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The road less travelled: Exploring the reluctance of vocational students towards higher education in Portugal
Abstract
Despite rising participation rates in Portugal, a gap persists
between general and vocational upper secondary students'
transition to higher education (HE). This study employs a
qualitative methodology, specifically through content analysis
of focus group discussions, to explore the factors influencing
vocational students' reluctance towards higher education,
amidst specific policies designed to aid their transition.
Empirical findings suggest that vocational students may exhibit
reservations stemming from self-perceived
academic deficiencies,
impacting their self-confidence
in continuing their
education at a HE level. Nevertheless, confidence in market-valued
practical skills might motivate HE consideration within
a vocational domain. Their practical focus also makes HE seem
less immediately applicable in the labour market. Many prioritise
integration into the workforce for short-run
objectives,
seeking breaks, experience and financial earnings. Aiming for
earning and practicality, many lean towards the labour market
over HE, even considering emigrating to achieve financial stability.
The study emphasises the need for Portuguese educational
policies to align vocational training with HE, supporting
diverse student ambitions and holistic career paths.
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This chapter analyses inequalities in the transition from upper secondary to higher education in Portugal, using empirical data from the General-Directorate of Education and Science Statistics (DGEEC). It argues that educational inequalities are already present in Portuguese students’ trajectories before higher education and that the transition to higher education therefore reflects these different opportunities. The central argument is that socioeconomic status is the most important aspect that directly or indirectly conditions transition to higher education in Portugal, and thus is the primary source of inequality in participation. The findings also point to other factors similar to those already highlighted in the literature as responsible for inequalities in access to higher education: previous schooling, gender, different regional opportunities and selection and admission criteria, with socioeconomic status appearing to be transversal to and/or aggravate the influence of most of these other factors (except gender). Disadvantaged students who manage to surmount all the different obstacles and reach higher education belong to a group of resilient “academic survivors”. Based on the findings of this study, several areas of intervention are proposed.
This book explains how education policies offering improved transitions to work and higher-level study can widen the gaps between successful and disadvantaged groups of young people.
Centred on an original study of ongoing further education and apprenticeship reforms in England, the book traces the emergence of distinctive patterns of transition that magnify existing societal inequalities. It illustrates the distinction between mainly male ‘technical elites’ on STEM-based courses and the preparation for low-level service roles described as ‘welfare vocationalism’, whilst digital and creative fields ill-suited to industry learning head for a ‘new economy precariat’. Yet the authors argue that social justice can nevertheless be advanced in the spaces between learning and work.
The book provides essential insights for academics and postgraduate students researching technical, vocational and higher education. It will also appeal to professionals with interests in contemporary educational policy and emerging practice.
We document and analyse the wage gap between vocational and general secondary education in Portugal between 1994 and 2013. As Portuguese workers have been educated in different school systems, we have to distinguish between birth cohorts. Analysing the wage gaps within cohorts, we find no support for either the human capital prediction of crossing wage profiles or the hypothesis that general graduates increasingly outperform vocational graduates in late career. We discover that the lifecycle wage profiles have shifted over time. We link the pattern of shifting cohort profiles to changes in the school system and in the structure of labour demand. We conclude that assessing the relative value of vocational education requires assessing how the vocational curriculum responds to changes in economic structure and technology. We show that the decline in assortative matching between workers and firms has benefited vocationally educated workers.
Division between academic and vocational education is a predominant feature of both upper secondary and higher education in Finland as well as in many other country contexts. This article focuses on a minority of higher education students, those who have not proceeded to higher education through the traditional academic track but have enrolled through the vocational route. We deploy the concept of institutional habitus and utilize Eurostudent VI survey data ( N=7318) to analyse the backgrounds and study experiences of higher education students with different kinds of educational backgrounds. Our findings indicate that those enrolling through the vocational route are more often mature students from lower parental educational backgrounds. They have often completed a longer study path and began to see themselves as future higher education students later in their life course. There are also differences in how students with diverse educational backgrounds experience their sense of belonging to the higher education community. This paper focuses on Finland but has relevance for other European countries as the institutional structures and practices discussed in this paper are evident internationally.
More than a quarter of all trainees in Germany’s dual vocational training system have the Abitur – the German school-leaving qualification that entitles them to go to university. Some go to university after completing their apprenticeship, but others move straight into full-time employment. There is currently very little reliable empirical data about the reasons for these decisions, particularly among the latter group. This study considers around 1,100 trainees with the Abitur in four different training occupations in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia, investigating the sociodemographic profile and the motives. It also explores in depth and critically discusses the motives of those not intending to go to university. The findings demonstrate that those choosing not to go to university are neither academically weak nor particularly risk-averse in their assessment of their prospects of obtaining a degree. They are more motivated by having a practical orientation, by financial factors and by good employment prospects.
A striking number of young people in Germany with the Abitur – the qualification required for entry to higher education – do not, in fact, go on to university immediately after leaving school but opt first to do an apprenticeship. This phenomenon, where general and vocational curricula are taught independently and separately, is known as the ‘additive double qualification pathway’ and represents an extreme type of hybrid qualification. This paper considers a range of individual influences in an attempt to obtain a holistic view of the possible motives of those who opt for this pathway. The study focuses on apprentices with the Abitur who were surveyed as they were about to complete their vocational training and were on the point of moving on to a university or university of applied sciences (Fachhochschule). The research investigates four very different training occupations with relatively high proportions of Abitur holders: industrial clerk; bank clerk; optician; and motor vehicle mechatronics technician. It is a large-scale quantitative research study (n = 1234). The range of possible motives is hypothesised, systematically operationalised and finally tested empirically.
The main objective of this paper is to show to what extent and why students with the same academic aptitude but different social backgrounds have different odds of entering university. For our analysis, we separated primary and secondary factors of social origin in the formation of educational inequalities. The results show that the primary and secondary factors have approximately the same influence on the transition to university. Czech schools do not affect the process of forming educational aspirations and transition to university, and merely ‘classify’ children according to their social origin. This situation emerged during the socialist era and has remained unchanged after the fall of communism (in 1989). However, the mechanism of the social origin effect has changed – while cultural capital with a ‘direct’ impact had a major role to play during the socialist era, at present there is a rather ‘indirect’ influence through economic capital.
In this article we start from Boudon's important, but still surprisingly neglected, distinction between `primary' and `secondary' effects in the creation of class differentials in educational attainment. Primary effects are all those, whether of a genetic or socio-cultural kind, that are expressed via the association between children's class backgrounds and their actual levels of academic performance. Secondary effects are those that are expressed via the educational choices that children from differing class backgrounds make within the range of choice that their previous performance allows them. We apply a method introduced by Erikson and Jonsson to represent the relationship between primary and secondary effects in analysing class differentials in one crucial transition within the English and Welsh educational system: that which children make at around age 16 and which determines whether or not they will pursue the higher-level academic qualifications — A-levels — that are usually required for university entry. We then use a development of this method that we have earlier proposed in order to produce quantitative estimates of the relative importance of primary and secondary effects as they operate within this transition. We show that secondary effects reinforce primary effects to a substantial extent, accounting for at least one quarter, and possibly up to one-half, of class differentials as measured by odds ratios. In conclusion, we consider some theoretical and policy implications of our findings.
This paper is based on a small‐scale mixed‐method research project, which was located in south‐east England and was funded by the British Academy. The project, investigated the factors that affected young people’s decisions not to progress to higher education (HE) after following a Level 3 vocational pathway in upper secondary education. Set against the context of divergent and somewhat contradictory government policy initiatives, it draws on the concept of imagined futures as a way of considering students’ ‘decision‐making’ in their transition from further education to other locations. This paper explores how a group of young people completing their vocational courses in summer 2008 viewed – or imagined – their futures. Contrary to policy discourses, vocational pathways did not necessarily offer straightforward progression to HE. Respondents’ ‘imagined futures’ did not lack agency, but HE was not an immediate part of them.
How young people make career/occupational choices and why they enter particular careers/occupations are questions to which the answers are complex. One hundred and ninety seven-students drawn from two non-selective comprehensive schools and two further education (FE) colleges in the North of England took part in a questionnaire survey relating to their perceptions of education and training. Forty-seven of these students were subsequently interviewed. The data, collected during 2005 and 2006, suggests a level of student uncertainty that may arise from being attuned to the ambivalent status surrounding vocational education and associated careers. There were indications that perceptions of earning capacity were a key factor in shaping ideas about careers, and that students aspired to courses that they believed offered the highest potential for future earnings. The uncertainty evident in young people’s responses to questions about vocational courses may suggest that schools had failed to adequately inform them about vocationally related-qualifications, though there are, it is contended, socially embedded values and attitudes that simultaneously both shape and cloud their thinking.
In the financial services sector in Germany the proportion of trainees qualified to go on to university is particularly high. But what induces school leavers not to go (straight) to university? A written survey of over 500 trainees in the banking and insurance sectors examined the motivations for the choice of educational pathway. Only some of the motivations cited in academic debate were mentioned by the trainees surveyed. For those surveyed who were from the financial sector it was not possible to confirm that trainees qualified to go on to university performed relatively poorly at school. Nor was it possible to discover any particularly marked risk aversion. It was more the case that the persons surveyed saw benefits in doing an apprenticeship to keep all their options open and to achieve a good combination of theory and practice. However, those questioned who had no intention of going on to university chose continuing training primarily because, besides being practice oriented, it offers a fast path to affluence and good career prospects. (Contains 2 figures, 6 tables, 22 footnotes, and a bibliography.)
This article explores challenges in ensuring effective student transition from school or college to university. It examines the complex liaison needed for students to progress to appropriate courses, settle into university life and succeed as higher education learners. Secondary data (international literature on transition and the formation of learner identity) are analysed to identify underpinning concepts. Primary data are taken from two studies of student transition in England using student and staff surveys, student focus groups, staff interviews and staff–student conferences that discussed selected project data sets. The article goes on to offer a model of the process of transition and the formation of learner identity. It proposes that the development of higher education learner identity is essential to student achievement and is initially encouraged where schools, colleges and universities adopt integrated systems of transition. This has clear implications for practice for higher education administrators, academics and quality officers.
In this article we examine whether subjective estimates of success probabilities explain the effect of social origin, sex,
and ethnicity on students’ choices between different school tracks in Dutch higher education. The educational options analysed
differ in level (i.e. university versus professional college) and fields of study (i.e. science versus non-science). First
we analyse students’ self-assessed success probabilities for specific tracks in higher education. We hypothesize that differences
in demonstrated academic ability explain these perceived success probabilities. Next, we test whether these success probabilities
contribute to explaining educational decisions and differentials herein with respect to social background, sex, and ethnicity.
We use the Dutch Participation in Higher Education dataset wave 1995 and 1997 to answer our questions. Success probabilities differ across social origins, between men and women,
and across ethnic groups, even after controlling for ability differences. Success probabilities contribute to the explanatory
model for school transition decisions which differ by field of study and level of schooling. They also help to explain social
origin and sex-based differentials in field choice, but not in level choice. Ability is not a sufficient indicator for self-perceived
success probabilities: success probabilities explain educational differentials better than ability.
Background: The transition of high school students to higher education can be an overwhelming experience which may impact on academic outcomes. Despite increases in access, course completion rates remain problematic in Chile. Students’ expectations of higher education can play an important role in their decision-making, especially in terms of choices made about programme and institution.
Purpose: The purpose of this study was to better understand Chilean high school students’ expectations of the benefits and costs involved in the transition process from secondary to postsecondary education. Also, it aimed to examine the factors that influence those expectations.
Method: We used a qualitative design to collect information from 76 university-tracked high-school seniors through nine focus groups. All focus group data were double coded using a directed content analysis approach.
Findings: The analysis indicated that students mentioned expectations of non-monetary benefits frequently, and in all focus groups. Though monetary benefits were not referred to directly, students identified them implicitly through non-monetary benefits. Expectations about costs were mentioned less often than were benefits.
Conclusions: Our study highlights that the construction of expectations appeared chiefly influenced by the information obtained through family and peers. The findings from this study should help focus institutional and educational policymakers’ efforts in supporting the decision-making process of students transitioning to higher education.
The last 12 months have been a period of change, exciting new ventures and consolidation of activities on the education front. The new Education Committee has demonstrated the value of its breadth of membership and support in the programme of work undertaken. The Society works closely with sister societies within the BioSciences Federation to promote the life sciences generally, and in addition organizes a full programme to cover biochemical education, from schools through to postdoctoral research and teaching, and engaging with the public.
Based on rational choice theory, the present study investigates whether changes in students’ evaluation of benefits, costs, and probability of success related with higher education (HE) causally affect their enrolment plans. Moreover, the study aims to test if social inequality in access to HE would be reduced by counterbalancing students’ evaluations of rational choice factors across social origins. For these purposes, we conducted a factorial survey, making it possible to experimentally vary benefits, costs, and probability of success associated with HE to draw causal inferences about students’ intention to enrol in HE, and to validate findings by means of a traditional survey. Results of multilevel analyses provide support for rational choice theory and its predictions. While benefits and probability of success were found to be positive predictors, costs were negatively related to the intention to enrol in HE. Besides, we found empirical evidence for the interaction between students’ probability of success and perceived benefits, and the investment risk expressed as ratio between costs and probability of success. Finally, results indicate that social inequality, as identified in the traditional survey, might be reduced if perceived benefits, costs, and probabilities of success were balanced among social origins.
In this article, we draw on evidence from a large-scale research project to explore the metaphorical concept of "barriers" to participation in higher education (HE) and to show how our data challenge the idea that non-participation by under-represented groups can be attributed to individuals experiencing a range of readily identifiable barriers. First, we briefly outline the perspectives of policy and practice stakeholders in widening participation (WP) in HE which suggest that the discourse of barriers is central to their understanding of "non-participation" and how to reduce it. Second, we introduce findings from two case studies. Each case study consists of interviews with an individual aged over 21 who has the qualifications (level 3) to enter HE but who has not (yet) done so, as well as members of his or her self-nominated "networks of intimacy" (Heath and Cleaver, 2003) consisting of friends and family. These interviewees do not tend to talk in terms of barriers in their accounts of their educational, employment and personal histories and the influences on their participation decisions. This evidence suggests that patterns of participation and non-participation in HE are strongly embedded in and explained by people's interwoven social, historical and biographical circumstances and experience. This article contributes to the debate about the utility of the barriers metaphor and challenges the policy assumption that individual non-participation can be "solved" solely by the removal of predefined obstacles. We conclude by arguing that the opportunity to collect multiple accounts with members of social networks indicates the value of looking at participation in and decision-making about education across the life course and as a socially embedded practice.
The South African higher education sector is faced with high attrition and low retention rates. Studies conducted by the Council on Higher Education in South Africa have found that 50% of black students who access university study drop out, and the majority of dropouts occurred in the first year of study. While these studies revealed what the challenges were and why they occurred, not much has been done to overcome or prevent the challenges. Therefore, knowledge on how first-year students could be assisted and guided to adjust successful to the university environment is paramount. The goal of this article is to determine which factors enable new students’ successful adjustment to the university environment. Identifying these factors was deemed important because they could be used to assist and guide new student cohorts. Thirty-two first-year students were the research participants, and data were collected from all of them through a questionnaire, two written reflective pieces, the students’ results and individual interviews. Content analysis, using a three-stage open coding process, was used to categorize the findings into themes and sub-themes. The findings revealed that 20 of the 32 students had difficulty overcoming their transition challenges and failed some or all their subjects at the end of their first year of study. The remaining 12 students overcame their challenges and achieved study success. They identified three overall factors that enabled them to adjust and integrate successfully to the university environment.
Secondary education is associated with a comparatively high level of inequality in Germany. This has often been attributed to the early ability-based between-school tracking in the German school system. However, as yet there has been no empirical evaluation of the actual impact of initial track placement on social inequality in final school attainment. Since educational reforms in the 1960s increased educational mobility after track placement, it can be expected that initial track allocation has become less important for the process of secondary educational attainment and the inequalities therein. By drawing on longitudinal life-course data for different birth cohorts from the 1930s to the 1980s, this paper analyses temporal developments in the connections between track placement, educational mobility and social inequality in final school outcomes. The analyses reveal that the impact of track placement actually diminished for those cohorts exposed to the reformed school system. Instead, social inequalities in school attainment are increasingly influenced by processes of educational mobility after track allocation. Furthermore, the analyses show that developments in educational mobility have contributed more to declining inequalities in access to upper secondary education than changes of the selectivities in the transition to secondary education.
This paper looks at class inequality in the probability of enrolling in university in Italy from a long-term perspective. Given that Italian higher secondary education is tracked, it studies how tracking interacts over time with class origin in the production of inequality of educational opportunities, thus contributing to the growing literature on the inequality effects of the qualitative, or horizontal, stratification of educational systems. The paper has thus two research questions. First, it asks whether class inequality in participation in higher education has changed over time; second, whether and how this change was influenced by the tracked structure of upper secondary school. Empirical analyses are based on data from the Italian Longitudinal Household Survey, a retrospective panel survey including detailed life-course information about a representative sample of the Italian population. In an educational transition framework, we analyse the association between social class, tracking and university enrolment, applying the Karlson/Holm/Breen decomposition method for logistic regression coefficients. We find increasing inequality in accessing university, and a change in the role of upper secondary track, whose mediating role between family background and university choice appears to have weakened over time.
This chapter surveys the main features of Portuguese economic growth in the last half century, with a particular emphasis on the period after the return to democracy in 1974. It shows that significant structural change and capital deepening were the chief sources of growth in the Portuguese economy until the mid-1970s. From then onwards, human capital accumulation and productivity growth were the main reasons behind Portugal’s economic fortunes. Growth declined between these two phases, as in the rest of Europe. In Portugal, it slowed further after 1990. After surveying the main causes of the slowdown of the Portuguese economy in the last decade, Portugal’s main human capital indicators are compared to other European and OECD economies. While Portugal has made a remarkable transition from an agrarian society to an industry- and service-based economy, the country still has not been able to successfully move on to a knowledge-based economy. Such a transition, however, is instrumental to spur economic growth on and to improve productivity.
The aim of this article is to systematize empirical findings from the German Life History Studies, which allow a (long-term)
historical perspective on changes in Germany’s vocational education and training (VET) system. We consider two aspects. First,
we examine access to and patterns of VET participation. Second, we discuss the impact of changes in individual educational
behavior on skill formation institutions. In doing so, we contribute new insights concerning the interplay between individuals
and the German VET system. Life courses not only are structured by institutions but also may ‘trigger’ institutional changes.
We assume that the two ‘trigger’ groups at the boundaries of the VET system—that is, low-achieving and high-achieving youth—pose
the greatest challenge to its institutional structure and are therefore useful groups to examine to learn more about the performance
of the German VET system and the relation between individual educational behavior and institutional change.
An equitable and democratised higher education system should, in principle, be permeable to the flow of populations with different social and/or cultural backgrounds, allowing access to any parts of the system. However, despite the democratisation efforts that took place in Portugal after the 1974 revolution, and although the student population is now much more diversified and heterogeneous than ever before, the particular routes to higher education still hinder the free access of students to some areas of the system.PurposeIn this study, those different routes to higher education and the way they might influence students' choices are analysed. Of particular interest was whether students tended to make choices based on feasibility rather than personal preference.SampleData were collected through individual semi-structured interviews with 60 first year students (32 female and 28 male), from universities and polytechnics, both public and private, and from three first cycle study programmes (Arts, Pharmacy and Computer Engineering) in the urban area of the city of Porto.Design and Methods
The analysis was a small scale qualitative investigation of Portuguese students' perceptions underlying their choices in higher education. The sample selection took into account the diversity of the student population and sought to include different student profiles to gather contrasting cases and potentially contrasting views. Data gathered through interviews (conducted in 2009/2010) were systematised by means of a content analysis technique and submitted to a codification process according to a grid of categories that emerged from the analysis of data.ResultsFindings from this small scale exploration suggest that the majority of the students interviewed chose a study programme based on preference but based their choice of institution on feasibility.Conclusions
The study provides insights into factors that limit student access to all parts of the higher education system, namely to some selective and more prestigious institutions.
This paper tests whether the existence of vocationally oriented tracks within a traditionally academically oriented upper education system reduces socioeconomic inequalities in educational attainment. Based on a statistical model of educational transitions and data on two entire cohorts of Danish youth, we find that (1) the vocationally oriented tracks are less socially selective than the traditional academic track; (2) attending the vocationally oriented tracks has a negative effect on the likelihood of enrolling in higher education; and (3) in the aggregate the vocationally oriented tracks improve access to lower-tier higher education for low-SES students. These findings point to an interesting paradox in that tracking has adverse effects at the micro-level but equalizes educational opportunities at the macro-level. We also discuss whether similar mechanisms might exist in other educational systems.
This paper analyses theoretically the decision to enrol in university under the conditions of certain educational systems. In particular, the impact of an institutional alternative of vocational training (as in Germany) and the possibility of combining vocational and academic training are examined. The comparison of educational systems shows how different types may give rise to social class differences in participation in higher education. We trace back this comparison to individual decisions after leaving upper secondary education which we represent by a formal model. Here, we can refer to theories that were developed to explain social differences in other kinds of educational transitions. Using a model of utility maximization, we specify the returns to education in the form of expected future income within a certain time. By introducing social differences in the relevant parameters, our model offers an explanation of why school‐leavers from different social origins have incentives to choose different educational paths. We also find evidence that the populations in different tracks might differ with respect to average achievement. Finally, we give a brief discussion on implications for further research.
According to Boudon, social background affects educational transitions as a result of differences in children's academic performance (primary effects) and differences in transition probabilities given children's level of academic performance (secondary effects). This study addresses historical changes in both primary and secondary effects on the educational transition from primary school to higher secondary education in The Netherlands. In addition, it considers changes over time in the relative importance of these effects. The study compares five cohorts of Dutch pupils, specifically those enrolling in secondary education in 1965, 1977, 1989, 1993 and 1999, and it employs counterfactual analyses. The main findings are that secondary effects have been stable and primary effects have fluctuated to some extent. As a result, the proportion of the total effect of social background accounted for by primary effects has increased somewhat, from 53 per cent to 58 per cent.
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