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Homelessness and Intimate
Partner Violence: Women’s
Experiences With Accessing
Formal Support Services and
the Impact of Their Intersecting
Identities
Marissa Rakus and Jill Singleton-Jackson
Abstract
Many women experiencing homelessness and intimate partner violence (IPV) often do not use
formal support services due to barriers such as finances, inaccessibility, controlling partners,
and stigma. The current literature lacks studies that examine the formal service experiences of
women who have undergone both homelessness and IPV. Therefore, the current study used a
qualitative-dominant design and explored the formal service needs of these women, barriers,
and facilitating factors associated with accessing services, and how the women’s identities affected
their experiences with formal services. Interviews with 10 women were conducted, and a reflex-
ive thematic analysis was conducted using a critical feminist and intersectionality lens. The most
common factors that led to homelessness were conflict and precarious circumstances leading to hous-
ing instability.Commonbarriersweresystemic , psychological, dismissal, minimization, and financial
barriers. The most common needs were health,finances, and basic necessities.Themostcommon
facilitating factors were support networks and resilience,growth,andproactivity. The social position-
ings most commonly affecting their experiences were class and race/ethnicity.Thesefindings high-
lighted the voices of marginalized women and can be used to implement positive change in formal
services that cater to this subgroup of women.
Keywords
intimate partner violence, homeless women, community, feminist research
Department of Psychology, University of Windsor, Windsor, ON, Canada
Corresponding Author:
Marissa Rakus, Department of Psychology, University of Windsor, 401 Sunset Ave., Windsor, ON N9B 3P4, Canada.
Email: rakus@uwindsor.ca
Original Article
Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work
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© The Author(s) 2024
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/08861099241233565
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Introduction
In Canada, more than 235,000 individuals experience homelessness within a given year (Gaetz et al.,
2016). This group faces a multitude of adversities, such as mental health disorders, chronic health
diseases, lack of basic needs, unemployment, and financial struggles (e.g., Daiski, 2007; Rodriguez-
Moreno et al., 2020). Compared to the general population of homeless individuals, women are more
vulnerable to experiencing these hardships and less prone to using formal services due to the number
of barriers they face. Formal support services refer to assistance from a trained professional and are avail-
able to the general public (Shiba et al., 2016). Specific barriers for this population include difficulty
getting information, a lack of finances, insufficient availability of services, cultural barriers
(e.g., language), and stigma (Campbell et al., 2015; Narendorf, 2017; Ponce et al., 2014). Relatedly,
homeless individuals experienced increased risks during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as higher expo-
sure to the virus, medical comorbidities, and lack of access to care and treatment (Baral et al., 2021).
Intimate Partner Violence Barriers
Although numerous factors can contribute to a woman becoming homeless, it is well-known that one
of the leading causes is intimate partner violence (IPV; Sullivan et al., 2019). IPV is defined as,
“behaviour by an intimate partner or ex-partner that causes physical, sexual or psychological
harm, including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behav-
iours”(World Health Organization, n.d.). Barriers to accessing formal services are especially prev-
alent for women who experience IPV (Barrett & St. Pierre, 2011; Rodriguez et al., 2009). For
example, women enduring IPV often experience high rates of mental health disorders, physical
health problems, and a lack of shelter if they flee their abusive relationship (Ponce et al., 2014;
Vijayaraghavan et al., 2012). Despite the need for help and safety, these women often experience
barriers such as being controlled by their partner or feeling embarrassed about being an IPV survivor
(Ponce et al., 2014; Wilson et al., 2007). These women often do not seek services for their needs
because of these barriers (Ponce et al., 2014; Wilson et al., 2007). In addition, the COVID-19 pan-
demic undoubtedly impacted the frequency of IPV and the barriers to services. The stay-at-home
orders and the pandemic, in general, led to an increased risk of experiencing IPV due to being
isolated with an abusive partner for extended periods of time (Nnawulezi & Hacskaylo, 2022).
It was also more difficult for survivors to access resources like transportation, food, and employ-
ment (Nnawulezi & Hacskaylo, 2022).
Many studies have been conducted with women experiencing homelessness and women who have
endured IPV; however, studies examining both homelessness and IPV in conjunction with women’s
experiences with formal support services are less numerous. Therefore, the purpose of this study was
to explore the experiences of women who endured both of these adversities while examining the bar-
riers and facilitating factors to accessing formal support services. Furthermore, it was important to
consider the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on women’s experiences with formal support ser-
vices due to the study being completed following the pandemic restrictions.
Feminist Theories
Feminist theories, in the context of IPV, view behaviors related to IPV in terms of larger societal struc-
tures and the general sociocultural context rather than studying pathology on an individual level
(Lawson, 2012). Although different waves of feminism view IPV differently, generally, radical fem-
inism views IPV through the lens of gender, stating that gender plays the most central role in these acts
of IPV, followed by variables of power and dominance (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). Specifically, the
2Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work 0(0)
inequality between the socially constructed genders is often cited by many feminist theorists as a
leading factor in the occurrence of IPV (Chesworth, 2018).
Taken together, a fundamental view is how gender has been socially constructed. Society has
sorted specific behaviors and paired them with a particular gender, leading to what constitutes
“male”as being superior (Chesworth, 2018). These sociological theories further examine IPV by dis-
secting sociocultural factors (Chesworth, 2018). More notably, radical feminism stands on the notion
that violence toward women occurs in order for men to have power and control over women; this is
the byproduct of a patriarchal society (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). However, it is important to note that
not all violence is perpetrated by men toward women. Nonetheless, feminism is still important to con-
sider in this context.
Homelessness can also be viewed as a feminist issue (O’Brien, 2023). Previous definitions of
homelessness have not taken into consideration the gendered and lived experiences of women and
those who identify as anything other than male (Wendt & Moulding, 2016). Feminist theories
often view homelessness as directly related to gendered violence, such as unequal gender and
power relations within society (e.g., unequal pay and domestic violence) (O’Brien, 2023; Wendt
& Moulding, 2016). Overall, feminist theories provide us with an understanding of some of the
root causes and potential reasons why women experience IPV and homelessness today.
Intersectionality Theory
The literature discussing barriers to formal services explores the relationship between identity and
social positioning with experiences of oppression, systems of power, and social inequities
(Atewologun, 2018; Chavis & Hill, 2008; Kelly, 2011). The theory of intersectionality is a critical
framework that posits that we should be examining the impact of social categories together and
how they converge to influence individual experiences, as well as the relationship between these cat-
egories and structural systems of privilege and oppression (e.g., racism and sexism) (Atewologun,
2018; Crenshaw, 1991).
In terms of IPV and formal service use, the additive effects of all social categories that are part of a
woman’s identity result in each person having their own distinctive experience (Chavis & Hill,
2008). As we know from previous literature, the intersection of gender and socioeconomic status
(SES) can affect service usage, such that women with lower SES are more likely to experience
mental health concerns and less likely to seek formal help due to barriers like finances
(Narendorf, 2017). An increase in the number of marginalized identities one identifies with often
leads to an increase in the level of oppression experienced by the individual (Weldon, 2008).
Overall, an individual’s social categories can affect the barriers they face in accessing formal services
and influence how structural systems affect their experiences (Chavis & Hill, 2008). To conclude,
this study aimed to fully consider the participants’intersecting identities and how they relate to
and affect their experiences.
The Current Study
The following study aimed to understand the service experiences of women who endured homeless-
ness and IPV. We also examined the formal service needs for this subgroup of women, the barriers
and facilitating factors to accessing formal services, and how the women’s social positionings may
have affected their experiences with these services. Due to the exploratory nature of the study and the
qualitative-dominant methodology, there were no proposed hypotheses. Qualitative methods were
chosen for this study because they allow us to get a deeper understanding of an individual’s perspec-
tive and personal experiences. Further, qualitative methods are able to capture the complexity of the
real world (Braun & Clarke, 2013). This study explored four research questions:
Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 3
1. What are the formal service needs of homeless women experiencing IPV?
2. What are the barriers to accessing formal services for homeless women experiencing IPV?
3. What facilitates successful help-seeking for homeless women experiencing IPV from formal
service providers?
4. How do the social positionings and standpoints of homeless women who are IPV survivors
shape their service needs and experiences when accessing formal services?
Method
Recruitment
Ten women who resided in Windsor, Ontario, Canada, were recruited through convenience sampling from
the Welcome Center Shelter (WCS), a homeless shelter for women and their families. The organization
granted access to the primary investigator (PI) to visit the site and recruit participants. The researchers
visited the organization once a week, for three months, at the center’s drop-in sessions to recruit partici-
pants. Grant money from the PI’s supervisor was used to fund this project and compensate the participants.
Criteria for participation included being homeless or in an unstable housing situation and having
experienced IPV with a past or current romantic partner, ranging from minor to severe. The WCS
does not specifically serve women who have experienced IPV, but the staff indicated that the IPV
rates of the women using their services are high. Therefore, it was feasible to recruit from this location.
The participants also had to have functional skills in reading, writing, and speaking in English, and they
had to be 18 or older.
Measures
A qualitative-dominant design was used for this study while incorporating three brief surveys,
including demographics, The Experience of Domestic Violence Scale, and the Intimate Partner
Violence Strategies Index (IPV-SI). Analyses included calculating percentages and mean scores.
The demographic survey asked about the participants’age, race and ethnicity, gender, sexual iden-
tity, living situation, education level, relationship status, current employment status, disability status,
number of children, and the country in which they were born.
The Experience of Domestic Violence Scale measured the levels of IPV experienced in a current or
past romantic relationship (Fujiwara et al., 2010). For this measure, Cronbach’s alpha is .86, which
demonstrates good reliability (Fujiwara et al., 2010). IPV-SI measured the strategies used to access
safety when experiencing IPV (Goodman et al., 2003). The authors of this scale concluded that the
IPV-SI has good interrater reliability, face, and convergent validity (Goodman et al., 2003).
Interviews
The interviews were planned for 60–90 min and ranged from 14 to 85 min (M=40.4). They were
semistructured and audiorecorded, and the PI and one volunteer researcher conducted the interviews.
The following topics were discussed: living situation, formal support needs relating to homelessness
and IPV, barriers and facilitating factors for accessing formal support services, how their social posi-
tionings may have affected experiences with formal support services, and the effect of the COVID-19
pandemic on service experiences.
Procedure
The project received clearance from the University Research Ethics Board. Before data collection,
the PI and the second interviewer watched a webinar that provided them with a general discussion
4Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work 0(0)
of IPV. The participants were then invited to sign up for the study at the WCS. The shelter residents
were told they could sign up under a time slot by providing their first names. All other forms with
data (consent form, surveys, and transcripts) used ID numbers. Interviews were conducted at the
WCS in private rooms. The participants provided informed consent verbally. During the study com-
pletion process, the researchers were present to assist with clarifications or help with reading. The
participants were also allowed a support person in the room.
Questionnaires were completed first, followed by trauma-informed interviews (Lalonde et al.,
2020). A trauma-informed approach involves incorporating strategies into interactions with partici-
pants who have endured trauma that create a physically and emotionally safe environment for them to
share their stories. For example, this included asking participants if they wanted a support person in
the room, taking frequent breaks, providing water and snacks, and conducting the interview in a
familiar environment (for more information on trauma-informed approaches, see Lalonde et al.,
2020). Participants were informed that mentions of child abuse or other duty-to-report instances
might need to be reported. There was also ongoing consent to ensure that they wanted to continue.
Upon conclusion of the interview, participants were given a letter of information with resources for
mental health, domestic violence, and shelter services, and a $25 gift card.
Analyses
The interviews were transcribed and deidentified, and a reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) was used
to analyze the interviews to explore individuals’experiences and how they make sense of them
(Braun & Clarke, 2021). The RTA followed Braun and Clarke’s six steps and involved identifying
codes within the dataset that were conceptually similar and turning them into themes that can be
revised throughout the analytic process (Braun & Clarke, 2021). The RTA was approached from
a feminist standpoint. This theory recognizes that knowledge and experiences are socially situated;
therefore, strong reflexivity is essential, where the researcher acknowledges and interrogates their
positionality and subjectivity (Wigginton & Lafrance, 2019). This approach also aims to highlight
the voices of marginalized individuals (Wigginton & Lafrance, 2019).
Critical feminist and intersectionality interpretive lenses were also used to inform the decisions
made by the researchers. Questions were asked around power relations, and reflection occurred on
how questions were being asked (Lafrance & Wigginton, 2019). This lens was also used to
analyze the experiences of oppressed social groups and how their positions lead to inequality in
accessing resources (Chavis & Hill, 2008; Kelly, 2011). Overall, these lenses helped inform the
research process, data analysis, and write-up.
Trustworthiness and Positionality. To establish trustworthiness, a volunteer researcher helped with the
RTA coding process. This researcher coded 7/10 interviews, while the PI coded all 10. The PI and
research assistant also used reflexive journals (Nowell et al., 2017). In these journals, the researchers
kept track of their analytical and methodological decisions, thought processes, assumptions, and
reflections on the study’s processes (Nowell et al., 2017).
Positionality is also important in qualitative research for the readers to understand how the
researcher’s background can shape the research (Braun & Clarke, 2019). I, the PI, am a
25-year-old woman. I have never experienced homelessness or IPV. However, I have experienced
barriers to accessing formal services. I have been put on waitlists, struggled with paying for services,
and have been doubted by service providers. These experiences have made me hesitant to access
further services when I need them. Part of the reason I chose to do this research was because of
past obstacles I encountered and wanting to make a change for those who are vulnerable to more
barriers than I have faced. These personal experiences can and have affected how I view some
formal services, such as medical professionals and the healthcare system, so it was important to
Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 5
be reflexive throughout the project to ensure these experiences did not distort how I interpreted the
findings and interacted with the participants.
The other researcher identified as a cisgender woman and has had the security of stable housing
throughout her life. She attributed the experiences she gained as a residential youth worker as formative
in her research interest development. The treatment program where she was employed offered support to
a resilient population with complex traumatic histories and experiences of dating violence. This exposure
shaped her understanding of the social world and gave rise to her interest in bridging the research–practice
gap, which, in turn, was something she regularly reflected upon throughout her involvement in this study.
Results
Demographics
The mean age of the sample was 44 years old (range =28–70), all participants identified as female,
and all were born in Canada. The length of time being homeless for the sample varied from 3 weeks
to 3.9 years (M=30.8 weeks). The average number of times being homeless was three. See
Appendix A, Table 1, for the remaining demographic statistics.
Quantitative Findings
All participants scored above zero on the Experience of Domestic Violence Scale, where scores can
range from 0 to 12. Sixty percent of participants’results demonstrated the maximum score on the
scale (M=11.1). This indicated high rates of domestic violence in the sample.
IPV Strategies Index. The most endorsed strategies on the IPV-SI were Resistance and Placating.
In the placating category, 90% of the women tried to avoid an argument with their partner. In the
resistance category, 90% of the women fought back physically and verbally and left their homes
to escape their partners. The calculated percentages for the average number of strategies used on
each subscale were as follows: 38% for Formal Network, 40% for Legal, 42% for Safety
Planning, 57.2% for Informal Network, 82% for Placating, and 83% for Resistance. The scores
for the helpfulness levels were not calculated because of excessive missing data.
Qualitative Findings
Five domains were created in the RTA process: Factors Leading to Homelessness, Needs of Women
Experiencing IPV and Homelessness, Barriers to Accessing Services, Facilitating Factors, and
Social Positionings’Effect on Homeless Experiences and Access to Barriers.
Factors Leading to Homelessness. The main factor leading to homelessness was Conflict and
Precarious Circumstances Leading to Housing Instability. All the women in the study became home-
less due to conflict or precarious, unstable situations. The types of conflict consisted of human traf-
ficking, IPV, landlord, and/or familial conflict. Multiple participants became homeless due to fleeing
an abusive romantic partner. Trafficking was perpetuated by a wide range of individuals. Women
reported being trafficked by individuals, known and trusted by survivors, such as service providers
and financial supports. Landlord issues were discussed, including not paying rent on time, being
forced out of their unit for no legitimate reasons, or not having the correct paperwork.
These precarious circumstances continued to be a pattern in many women’s lives as they contin-
ually attempted to find housing. A few women described conflict between roommates and other
women at the shelter, disputes and dissatisfaction with the other women they roomed with, and
6Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work 0(0)
difficulty finding housing with roommates. For example, one participant said, “They give you heat,
shelter. I can’t say anything wrong about this place. The only thing is thieving. Stealing and stuff like
—we all have to live together. We all have nothing. Come together like, you know what I mean?”
Overall, precarious situations were the most prevalent factor leading to homelessness, which contin-
ued for some while the women were trying to get back on their feet. This theme demonstrated both
the internal and external circumstances of the system and being housed with others who were likely
to cause or heighten conflict.
Needs of Women Experiencing IPV and Homelessness. Three subthemes were generated regarding the
participants’needs: The Foundation to Survive, Health and Wellbeing, and Employment and
Financial Assistance.
The Foundation to Survive. All 10 women described the need to have shelter. This was either
expressed in the difficulty in finding housing or in describing the importance of housing for
meeting other needs (e.g., employment). One participant discussed the importance of having a
place to live, “Well, I’mafirm believer that you need a home first in order for everything to fall
into place. Because you need a place.”Another participant described needing shelter first, followed
by essentials like food and clothing. Some women mentioned a strong interest in transitional living.
Other desired basic needs: access to food banks, identification mechanisms, and clothing.
Health and Well-being. All participants described some form of health need, whether it was a
physical or mental health need. Professionals such as counselors, therapists, and social workers
were the most common need. Not every woman recognized this need for themselves, but other sup-
ports in their life did. One participant also expressed needing self-esteem building in relation to
mental health, despite not stating a need for individual therapy or counseling.
Physical health needs involved surgeries, medications, consultations with a primary healthcare
provider, as well as gym/fitness needs. For example, one participant experienced extensive injuries
due to IPV and expressed her need for medical care for “broken bones and seizures.”A need for med-
ication was also expressed as well as referrals to healthcare practitioners.
Employment and Financial Assistance. The final subtheme was employment and financial needs.
Women mentioned the need for financial assistance and employment and desiring help with finding
employment opportunities. One participant expressed the difficulties of finding employment when
you do not have your basic needs met: “—but it’s hard to have a job when you have no place to
wash clothes or wash yourself, never mind clothes.”Participants also expressed not having
enough money to access certain environments and being looked down upon for their lack of
money. Others expressed wanting assistance with finding part-time jobs to slowly transition back
into work. Further, one participant also expressed the need for skills-building workshops and training
to prepare herself for the workforce.
Barriers to Accessing Services. There were four subthemes concerning barriers to accessing formal ser-
vices for homelessness and IPV: Strained and Flawed systems, Psychological Barriers, Experiences
of Dismissal and Minimization, and Financial Obstacles.
Strained and Flawed Systems. The most common theme surrounding barriers to accessing formal
services was related to flawed systems. The women often expressed being put on waitlists, insuffi-
cient availability of beds and providers, a lack of rooms accommodating specific needs (e.g., dog
friendly), or a lack of availability for needed services. This is demonstrated by a participant’s long
wait time for mental health treatment, “I was on their waiting list for posttraumatic stress for
5 years.”The waitlist barrier was magnified during the COVID-19 pandemic, such that participants
expressed how shelters had insufficient bed space and experienced longer waitlists compared to pre-
pandemic times.
Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 7
Multiple participants expressed difficulties with getting into a shelter due to insufficient space.
This barrier also occurred for human trafficking services and sober living services. One participant
noted that this obstacle could contribute to “life or death”:
There’s 10 beds in (city), um, for women who want to live sober…by the time somebody gets up on the
list, they’ve either tried to kill themselves, or are in the psych ward, or they’re out homeless, using drugs
and are probably in psychosis, and have no idea what to do with themselves …When you’re on a waitlist
for a treatment center, or for sober living, or for (the nonprofit mental health organization), or for a family
doctor, that’s life or death for addicts especially, and people who are already homeless.
Another issue the participants described, specifically at the shelter, was a lack of pet-friendly rooms
and other restrictive requirements for staying in particular rooms. Two participants described their expe-
rience of dog ownership while homeless and reported that they were unable to keep the dogs at the
shelter. This led to distress for these women, as they considered their pets to be a part of their family.
Another participant had difficulty with getting a particular room at the shelter due to requirements for
family and single rooms, as she could only stay if she had a child with her. To conclude, many of the
described barriers related to how systems have been structured, leading to waitlists and insufficient space.
Psychological Barriers. Another barrier revolved around women’s emotions, perceptions, and
mental health. One participant said, “I was scared”when talking about barriers to accessing services,
and another stated that “the emotional part”years ago got in the way of help-seeking. It was also
scary for another participant, as she said, “Violence is to tell …To tell somebody or to tell.”
Emotions, such as pride, further impeded participants’ability to seek help.
There were also expressions of not being ready for help. One participant specifically expressed
that her mental health state affected her ability to reach out for help:
I would say number one reason would be my anxiety, depression …It holds me back from doing a lot of
things …and it’s almost like it started with like PTSD through the domestic violence—And kind of grew
from there …
These findings demonstrate the impact that emotions and individual perceptions of readiness have
on participants’ability to seek out help and formal support services.
Experiences of Dismissal and Minimization. Participants reported instances of not being taken
seriously by service providers, including police officers, doctors, shelters, and services for human
trafficking. Participants stated that they “always get turned down”or that “they (the service provid-
ers) didn’t care.”Three participants described instances with police officers who were dismissive,
disrespectful, lacked empathy, or did not attempt to help them. Comments were made about
police officers in relation to power and how women reported feeling that the police officers
desired to maintain dominance over them while also lacking care during their interactions. All
these experiences demonstrate the common occurrence of being dismissed and belittled by providers,
leading to services not being utilized by those in need.
Financial Obstacles. A few women expressed financial obstacles when attempting to access ser-
vices (e.g., transportation and medical services), or how in general, life as a homeless individual is
unaffordable. For example, one participant pointed out that, “Homelessness is not cheap, by the way.
It is not. It’s very expensive to be homeless. Let me tell you that.”Others discussed the difficulty of
trying to pay for services such as medical care such as surgery. Due to delays in accessing services,
participants endured pain for years. Two participants noted difficulties in relation to getting or paying
for transportation. One talked about the frustration and financial strain of paying for her child’s trans-
portation between the school and the shelter, “… $120 for 2 days of school …$60.00 a day.”Overall,
financial barriers further impeded participants’ability to access the services they needed.
8Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work 0(0)
Facilitating Factors. There were two subthemes that became evident in relation to facilitating factors
for accessing formal support services: Supportive Networks and Resilience, Proactivity, and Growth.
Supportive Networks. The most prevalent facilitating factor was social support. The nature of this
social network varied and consisted of family, friends, other women at the shelter, staff, or the providers
of services. The women talked about feeling supported by others in their lives who encouraged them to
get help and provided help when they were in need. Some noted that the providers they saw showed
support by pushing them to do better and displaying transparency and honesty. This was reflected by
a participant’s statement when talking about her counselor, “I think ‘cause she’s real. She doesn’t beat
around the bush, she’ll tell me exactly how it is.”Others talked about how “amazing”and “helpful”
service providers have been for them, other than just providing the required services.
Some women noted that they receive a lot of support from their family members, who often
encourage them to get help and leave their precarious circumstances. Supportive networks also
came from those at the shelter, both the other residents and the staff. Some women were able to
make connections with other residents, reported being treated nicely, and did not feel judged by
those around them. A participant reflected on the support and connections made with other
women at the shelter:
I think the other thing too is support among people and not necessarily professionals, but sisters among
sisters women among women. Even men among women. Like sharing experiences because you do, you
do pick up people that you bond with here and like for instance, (name of other resident) and the baby.
I laid eyes on that baby. I laid eyes on (name of other resident) and within minutes I knew she could be my
friend. She is—We could be connected and we were and we became friends.
Similarly, other participants discussed how well they were treated at the shelter. Overall, the
women described receiving social, emotional, and instrumental support from many individuals in
their lives that facilitated their ability to seeki support services.
Resilience, Proactivity, and Growth. Some women’s stories demonstrated that their resilience,
proactivity, and growth as a person were facilitating factors in their journey of seeking support ser-
vices. Participants talked about being proud of themselves and being able to open up more. Others
reflected on putting in their own effort and being proactive, leading to them getting help. Similar sen-
timents were shared by other participants about finally putting in the effort to take care of themselves
and showing self-love; this was exhibited by the following quote: “I got to take care of me. It’s time
…I did it for me, not for anybody else, so I’ve learned different things that work for me.”
One other participant also emphasized being proactive, and how this helped her get the services
she needed. She discussed doing her own research and finding information for services on her own.
Others emphasized being strong-willed and standing up for themselves when they did not get treated
well. Another participant discussed the difficulty of being on disability, and how she must be strong
because of it, “When you’re on disability, and like you know, you’ve got all these three strikes
against you, it’s harder. And if you don’t have a voice, you gotta have a backbone.”Overall,
these women demonstrated resilience, strength, and being proactive as facilitators in moving
forward with getting help and assisting themselves.
Social Positionings’Effect on Homeless Experiences and Access to Barriers. Although most participants
did not believe that their identity or social positioning affected their homeless experiences or
ability to access services, there were two subthemes that were generated from the interviews:
class and race/ethnicity.
Class Social Positioning. Some women expressed the effect of their class, or SES, on their expe-
riences with homelessness and with formal support services. Being currently homeless and part of the
lower class resulted in others treating them differently, including lack of respect and being looked
Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 9
down upon, taken advantage of, and stigmatized. One participant described being spoken to inappro-
priately due to her class. This was also emphasized in the following quote from a participant who
originally came from a well-off family:
…I was raised in a very, very well, well-off family. I chose to be on my own. And it’s like …I can go with
my family somewhere and get anything I wanna in society, but when I walk into a store myself,
I’m labeled. Why am I labeled? Like, I have $6,000 in my pocket I’m going to buy something. But
I—you’re following me around the store.
Two participants described that the intersection of health and class led to difficulties for them
during their homeless experiences and when trying to access services, leading to oppression and a
harder time gaining employment. One participant shared an experience that also included gender,
being a woman, in this intersection, “You got disability, you got gender you got income. All
three. That is so hard to get through to people that, you know, and keeping us oppressed in this
country is all part of their strategy too.”Overall, this theme demonstrates how the effect of one’s
social class and its intersection with one’s health identity leads to negative experiences and stigma-
tization by the greater community.
Race/Ethnic Social Positioning. Two of the three non-White participants touched on experiences
with race and ethnicity and described the effect of their identity as significant to their experiences.
Both participants described how their ethnicity/race made it much more difficult for them to
access services, denied services or not taken seriously, or led others to think that they did not
deserve what they had due to their identity. While one of these participants did not consent to the
use of anonymous quotations, she described in great detail her experiences with systemic racism
and how racism impacted her experiences being homeless and trying to access formal support ser-
vices. Her identity as a woman of color exposed her to racial slurs and assumptions of her worthiness
for financial support, which contributed to her experiences with violence and homelessness. This
further affected her experiences with finding housing after becoming homeless, as some landlords
expressed racist behavior and did not want someone of her identity in their unit. Finally, she
expressed that she felt others looked down on her and saw her as “less than”due to her identity.
The other participants expressed similar experiences. She faced racism in health services, the bank,
and other services. She mentioned experiencing racism when trying to get approved for a mortgage:
I couldn’t even—I had money in the bank to have—to get a mortgage. The bank(er) that I dealt with did
everything in her power, this manager, to make sure I couldn’t get a house. A mortgage. She called every-
where and told them, ‘don’t give her a mortgage. Don’t give her a mortgage. ‘Aboriginal.’
Both participants expressed experiencing racism, and this impacted their ability to access formal
services. This demonstrates the intersectional relationship between identity and structural systems of
both privilege and oppression.
Discussion
The purpose of this article was to explore the formal service experiences of women enduring home-
lessness and IPV. The quantitative questionnaires revealed high levels of IPV in the study sample.
The measures also showed that the most common types of strategies for getting help for IPV involved
resistance and placating. These findings are noteworthy because using both strategies can imply that
survivors are starting with one strategy and moving on to the other when it becomes ineffective.
Researchers should examine the directionality of these strategies to understand what external
factors contribute to a woman’s decision to switch strategies.
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Qualitative Findings
The thematic analysis showed three important needs for the group of women in this study: health,
basic necessities, and employment and finances. The latter finding is consistent with previous
studies that emphasize financial support as a need for those experiencing homelessness and those
fleeing from partner violence (e.g., Campbell et al., 2015; Chiaramonte et al., 2022). Past studies
also support the findings that mental and physical health needs are important for this subgroup of
women (e.g., Daiski, 2007; Guenzel et al., 2020).
The most common reason for experiencing homelessness in this study was conflict and precarious
circumstances that led to continuous housing instability. Conflict, especially partner violence, is a
leading cause of homelessness, so it was no surprise that this was the most common factor
leading to homelessness for this sample (Daoud et al., 2016). These findings provide insight into
the cyclical relationship between IPV, homelessness, and reoccurring conflict. This relationship
shows an enduring obstacle for these women—violent circumstances—that affect their ability to
find stable housing. This is helpful to know from an intervention standpoint to inform government
services and agencies aimed at assisting women who face these circumstances.
The most common barriers for women accessing formal support services were Strained and
Flawed Systems, Psychological Barriers, Experiences of Dismissal and Minimization, and
Financial Obstacles. The findings support previous research that has demonstrated the barriers to ser-
vices related to a lack of finances, overwhelmed medical systems (e.g., waitlists), and interpersonal
feelings for women experiencing IPV or homelessness (e.g., Campbell et al., 2015; Fugate et al.,
2005). These findings provide us with a new understanding of obstacles that are prevalent for this
subgroup of women in the Windsor community and potentially other communities within North
America. Overall, formal services must better serve the identified needs of women taking into con-
sideration their unique circumstances.
Two factors facilitating access to formal support services were discovered in the findings: Support
Networks and Resiliency, Growth, and Proactivity. These results are consistent with previous studies
that point out how supportive networks help women become both more resilient and more likely to
seek out help, while also acting as a safety strategy (Chiaramonte et al., 2022). Other studies have
found that resilience, empowerment, and confidence are factors that assist women dealing with
IPV, homelessness, and attempts to access support services (Livingstone & Herman, 2017).
Researchers should inform service providers to expand their services and offer women resources
such as workshops, courses, and support that promote resiliency, empowerment, and proactivity
to aid in help-seeking.
Regarding social positioning, two themes were uncovered in the data: class and race and ethnic-
ity. It was found that women’s social class explicitly affected their experiences with being homeless
and accessing services. Two of the participants’race and ethnicity heavily influenced their service
experiences. It is not a new finding that race and ethnicity affect access to services, as a review com-
pleted by Waller et al. (2022) examining the intersection of African-American women and their help-
seeking experiences found that women of color often have poorer interactions with formal service
providers compared to other populations.
The effect of social positioning on women’s experiences can also be explained by the theory of
intersectionality. Intersectionality examines how women’s identities (e.g., age and (dis)ability)
impact and influence their experiences and the association between these social positionings and struc-
tural systems of oppression (Atewologun, 2018). In this study, it was demonstrated that class, status,
and race led to oppression, racism, and discrimination, making it more difficult for the women in this
study to obtain services. Overall, the findings confirmed that identity can lead to disadvantages based
on these systems of power that cause some identities to have privilege and others not.
Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 11
These findings can also be applied to the field of social work. The study highlights the importance
of networking and being part of a multidisciplinary team. Many women felt dismissed by providers,
especially women of color, and they also discussed the importance of having a strong support
network. Social workers should aim to help women communicate with other agencies, acting as per-
sonal advocates in situations where women are feeling unheard or dismissed. Being a part of a mul-
tidisciplinary team can aid in easier referrals and connections to other areas of need for clients. It is
also important for social workers to take a trauma-informed approach during interactions with clients
and attend trauma-informed training. For this study, the trauma-informed lens assisted with making
participants feel comfortable and allowed the researchers to understand how trauma impacted these
women’s lives and interactions. Social workers can use this approach while working with women
who have experienced violence and homelessness by being aware of how they respond to these
traumas and by putting emotional and physical safety strategies in place (e.g., education on
trauma associated with IPV and homelessness, considering locations, discussion of triggers, provid-
ing support person, using a diverse team, etc.; Lalonde et al., 2020).
Limitations
The following study had a few limitations. The sample was comprised mainly of Caucasian women.
Therefore, the findings from the sample cannot be generalized to more diverse populations. This also
limited the information that could be gathered on the impact of race and ethnicity on experiences with
services. Despite this limitation, important implications of race and ethnicity did emerge from the two
minority women present in the sample. The sample size of the study was also a potential limitation.
The original aim was to gather 15 participants, but due to time, availability, and willingness, only 10
were attained. Qualitative research can be done on smaller sample sizes (Braun & Clarke, 2019), but a
larger sample could have added richer findings. Regardless, the findings can still be used to help com-
munities with extrapolation for the needs of non-White women. Finally, the study population con-
sisted of women from Windsor, Ontario, which limits the findings’generalizability. Nevertheless,
the findings can aid and guide service providers in other communities that aim to improve their ser-
vices or conduct research on barriers and facilitating factors to accessing their services.
Implications and Future Directions
There are multiple implications that resulted from this study. This project used a group that is not
often studied in relation to barriers and facilitating factors for formal services—women who have
endured IPV and are also experiencing homelessness. Therefore, the study adds to the literature
that examines women who have or are experiencing both adversities. Future research can attempt
to replicate these findings and examine more diverse groups in Canada.
The findings of this study will also be used to create a report for the WCS and other services in the
wide-ranging community. This will allow the findings to be used to implement changes in protocol,
procedures, and programs that are offered for the local shelter populations. Participants in this study
did provide suggestions for the shelter that will be included in the report that could be used to further
improve services (e.g., more nutritious and culturally diverse food). These suggestions can be used to
implement immediate changes to the current shelter services and other formal support services at
large. Service providers in Windsor and the broader community (e.g., North America) can also con-
sider the larger barriers regarding systemic issues to inform change by working toward adding addi-
tional services, expanding the current capacity of their services, changing policy, and training their
employees in empathy.
The findings point to a few avenues for future directions of study. The study consisted of mostly
heterosexual women, with few who had differing sexual identities. Future studies could aim to access
12 Affilia: Feminist Inquiry in Social Work 0(0)
populations from more varied backgrounds and attempt to include a sample of more diverse sexual
identities. This would allow for a better understanding of the intersection between sexual identity and
women’s experiences with accessing formal services for needs related to homelessness and IPV.
Finally, this study was conducted with a qualitative-dominant methodology. Mixed method
designs are capable of leading to a greater understanding of the phenomenon being studied
(Ponterotto et al., 2013). Quantitative components can be used to gain larger samples, and qualitative
components (e.g., focus groups) can provide rich narratives that are more detailed. Overall, using
mixed-methods approaches in future studies can help us further enhance our understanding of the
experiences of women and IPV, homelessness, and formal service use.
Conclusion
To conclude, this study explored the experiences of women enduring homelessness and IPV and the
factors affecting their access to formal support services. First, the findings highlight barriers related to
overwhelmed systems, dismissal and minimization of women’s issues, as well as psychological bar-
riers, and financial concerns. Second, findings emphasized the factors that aid this group of women to
seek help, such as having supportive networks and being resilient, proactive, and finding ways to
enable personal growth. Third, this study demonstrated that social positionings such as race and
class can lead to discrimination and oppression within structural systems when women try to
access services. Finally, the study identified the common needs of this population, including
health, finances, and needs related to basic necessities (e.g., housing and food). In summary, the
current study provided rich information about barriers and facilitating factors to accessing formal ser-
vices for women experiencing IPV and homelessness and can be used to implement change in many
communities that provide services for these populations.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication
of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article:
Associate Dean Research Grant (Grant No. 820855).
ORCID iD
Marissa Rakus https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4751-3551
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Rakus and Singleton-Jackson 15
Author Biographies
Marissa Rakus is a PhDStudent in Applied Social Psychology. Her area of research is women’s health and
women’s experiences with formal support services.
Jill Singleton-Jackson is a Professor in Psychology andthe Associate Dean of Student Experience for the
Faculty of Arts, Humanities,and Social Sciences. Her areas of research are the first-year experience, peermentors
in the classroom, academic entitlement, and academic integrity.
Appendix A: Demographics
Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Sample.
Characteristic n%
Race/ethnicity
White/European/Caucasian 7 70
Multiple ethnicities 1 10
Black/African/Caribbean 1 10
Indigenous/First Nations/Metis 1 10
Age
20–39 4 40
40–59 4 40
60–79 2 20
Sexual identity
Straight/heterosexual 7 70
Bisexual 2 20
Education
Some high school 2 20
Some college/uni/trade school/certificate 5 50
Bachelor’s and/or college degree 2 20
Master’s and PhD equivalent 1 10
Employment status
On disability 2 20
Retired 1 10
Seeking opportunities 3 30
Employed full-time 1 10
Prefer not to say 3 30
Relationship status
Single (never married) 6 60
Divorced 3 30
Widowed 1 10
Disability
Ye s 5 5 0
No 5 50
Children
None 1 10
1–6880
7–9110
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