by addressing different theoretical perspectives. In order to understand this
phenomenon, it is crucial to take a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach to shed
light on the performative, sociocultural, and evolving nature of online identity construction in
contemporary times. Different epistemological angles can offer valuable insights into compre-
hending how individuals create, manage, and present their identities in digital ecosystems or
social media environments (Scolari 2023). One epistemic paradigm is symbolic interactionism.
This sociological view emphasizes the role of symbols and interactions in shaping human
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 3
behavior. This perspective argues that individuals develop their identities through social
interactions (Roe, Joseph, and Middleton 2010). In the online context, it highlights how
communication, symbols, and language can contribute to the formation of digital identities.
It also highlights the importance of feedback, recognition, and interpretation from other
online actors in shaping these identities (Franzese and Seigler 2020).
Another theoretical perspective is identity theory. This approach has been mainly developed
by social psychology scholars and suggests that individuals develop and maintain their
identities by categorizing themselves and others into social roles and groups (Burke and
Stets 2009). Furthermore, this theory highlights the process of identity development, including
by what means individuals come to understand themselves, and how they navigate the
complexities of multiple identities, especially in multicultural and diverse societies. Thus,
this perspective examines how individuals’ identities influence their social behavior, including
how they interact with others, their preferences for certain social groups, and their attitudes
and beliefs. It helps explain phenomena like in-group favoritism, intergroup conflict, and
social identity theory (Giles 2016; Harwood 2020). From this angle, in the digital ecosystem,
individuals construct and negotiate their identities based on the social roles they can play in
digital communities, including online forums, social networks, transmedia content, or virtual
worlds (Chan 2017; Freeman and Smith 2023).
The epistemology of the construction of identity as performance and performativity,
following principally the intellectual work of Judith Butler, Donna Haraway, and Slavoj
Žižek, is another relevant point of reference. Performativity theory emphasizes the idea that
identities and the construction of online identities are not fixed but are performed or enacted.
This perspective suggests that individuals “perform” their identities through digital actions
including posting, liking, and sharing, contributing to the ongoing construction of one’s
online and offline identities. This approach stresses how the constructions of social identities
are defined by ideological frameworks, gender constructions, and interactions between human
and non-human bodies (Butler 2015; Haraway 1991; Zizek 2009). Narrative and storytelling
theories focus on how individuals create coherent and meaningful life narratives in offline and
online environments in order to express some particular social attributes: race, ethnicity,
gender, religion, nationality, or even affiliations with different social groups or organizations
(Hassler-Forest and Nicklas 2015). In online ecosystems, people construct digital narratives
and representations through their social media posts, blogs, personal websites, or broadcasting
channels. Those narratives shape how others recognize and perceive them and how they
observe themselves in the online world (Freeman and Smith 2023).
In this context, the concept of digital dualism, proposed by Nathan Jurgenson in (2011),
challenges the notion of a strict separation between the physical and digital worlds. Jurgenson
argues that online identities are not separate from our real offline identities and, therefore, they
are intertwined in augmented reality. This approach underscores the idea that online identities are
an extension of our offline selves, where online communities can be seen as communities of
practice of our social offline world (Jurgenson 2011). Moreover, social identity theory and the
concept of communities of practice help us understand how individuals identify with and con-
struct their offline and online identities within specific social structures, political organizations,
cultural institutions, and online communities. Those theories emphasized that one’s identity is
often influenced by the norms, values, and practices of the offline and online communities to
which they belong. As a result, by exploring and understanding the interactions of online
communities in digital ecosystems it would be possible to comprehend the particularities regard-
ing how individuals create, negotiate, and perform their identities in different digital and non-
digital spaces (Lagerkvist 2019).
Nevertheless, there are two scholars, Erving Goffman and Zygmunt Bauman, who provide a more
robust and comprehensive theoretical understanding regarding how to comprehend the construction
of identities in online and offline environments.
4T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
Erving Goman’s dramaturgical approach
Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective views social life and the construction of individual and
collective identities as a series of performances. This theory is particularly relevant to the online world,
where individuals create front-stage personas on social media, blogs, and other digital platforms. The
management of impressions and the distinction between the front stage and backstage are key
concepts in understanding online identity construction. The front stage represents the aspects of
one’s identity that are intentionally displayed to others, while the backstage contains the concealed or
less socially acceptable aspects (Goffman 1959). In online ecosystems, social media profiles, blog posts,
and other digital artifacts serve as the front stage, carefully curated to project a specific image to the
online audience. This curated self can be seen as a persona created for public consumption. Goffman
also argued that individuals can perform different roles and personas in social interactions, and these
performances contribute to the construction of their identities, engaging in sociocultural processes of
self-presentation (Goffman 1961). In other words, the front stage refers to the public persona that
individuals present to others in offline or online contexts, while the backstage represents the private
self.
In the online realm, individuals carefully curate their front-stage identities through profile pictures,
status updates, and interactions on social media platforms. This curated identity often differs from
their backstage self, as they selectively present certain aspects of their lives to maintain a desired image.
Goffman argues that individuals engage in a continuous process of impression management, adjusting
their self-presentation based on the expectations and reactions of their audience (Goffman 1959). In
online environments, this process is evident in the way people tailor their content and interactions to
suit different online platforms and audiences. The same individual might present themselves differ-
ently on a professional networking site, a personal blog, or a dating app, highlighting different aspects
of their identity to match the context. Impression management, a central concept in Goffman’s theory,
refers to the strategies individuals employ to control the impressions others have of them. In the digital
ecosystems, individuals can meticulously curate their online personas to present themselves in the best
possible light. They can selectively choose what to reveal and what to conceal, crafting an idealized
version of themselves (Goffman 1963). The ability to edit and refine one’s online presence allows for
a high degree of impression management.
Furthermore, in Goffman’s scholarship, the concept of “face” refers to the social value and identity
a person claims in each interaction. Thus, “facework” involves the strategies individuals employ to
maintain or save face when their social identity is threatened (Goffman 1967). This approach is
relevant in online situations where individuals experience criticism, negative feedback, or online
conflict. They may engage in various forms of facework, including deleting problematic posts,
apologizing, or using humor to diffuse tension. Also, Goffman’s theories prompt us to question the
authenticity of online identity construction. While individuals may craft compelling online personas,
to what extent are these representations authentic? By addressing Goffman’s theories, it is clear that
the tension between authenticity and impression management is a central theme in discussions about
the construction of offline and online identities.
Zygmunt Bauman’s liquid life and liquid modernity perspective
Zygmunt Bauman’s concepts of liquid life and liquid modernity provide another valuable perspective
to comprehend the construction of offline and online identities. Bauman argues that in the modern
world, traditional structures, social orders, and identities have become increasingly fluid and frag-
mented (Bauman 2005). This fluidity is further amplified in digital ecosystems, where individuals can
easily adopt multiple identities and switch between them effortlessly. This approach stresses the idea
that contemporary society is marked by a sense of fluidity, uncertainty, and the disintegration of
traditional structures (Bauman 2000). Therefore, the construction of online identities is often char-
acterized as a direct outcome of flexibility, change, and the ability to assume multiple roles. For
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 5
example, individuals can navigate various online spaces and communities, adapting their identities to
suit and engage with different online contexts. Thus, Bauman’s concept of liquid identity is particu-
larly relevant to comprehending the construction of online identities. In online ecosystems, indivi-
duals have the freedom to adopt different personas, explore various communities, and engage in
multiple online platforms. This fluidity challenges the notion of a fixed identity and highlights how
individuals can construct and deconstruct their online identities based on their desires, interests, and
the context they find themselves (Bauman 2005, 2007).
Furthermore, Bauman’s notion of liquid modernity describes the contemporary condition char-
acterized by rapid change, uncertainty, and fluidity in social structures and relationships. He argues
that identity is a liquid construct and a direct outcome of liquid modernity. In this context, identities
are therefore increasingly fluid and malleable (Bauman 2010). In the digital realm, this fluidity is
evident as individuals can adopt multiple online personas, and online platforms facilitate this fluidity,
allowing users to experiment with various aspects of their identities without the constraints of the
physical world. Also, Bauman’s concept of liquid life describes an individual and collective state of
constant flux and change (Bauman 2005).
In this context, virtual communities can serve as platforms for the exploration and expression of
identity, allowing individuals to connect with like-minded individuals and experiment with new facets
of their identity. However, in this liquid life, Bauman argues that people’s relationships, including their
online and offline connections, become more transient and disposable (Bauman and Leoncini 2018).
This disposability extends, in particular, to online identities, as individuals can easily create and
discard online personas and profiles. Therefore, the ease with which one can create new online
identities reflects the impermanence of identity in the digital age. Bauman’s approach also suggests
that the online self can become fragmented. In a world of constant connectivity, individuals may
experience a fragmentation of their identity as they navigate various online platforms and spaces. This
fragmentation can result in a sense of detachment from a unified sense of self, emphasizing the notion
that liquid modernity presents both opportunities and risks for individuals and collectives (Bauman
2005, 2010). The online world provides opportunities for self-expression, connection, and identity
exploration. Nevertheless, it introduces risks related to privacy, online harassment, and the potential
for manipulation of one’s digital identity (Bauman and Leoncini 2018).
Erving Goman’s and Zygmunt Bauman’s viewpoints: the challenges to understand
a uid concept
While both scholars, Goffman and Bauman, share common ground to help us comprehend the
construction of identities in offline and online settings, they differ in their emphasis on two main
categories: permanence and fluidity. Goffman’s perspective focuses on the presentation of a consistent
front-stage identity, suggesting that individuals strive for coherence in their self-presentation. In
contrast, Bauman’s liquid modernity perspective acknowledges the constant flux and fragmentation
of identities, emphasizing the lack of stability in digital ecosystems. Furthermore, Goffman’s approach
mainly focuses on the individual’s agency in constructing their identity and, on the other hand,
Bauman’s angle highlights the influence of external factors including social media algorithms and
societal pressures on identity construction. Nevertheless, those contrasting viewpoints provide
a comprehensive understanding of the complexities involved in online and offline identity
constructions.
It is clear that Goffman’s dramaturgical approach highlights the performative aspect of online and
offline identity construction, while Bauman’s concept of liquid life and liquid modernity stresses the
fluid and fragmented nature of identities in the digital realm. Therefore, by considering both
perspectives, we can better understand the motivations, challenges, and implications of constructing
online and offline identities in today’s interconnected world.
To sum up, online and offline identity construction is a multifaceted and complex social process
that involves performance, impression management, and the negotiation and reconfiguration of
6T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
multiple identities. It is influenced by digital platforms and online communities in which individuals
and collectives engage, and it is subject to constant change and adaptation. For this research, we argue
that Goffman’s and Bauman’s theories remain essential epistemological tools for analyzing and
understanding the ways in which individuals construct, present, and navigate their identities in
contemporary times.
Methodological design for this research
Sample
In order to conduct this research, 55 TikTok posts were analyzed between September and
November 2023. The data were collected directly from the TikTok platform, comprising of posts or
comments by individuals, users, or content creators who appeared to romanticize or fantasize about
serious criminals, including rapists, murderers, armed robbers, or perpetrators of mass violence. The
search terms utilized for data collection consisted of variations of the term Hybristophilia (e.g.
Hybristophile), as well as other prominent search terms on TikTok that connect the user to Tik Toks
relating to crime (e.g. #truecrimecummunity). The posts, including associated comments, were extracted
directly from TikTok, creating a robust qualitative dataset. These posts centered around twenty-four
identified criminals, combinations of criminals, or individuals’ experiences of Hybristophilia. All crim-
inals that were the focus of the collected TikToks were either convicted of a serious crime or died during
or immediately after they committed the crime, making apprehension and conviction impossible. Overall,
of the 55 TikToks, the criminals and their offenses being focussed on were: Murder (13), Serial murder
(27) and Mass shootings (15). The criminals focused on in the TikToks consisted of a range of both men
and women. However, it is impossible to entirely confirm the gender of the contents author, due to
numerous facets of social media including anonymity, and the use of usernames and pseudonyms.
The posts and videos varied in duration, ranging from 7 to 33 seconds, as well as slideshows. The
content types included video montages, animated edits, confessionals, edited videos, photo collages,
photo edits, photo montages, sketches, and slideshows. Post engagement, measured in likes, ranged
between 11 to 25.1k, with comments ranging from 0 to 1016. Due to the fluid nature of the social
media platform, it was assumed that some posts may have been removed during the writing of this
paper. Additionally, the frequency of likes each collected post received was also subject to the fluid
nature of social media and the duration the content had been available, with newer posts naturally
having less engagement. Nevertheless, data from all 55 posts and videos were collected, stored, and
analyzed to construct the main dataset for this article.
The criteria for inclusion in the dataset required that posts and videos focus on individuals accused
or convicted of serious crimes, including murder, mass violence, rape, or armed robbery. The content
must also exhibit positive undertones and narratives, expressing romantic or attractive connotations
toward the discussed individual or discussing the user’s experience of Hybristophilia. Videos portray-
ing fictional characters, individuals not accused or convicted of serious crimes, or posts with informa-
tional or negative narratives toward the individual were excluded from the dataset.
Ethical and methodological considerations
Ethical approval to conduct this research was given by the University of Huddersfield’s School
Research Ethics and Integrity Committee in the United Kingdom. This project is also following the
British Psychological Society’s (2021) and British Sociological Association’s (2017) ethical guidance
and General Data Protection Regulations (2018) due to research being undertaken in the United
Kingdom, to ensure the protection of data. As there were no direct participants involved in data
collection as data was shared on an online platform, consent was not gained as it was assumed due to
content being shared online. Due to the sensitive nature of the data collected, the objects of the content
will not be specified as this could add to secondary victimization of victims and their families.
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 7
Moreover, as data was concerned with individuals’ expressions of Hybristophilia, the objects of their
Hybristophilia were not needed to understand their expressions and online output.
Method of analysis
Data analysis was conducted using an innovative method developed by the research team called The
TikTok Matrix Analysis (TMA). TMA is rooted in reflexive thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2013),
providing a methodological technique for creating a comprehensive and robust assessment of themes.
It focuses on thematic similarities between datasets constructed after extracting and collecting
information from social media platforms.
TikTok was chosen as the social media platform for this research for two main reasons. Firstly,
TikTok hosts a vast amount of user-generated content in the form of short video clips, often authentic
and reflective of the experiences, beliefs, and attitudes of a diverse group of users, particularly within
the Hybristophilia online community. This diversity enriches the data available for thematic analysis.
Researchers can compile videos, comments, and captions related to a specific topic, trend, or theme,
providing valuable insights into the perspectives, opinions, and cultural dynamics of TikTok users.
Secondly, TikTok offers visual and multimedia data, unlike traditional textual sources. Users convey
their thoughts, ideas, and emotions through video and audio content, allowing for a more holistic
understanding of themes and emotions associated with the content. Visual data is particularly useful
for research topics better conveyed through images and videos, such as Hybristophilia identifications.
To undertake TMA, data is gathered from TikTok and added to an analytical matrix, comprising
three components: the contextual, descriptive component; the statistical information component; and
the instrumental, thematic component. The contextual, descriptive component includes video/content
descriptions, music or audio elements, content links, and types of content. The statistical, information
component covers likes, comments, hashtags, and video length for statistical and numerical presenta-
tion in research reports. The instrumental, thematic component captures initial thoughts, coding
categories for content and comments, and final themes. This component supports a reflexive approach
to data analysis, ensuring rigor, quality control, and sensitivity to context (Yardley 2008, 2017).
The first step in conducting a TMA analysis involves gathering and inputting data into the matrix,
including the collection of comments and captions within a data file. For this research, Microsoft Excel
and Microsoft Word were used to organize the data. As data is inputted, researchers note their initial
thoughts and observations of the content, followed by the development of contextual and statistical
information within the matrix. These initial thoughts and observations serve as a reflexive component
within the model, enabling reflexive practice throughout the research process. Simultaneously, the
researcher notes the captions and comments of the content to ensure data storage, given the fluid
nature of TikTok. However, this is separate from the analytical matrix, which focuses on the analytical
component.
During the second step, once all data is collected, it is reexamined and calibrated, allowing for
coding categories to be generated and allocated to the data content. The third step involves grouping
the codes to create clusters of information (Talavera and Béjar 2001) for the initial themes. The fourth
step is to review and organize the themes. In this step, themes and content are reexamined to ensure
the most prominent themes are utilized within the report write-up, ensuring quality within the
analytical method. TMA allows for hierarchical and nonhierarchical theme distribution. Within this
report, findings were presented in order of their prominence within the dataset, based on the statistical
data collected, allowing for a hierarchical theme distribution. The final stage of TMA is to write
a report surrounding the content extracted from TikTok. TMA was used to analyze data collected
from TikTok posts representing, addressing, narrating, or creating content related to Hybristophilia. It
was chosen for its ability to decipher similarities between datasets. As a result, our TMA analysis found
four main themes which are presented in the Findings section. Findings were presented in order of
their prominence across the data.
8T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
Research ndings
As we expressed in the previous paragraph, the final findings after conducting a TMA thematic
analysis identified four themes within the collected sample: Sexual Objectification (SO), Trivialisation
of Trauma (TT), Romanticisation of Criminal (RC), and Guiltiness (G). Within these four identified
themes, the offenses the referenced criminals were associated with in each theme are displayed in
Table 1. In the next section, we are going to present, explore and analyze those findings.
Sexual objectication
The most prominent theme identified within the sample was the notion of the content promoting and/
or showcasing the SO of the individual included within the video, with this theme being present for
36.36% of the total collected sample. Content that was assigned to this theme predominantly displayed
the individual (the criminal offender/s) at the focus of the video as an object of sexual desire by the
author of the content (creator of the TikTok). Content that exhibited this theme was framed to portray
the criminal offender as someone who, although an offender of serious crimes, was attractive and
a love interest to the content’s author. This was often displayed palpably by the author through
methods including presenting the criminal offender surrounded by love hearts, overlaying
a provocative song which contained lyrics focused on sexual interactions and/or including provocative
captions to the content.
Examples of the provocative captions utilized within the content ranged from displays of desire for
physical affection, such as the caption “kiss me kiss me again” attached to a video montage of
a criminal offender convicted of multiple infanticides, to captions stating “shes so pretty shes one my
new special interests” on a video montage of a teenage criminal offender convicted of murder. The
overlaying song (the music that was chosen by the author to play during the video) that was featured
during the content within this theme often contained sexual and/or provocative lyrics, which the
authors sometimes included within the subtitles of the videos. One example of this was observed in
a video montage focused on a criminal offender guilty of murder, where the lyrics played during the
video and displayed on the screen were “ur so pretty ur so popular I js wanna b ur sweetheart” followed
by “fuckin come here gimme ur heartt”. Another video included within this theme utilized a similar
format, of overlaying music and adding the subtitles as captions within the video, with this video
containing a video montage of a criminal offender convicted of serial murder. The lyrics and captions
displayed within this video were “Hurt me and tell me you’re mine,” “I don’t know why but I like it” and
“Scary? My God, you’re divine.” This further reinstates the author’s sentiment toward the individual,
viewing them as not only “scary” but also as “divine” and claiming the depicted offender as theirs
(“you’re mine”), transforming the offender beyond an individual who has committed a crime and
instead an object of desire for the author.
Trivialisation of trauma
The second most prominent theme identified within the collected sample (30.9%), was the emphasis of
the content author to present the criminal offenders’ crimes in a belittling and disparaging format,
with the aim to minimize the significance of the crimes linked to the individual. This was often
Table 1. Frequency of criminal offense featured in collected TikToks.
Theme Murder Serial Killing Mass Shooting Total
Sexual Objectification 5 10 15 20
Trivialisation of Trauma 5 6 6 17
Romanticisation of Criminal 3 7 4 14
Guiltiness 4 0 0 4
Total 13 27 15 55
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 9
portrayed in “playful” formats, often through scrupulous editing and showcasing the individual in
photographs and/or videos that were not associated with their crimes. This was displayed in various
ways, such as, utilizing moments where the criminal offender provided lively responses in interviews,
video footage of the criminal offender when they were in their childhood and in some cases, the
TikTok creator producing edited depictions of the criminal offender. These depictions served to
potentially preserve and promote the offenders’ image as either the innocent child they once were or
transform the offenders’ reputation and reception from an individual guilty of serious crime to a vessel
of hilarity.
One of the most prominent examples of this was displayed in a TikTok video where the head of
a criminal offender, convicted of multiple murders and sexual crimes, was edited into a multiple-
choice format quiz show. The show featured questions asking the participant questions about the
criminal offender, such as “do you love me” and “do you need me”. The criminal offender’s face became
angrier every time the participant of the show selected the wrong answer (which for every question was
the answer “no”), which eventually led to the criminal offender’s face turning into a demonic figure,
with the caption “You died” being displayed on the screen. This depiction of the offender served to
create and transform the individual into a source of dark humor, ignoring the crimes but utilizing the
infamous offender as the focal element of this form of trivialization. This depiction showcased the
author’s insouciant perspective when it comes to the offender and their crimes, and sequentially, the
victims of these crimes also.
In some variations of this theme, the content contained references that did relate to the crime the
criminal offender was associated with, but it was often portrayed in a sardonic format. An example of
this was showcased in a collected video where the criminal offender, convicted of murder, was
depicted in cartoon format chasing the victim of the crime with a knife (the real choice of murder
weapon from the case). This content was overlayed with upbeat music and colorful editing to provide
a childlike and cartoonish rendition of the particular crime the criminal offender was involved. This
inclusion of the murder weapon within the video content was utilized by a few authors within the
sample, one of which opted to add a cartoon version of the murder weapon into the video montage
they created of the criminal offender. This adds to not only the author’s insouciant perspective on the
seriousness of the offenders’ crimes but also creates an ambience to other users that it is potentially
acceptable to trivialize and devalue the significance of these crimes.
Other variations of the formats within this theme focused on the transformation of the criminal
offender from an individual associated with serious crimes with real victims, to an inconsequential
character. An example of this was showcased through a montage of hand-drawn sketches of a criminal
offender associated with mass violence, where the offender was depicted in cartoon format as
a nervous and innocent individual excited to see the author, with the caption “long face baby girl”.
Although the drawing is labeled with the criminal offender’s name, the drawings are presented in
a casual and innocent format, with the author providing a trivial motivation for the drawings stating
“new pencil” at the start of the video. The casual nature of drawing and presenting a criminal offender
in an alternative format, with the main focus of the video being the author showcasing their new
pencil, showcases the overall trivialization of the criminal offender, and in essence, the crime and
victims. This depiction of the offender also potentially acts to provoke sympathy for the individual,
transforming them from an individual who is involved with a serious crime to a relatable shy cartoon
figure, emphasized through the captions utilized by the author and the depiction of the offender as
young and nervous.
Romanticisation of criminal
Just over a fourth of the collected sample (25.45%) was categorized under the theme of “RC.” Content
that was coded with this theme contained the display of the criminal offender in a romantic, heroic, or
idealistic format, where the author of the content was showcasing their sentimentalization of the
criminal offender. The differentiation between this theme and the similar theme of “SO” is that
10 T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
content coded as the latter focused on the sexualization of the criminal offender, whereas the current
theme is not predominately framing the offender as an object of sexual desire but as a figure the author
admires and adores beyond the physical characteristics the offender possesses. An example of this was
showcased in a video montage of a criminal offender convicted of mass violence, where the author
chose to display numerous photographs of the individual, adding the caption “my favorite boy < 33”.
The combination of the video caption, the photographs utilized (the offender at times posing), and the
song chosen (a slow guitar melody) created the impression that the author had more admiration
toward the offender as opposed to purely objectifying them.
Content collected and coded within this theme followed similar formats as the other
themes, such as utilizing photographs and videos to create montages of the offender and
then overlaying the video with subtitles and music that represent how the author feels toward
the offender. An example of this was seen in a video montage of a deceased criminal offender,
convicted for murder and extremist activity, where the author displayed the lyrics of the
overlayed song on screen, which stated, “we can be together in my dreams,” “oh, I miss you
desperately” and “just go sleep and I will find you”. The caption to this video also contained
the author’s own admission, stating “I love him so much”. Another example of this high-level
expression of admiration was observed in a photo montage of a criminal offender convicted of
murder, where the author attached the caption “I want to be her #girlboss” to the montage that
showcased the offender in numerous situations, some even behind physical jail bars. These
admissions of affection overlayed over footage and photographs of the offender behind bars
and during their criminal trial not only showcased the authors’ admiration for the offender
but highlighted how this admiration is not detached from the crimes of the offender, with the
author having this sentiment toward the offender while being fully aware of the crimes they
have committed. The displays of admiration and romanticization within the content under
this theme were also not limited to just the offender, but to other “fans” of the criminal
offender the author was showcasing, with one author attaching the caption “I love who loves
her #criminal” to a video montage of a criminal offender convicted of murder. This indicates
that for the author, the creation of this content is not just for showcasing their own affection
for the offender, but a method of reaching other users who may share the same sentiment
toward that specific offender.
Guiltiness
Although only coded for 7.27% of the overall collected sample, the theme of content creators
expressing their own dissatisfaction and guilt for being attracted to criminal offenders was still present
and distinctly separate from the other three, more prominent, identified themes. Content coded to this
theme often displayed more self-awareness of the phenomena of Hybristophilia than the content
coded to the other themes in this analysis. A prominent example of this was observed in the content of
an author who used footage of themselves reading a book about a criminal offender guilty of serial
murder, with an attached caption stating:
Hybristophilia isn’t just “oh k!ll3ers are so pretty’ and all the fantasies, it eats you up inside, it breaks you and you
end up just being disgusted with yourself, but you gave no power against it.
The caption serves to highlight the turbulent impact experiences of Hybristophilia can potentially
have on an individual’s well-being. This also serves to showcase how these authors feel powerless
when it comes to their perspectives and sentiments toward these criminal offenders that they do
not want to feel attracted to but cannot control how they feel. Not only are the authors sharing
their experiences of having Hybristophilia tendencies, but they are also displaying an awareness of
the negative perceptions people, without these experiences, will have toward them, demonstrating
their level of self-awareness surrounding Hybristophilia. This expression of self-awareness was
prominent throughout the content collected within this theme, with another author in the
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 11
collection attaching the captions “#daddyissuesfr” “#ishouldntlikehim” #’delusionalattachment’
“#ineedhim” and “#hybristophillia” to a video montage of a criminal offender convicted of serial
murder. Another author in the collected sample also posted similar confessional content, showcas-
ing through images how they felt the Hybristophilia they experience is comparable to behaviors
associated with emotional pain such as self-harming. This further serves to highlight this promi-
nent theme that these authors, who openly share their experiences of having Hybristophilia
tendencies, are experiencing, including negative repercussions and ramifications of this phenom-
ena, mainly focusing on how it is negatively affecting their mental health.
Discussion
The overall findings produced from the TMA highlighted the various formats of expression that
individuals creating Hybristophilia content on TikTok display, from sexualizing and/or romanticizing
the criminal offender to trivializing the crime committed by the offender. The findings also showcased
that, although not as prominent as the other three behaviors and themes, there were instances within
this sample of the TikTok author sharing their experiences of Hybristophilia, often highlighting the
negative impact it has had on their lives. These themes were often portrayed through the video
content, the captions the authors wrote and attached to the video and the song the author chose to
present over the content. However, all these themes and the content within them present problems
and issues beyond the initial shock that other users may experience when exposed to this content.
Problematic for the victims
One of the most prominent issues with Hybristophilia content online is the problematic effect this
content may incur on victims and/or individuals who have been personally affected by the actions of
the criminal offender included within the content. If an individual who has experienced negative
consequences due to the crimes of a criminal offender, is then exposed to content involving that
individual in a positive frame (such as the content found within the theme “RC”) then this could
potentially revictimize these individuals. Furthermore, the individual potentially being exposed to
content that trivializes and invalidates their experience can also revictimize the individual.
This could have detrimental consequences, especially on the mental health of the victim, as they are
being exposed not only to the criminal offender who victimized them but also to content that publicly
and proudly displays admiration and affection for the criminal offender. The potential implications on
a victim viewing a criminal offender that victimized them being admired and celebrated could be
incredibly harmful to their recovery and sense of dignity, potentially further increasing the overall
impact the crime and offender have had on the victim. This content being shared and disseminated
online can act as a source of secondary victimization for the individual, due to this further exposure to
the offender and the subsequent insensitive and inappropriate framing of the crime by the content
author.
Desensitisation
Another potential issue that could be enhanced and/or encouraged through the dissemination of
Hybristophilia content online is the desensitization of the crimes and the serious nature of the criminal
offenders’ actions. By presenting these criminal offenders and crimes in a positive framework (via
romanticizing or trivializing the offender and offense), it has the potential to create distance between
the viewer and the true impact of these crimes on the victims of the offense. This then has the potential
to create the knock-on effect of diluting the serious nature of the crimes, increasing the difficulty of the
viewer to have empathy for the victims involved as they are only able to view the victims as an
inconsequential character in the trivialized or sexualized narratives built around the offender. This
lack of empathy or awareness for the victims and the tragic consequences involved with the crime and
12 T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
its offender creates a new additional consequence of the original crime: the dehumanization of the
victims. Viewing the offense and its offender in these romanticized and trivialized narratives essen-
tially transforms the victims from subjects of horrific consequence to secondary objects of humor or
sexualized narratives, created and encouraged through the presentation of the offender in the
Hybristophilia content.
This lack of empathy and increased desensitization to serious crime offenses can not only poten-
tially be harmful to victims of crime but also encourage the notion that it is acceptable to portray
crimes and offenders in these romanticized and trivialized narratives. This also has the potential to
encourage further creation and dissemination of content that depicts criminal offenders and their
crimes in positive frameworks, enhancing further the potential detrimental effect this content could
have on the victims. An online culture and identity that is developed from a lack of sympathy for
victims of serious crimes and celebrates the offenders that committed these crimes, is a serious issue
that can have a long-lasting impact on the mental health and recovery of victims.
Motivation of dissemination
One avenue of investigation that the present study uncovers is that although there are four distinct
themes within the online presentation of Hybristophilia identities and content, it is still unclear what
the authors’ initial motivation is for creating and sharing the content. There are various potential
explanations that could be warranted or relevant to each author. These range from potentially sharing
this content in the hope of discovering other users with similar identities or experiences of
Hybristophilia to potentially creating this content knowing that it could create a notorious image
for the author as the content is incredibly provocative and a direct opposition to the majority of
peoples position on criminal offenders.
As observed in the theme “G” (Guiltiness), there were instances of authors sharing their identities
and experiences of Hybristophilia in efforts to potentially reduce the criticism they receive or spread
awareness that the phenomenon is not an affliction the author opted to possess willingly. In the
content labeled under the theme “G,” there is clear intent within the purpose of creating and sharing
these confessional videos, perhaps even in an attempt to garner sympathy and support for a condition
they claim is negatively impacting their life. This potentially relates to Goffman’s claims of an
individual’s “impression management” where they attempt to “save face” when their social identity
is threatened. The public sharing of their own experiences of Hybristophilia may be a purposeful
strategy to control the impressions others have of them. Additionally, the theme “RC”
(Romanticisation of Criminal) potentially highlights Bauman’s claims of users experimenting and
going beyond the constraints of the physical world, showcased through the TikTok’s collected where
the author acted as the real-life romantic partner of the criminal offender, even in cases where the
offender was deceased. By creating this online identity, it allows the user to construct their identity as
the criminal offender’s partner, which in the physical offline world is not a viable possibility.
However, for the content that was coded within the other two identified themes, the motivation
behind the creation and dissemination of the content as an expression of a construction of online
identities is less clear. Perhaps the content within the other two themes is created and authored by
individuals who are more embracing of their Hybristophilia online identity and experiences, creating
content that they not only enjoy viewing but also disseminating on TikTok for the enjoyment of other
potential Hybristophilia users or the Hybristophilia online community on TikTok. Furthermore,
perhaps the motivation behind the creation of this content is part of the authors’ construction of
their online identity, which is potentially contrary to their offline identity. The authors may be taking
advantage of the opportunity TikTok provides users, the ability to create anonymized accounts and
content that is more reflective of their own personality, providing them with an outlet for behavior
that they potentially cannot adhere to offline. There is also the potential that some of the authors
within the collected sample created the content simply for the potential backlash that would spawn
from the glamourisation of a notorious criminal offender.
DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 13
Future research
Although this present study provides valuable insight into the narrative themes presented through the
construction of Hybristophilia online identities and the production of related online content, it does
not provide the ability to create inferences on the motivation behind the authors’ choice to glamourise
the criminal offender publicly as part of their online identity construction. Future research exploring
this topic could explore potential methods to uncover the motivations of the authors for not only the
creation of the content but also the choice to share it on a public platform such as TikTok. This would
help provide further insight into the phenomena of Hybristophilia and how it is presented on
prominent social media platforms like TikTok.
Another potential avenue of investigation for future research could be to explore and compare the
presentation of Hybristophilia content across different platforms of social media and its relationship
with the construction of online and offline identities. The content created and presented on TikTok is
all video-based formats, so comparing how Hybristophilia is presented in video format to other
formats such as in prose form could provide further inference potential and insight into the phenom-
ena. It would also provide insight into what platforms are more prominently utilized by individuals
who create and disseminate this content as part of their identity construction, allowing insight into
where in cyberspace cultures Hybristophilia is more prominent.
Limitations
As with any form of qualitative research, one of the potential limitations of the present research is the
interpretation of the content and the themes generated by the researchers. To ensure that the themes
were an accurate representation of the data collected and observed, all researchers involved coded and
interpreted the data separately, with the final themes being accepted through mutual agreement and
consistency amongst the individual interpretations of the data. Another potential limitation is the
aforementioned lack of clarity surrounding the motivation behind the creation of the observed
content, limiting the inference potential of the overall research. However, as the phenomena of online
Hybristophilia is drastically under-researched, especially on the platform TikTok, the present study
still provides incredibly valuable and newfound insight into the phenomena’s presentation in cyber-
space and the construction of online identities around Hybristophilia. The present study provides
inferences on the prominent themes utilized in Hybristophilia narratives and uncovers further
avenues of investigation for future research to explore to aid further understanding of the phenomena.
Conclusion
The findings highlight both prominent aforementioned theories of online identity construction
(Goffman and Bauman). The theme “guiltiness” potentially highlights the theory claimed by
Goffman that an individual will engage in various forms of “facework” to improve or remove tension
surrounding their online identity, showcased within this theme by the authors expressing to the
viewers that their Hybristophilia is uncontrollable, and they are a victim of the phenomena as opposed
to their attraction being a choice they have made. It could be argued that this is in an effort to defuse
criticism they have received for their Hybristophilia-based behaviors and recover coherence and
validity in their online identity. Focusing on the findings, the online presentation of Hybristophilia
identities and content appears to take the form of four distinct themes, all with their own purpose-
driven narrative and promoted on TikTok through the authors of the content who are potentially
inhabiting an online identity that aims to mainly glamourise serious crimes and their offenders. This
positive framing of the criminal action creates various possible implications, mainly the potential to
revictimize individuals who have been personally affected by the crimes and actions of the criminal
offender being glamorised in the content. Although the motivations behind the creation and dis-
semination of the content are unclear, the potentially harmful impact this content can have on the
14 T. J. V. WILLIAMS ET AL.
victims of the crimes and the desensitization of users being exposed to this content creates the need to
explore this phenomenon further. Further research exploring the potential identity construction and
motivation behind this content creation and dissemination would provide valuable insight and
potential inferences on a phenomenon that is still widely under-researched and vastly unknown.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes on contributors
Thomas James Vaughan Williams is a doctoral researcher at the University of Huddersfield. His research focuses on
ideology and radicalization but also explores topics like climate change, terrorism, and online behaviors.
Harriet Emily Slater is a doctoral researcher at the University of Huddersfield. Her main research areas include
healthcare workers, emotional labor, boundaries, spirituality and burnout.
Camilo Tamayo Gomez, Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the Department of Behavioural and Social Sciences, The
University of Huddersfield (UK). Senior Adviser in Transitional Justice for the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP).
ORCID
Thomas James Vaughan Williams http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0856-6474
Harriet Emily Slater http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0698-0199
Camilo Tamayo Gomez http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7576-7562
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