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2
Marriage and Family in
Contemporary Ghana
New Perspectives
Edited by
STEVE TONAH
WOELI PUBLISHING SERVICES
ACCRA
2022
3
Published by
Woeli Publishing Services
P. O. Box NT 601
Accra New Town
Ghana
Tel.: 0243434210
Email: woeli@icloud.com
woelipublishing@yahoo.co.uk
© Steve Tonah
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ISBN 978-9988-9202-4-1
It is an infringement of the Copyright Law to copy this book in any form
without the express permission in writing of the Author or Publisher.
Typeset by Woeli Publishing Services, Ghana
Printed by Qualitype Printing Press, Accra
4
Contents
Preface and Acknowledgements vii
Notes on the Contributors ix
PART I
INTIMATE RELATIONS AND MARRIAGE PATTERNS
1. Introduction: Intimate Relations, Marriage Patterns and
Family Structure in Contemporary Ghana
STEVE TONAH 1
2. Mate Selection in the La-Dade Kotopon Municipality
of Accra
ELISABETH YEMORKOR ODOI 29
3. The Changing Dynamics of the Customary Marriage
Processes Among the Ga People of Southern Ghana
JOANA KWABENA-ADADE 54
4. Continuity and Change in Customary Marriage Among
the Bulsa of Northern Ghana
JOSHUA GARIBA & EVANS A. ATUICK 79
5. A Gendered View of the Performance of Christian Wedding
Ceremonies in Pentecostal / Charismatic Churches in Accra
ABENA KYERE & EDWIN ASA ADJEI 103
6. Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Nima, Accra:
Understanding the Dynamics
ROSEMARY OBENG-HINNEH 122
7. Marriage and Ethnicity: Perspectives and Experiences
of Married Men and Women in the Cape Coast Metropolis
NAA ADJELEY SUTA ALAKIJA SEKYI & SAIBU MUTARU 145
8. Same-Sex Relations: Religion and Homosexuality in Accra
JUSTICE YAW ADUA 167
9. Sex, Intimacy and Marriage among Disabled Persons
in Ghana
` STEVE TONAH & DENISE M. NEPVEUX 185
5
10. Factors Influencing Child Marriage in the
Northern Region of Ghana
ELIASU ALHASSAN 207
11. The Implications of the Use of Social Network Sites on
Intimate Relations and Marriage in Ghana
RABIU K. B. ASANTE 226
12. Key Factors that Influence Separation and Divorce in
Contemporary Ghana
ALBERT KPOOR & SYLVIA ESTHER GYAN 240
PART II
FAMILY STRUCTURE
13. Changing Structure and Functions of the Family in
Urban Tamale: Decline or Resilience?
UMAR HARUNA 263
14. The Changing Family System and Care Preferences:
Perspectives of Older Adults in Bamang, Ashanti
KWADWO OFORI-DUA 285
15. The Extended Family and the Care for the Aged in
Contemporary Ghana
PATRICIA MAWUSI AMOS & NII-AMON ASHIE 306
16. Ghanaian Transnational Family Life: The Joys and the Perils
STEVE TONAH & EMMANUEL OBENG CODJOE 326
17. From Consensual Union to Marriage? The Strategies of
Women in Accra
ROSEMARY OBENG-HINNEH 346
18. Serial Fatherhood and the Fathering Experiences of
Men in Prampram
JEMIMA AGYEMAN 361
19. The Desire for a ‘Planned Binational Family’: The
Experiences of Ghanaian Birth Tourists to the
United States of America
ADA ADOLEY ALLOTEY & DELALI MARGARET BADASU 382
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PART III
PARENTS AND CHILDREN
20. Intrafamilial Child Sexual Abuse: Experience of Victims
with the Criminal Justice System in Accra
VICTOR AGYEI-YEBOAH 407
21. Experiences of Stepparents in the Stepfamily Context in
Ghana: An Exploratory Study in Koforidua
JOANA SALIFU YENDORK, RHODA EMEFA AYITTEY
& KWAKU OPPONG ASANTE 429
22. Social Protection Schemes for Children in Ghana
STEPHEN AFRANIE, IMURANA MOHAMMED
& KWABENA BOATENG 452
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Preface and Acknowledgments
Unlike other social institutions, marriage and the family
are two institutions that many of us know about and
experience. All of us are born into one type of family or the
other and we automatically become a member of an
extended family with parents or guardians, siblings, uncles,
aunties, cousins and nieces and other relatives. Later, we
get to know that we are part of a larger social group
referred to as the lineage or the clan. As we grow up, we
get the opportunity to witness the marriage ceremonies of
some of our siblings, relatives and friends and may even
have the opportunity to take an active part in the
organization of a wedding. Marriage and the family are,
therefore, two social institutions that we are conversant
with over a long period. And because we live in a multi-
ethnic society with varied social, economic, religious and
cultural practices, we quickly learn that marriage rites and
family practices vary among the different groups in the
country. Similarly, we also realise that family and marriage
rites, just like other social institutions, are subject to
change over time.
The sources of these changes may be from within
the group or may be a result of contact with outsiders, both
from afar and near. We therefore begin to appreciate the
fact that although we are conversant with marriage rites
and family patterns in our own homes and among our
relatives, there is the need to establish whether our
practices are the same as or different from those of our
neighbours, friends, colleagues and people from different
ethnic, religious, social and cultural backgrounds. If they
are different, then we begin to interrogate the nature of the
differences and the factors accounting for these
differences.
This book began out of the desire to document
some of the significant changes that have occurred in
Ghanaian marriage rites and family patterns since the
1990s and throws light on factors responsible for these
changes. These factors are both a result of individual
agency and structural factors and occur at the micro and
macro levels and include ongoing rural-urban migration,
8
urbanization, globalization and rapid technological
changes.
Other factors such as the emergence of the smart
phone and the internet are only beginning to transform the
nature of social interactions and intimate relations in
Ghana.
I have received considerable support and
encouragement from colleagues in the University of
Ghana, Legon while compiling this manuscript. I would
like to thank Prof. Yaw Oheneba-Sakyi, Prof. Akosua
Darkwah, Dr Albert Kpoor, Rev. Dr Joshua Gariba, Dr
Rosemary Obeng-Hinneh and Dr Fidelia Ohemeng for
providing some pertinent literature, sharing ideas with me
during the initial stages of finding a direction for the book
and reading through the introductory chapter. It was,
however, heart-breaking to learn of the death of Prof.
Baffour K. Takyi of the University of Akron, USA, an
erudite scholar on marriage and family in Ghana, during
the preparation of the manuscript. Indeed, Prof. Baffour
Takyi had supported the book idea and promised to
contribute a chapter to the volume. Sadly, this was not to
be.
Finally, let me thank all colleagues from the
different disciplines, departments and institutions across
the country and abroad who provided a chapter or two
from their areas of current research. You have contributed
in no small way to the multi-disciplinary nature of the
book. I would also like to congratulate my former students
who were able to transform the succinct aspects of their
MPhil and PhD theses into chapters for this volume.
I am very delighted that this book has seen the
light of day and will contribute to our knowledge on
contemporary Ghanaian marriage patterns and family
structure.
Legon, 6 June 2021 PROF STEVE TONAH
University of Ghana, Legon
9
PART I
INTIMATE RELATIONS AND MARRIAGE
__________________
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Intimate Relations,
Marriage Patterns and Family Structure
in Contemporary Ghana
STEVE TONAH
The Book Idea
The idea of compiling an academic volume that deals with new perspectives in
intimate relations, marriage patterns and family structure in contemporary Ghana was
influenced by two main factors.
First of all, the nature of the family and marriage across the different ethnic and
social groups in Ghana have, since the early 2000s, experienced tremendous changes.
While some of these changes have been captured in recent articles published in
diverse journals across the globe, there is hardly a current book that documents these
on-going transformations. Regrettably, students of the Sociology of the Family and
the general population still largely depend on books and articles written several
decades ago (such as those by Fortes, 1950; Huber, 1963: Azu, 1974; Oppong, 1974,
1977, 1987; Goody, 1973, 1989; Nukunya, 1969, 2003, 2016; Ardayfio- Schandorf,
1994, 1996) which describe social institutions as they existed in the 1960s. More
recent works include those by Fayorsey, 2003; Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2007; Oheneba
Sakyi & Baffour Takyi,
2007; Takyi, 2001, 2003; Kpoor, 2011; among others. However,
many
of these works do not capture some changes that have taken place in
contemporary Ghanaian marriage and family life, such as issues concerning
transnational marriages and families, consensual unions, double (church and
traditional) marriages, single parenthood, autonomy in mate selection, monetisation
and commercialization of marriage ceremonies, the spread of religious weddings,
influence of technology on intimate partnerships, marital instability/divorce, new
10
residential arrangements, and many others. Notable exceptions include recent
publications by Goody (2018) on the family; Obeng- Hinneh and Kpoor (2021),
Obeng-Hinneh (2018, 2019a, 2019b); Okyere-Manu (2015) on cohabitation; Odoi
(2016, 2018) on mate selection; Adjei (2015, 2016) on intimate spousal abuse and
spousal violence; and Adinkrah (2014) on intimate partner femicide in Ghana. This
book therefore highlights many of the recent developments in the organization of
marriages and changes in marriage patterns in the country.
Secondly, a number of theses written by scholars in Ghana have examined some
of the more recent developments in marriage and family life in Ghana. These are in
the areas of serial fatherhood, homosexual relations, cohabitation, child marriage,
nuclearization of the family, changing traditional marriage ceremonies, and many
others. However, most of these manuscripts have remained unpublished and not
widely available. This book, therefore, intends to offer many young scholars the
opportunity to disseminate their current research findings.
Intimate Relations, Kinship, Marriage Patterns and Family
Structure
Explained
Let us now clarify the key concepts in the title of this manuscript. Intimate relations
are those in which the persons involved have close personal relationships, especially
of a sexual and erotic kind. It is frequently used to categorize all relationships in
which the persons involved have sexual relations irrespective of whether they are
in a formal union or not. Thus, the concept allows us to examine all forms of close,
erotic and sexual relations including lovers, persons engaged, those in consensual or
informal unions or married persons.
In Ghana and in other African countries, a knowledge of the kinship and
lineage systems is important in understanding the nature of marriage and the family.
This is particularly the case in the rural areas where the kinship system is still strong
and determines the basis for the organization of many groups and relationships
including marriage and the family. The kinship system refers to social relationships
derived from consanguinity (blood relations), marriage (affinal relations) or adoption.
It prescribes statuses and roles to people in particular relationships and influences the
duties and obligations of individuals in marriage and other forms of relations
(Assimeng, 1999; Nukunya, 2016). Two important social groups that regulate and
influence the nature of marriage in Ghana are the clan and the lineage. The clan refers
to a large group of people who are believed to descend from a common putative
ancestor or ancestress and are subject to some common practices. The exact nature of
the genealogical ties among members of a clan are usually difficult to trace. A lineage,
on the other hand, refers to that part of the clan, usually found in one locality, whose
members can trace their genealogical ties to a common ancestor.
In Ghana, there are three main ways of reckoning relations and descent
among members of a particular lineage. These are the matrilineal, the patrilineal and
the double descent system. In the matrilineal system (as found among the Asante,
11
Akyem, Akwapem and other Akan groups), relations are traced through the
mother or female line, while in the patrilineal sytem (as exists among the Ewe, Ga,
Dagomba, Tallensi and other northern Ghanaian groups) relations are traced through
the male or father line. In the double- descent system (as found among the Fante and
Lo Dagaba), both the male and female lines of descent are important in terms of rights
and obligations (Assimeng, 1999; Nukunya 2016).
Marriage patterns relate only to the marriage ceremony proper as well as the
rituals involved in the marriage. In other words, they refer to the marriage types
in a society, such as monogamous or polygynous marriages. It can also be the
rituals involved in the marriage, that is, customary, ordinance, Christian, or Islamic
marriages. Thus, the different types of marriages and their associated rules constitute
marriage patterns in a society. Within a society, marriage patterns may differ from one
region to another or vary among the different ethnic groups. Thus, one could examine
the changing patterns of marriage types or rituals in a society.
Family structure usually concerns members of households who are related
through marriage, blood ties and adoption. Often a household may have one or more
children, in some cases, no child (childless families). The nature of the household is
key in the definition of family structures. Furthermore, the relationship status of
parents/ partners is also important in defining the family structure. So, we often have
two-parent, single-parent, cohabiting/consensual, long distance/transnational,
binational, and same sex family structures. Thus, the concepts of relationship status of
parents/partners, the nature of the household, and the ties (marriage or blood
relations) to children or other household members are key in defining a family
structure.
Marriage and the Family
Marriage and the Family are two concepts that are not easy to define. This is so
because what constitutes marriage and family differs from one cultural group to the
other, and indeed, from one country to the other. This is to say that marriage and
family are two institutions that are socially constructed. And because they are socially
constructed, the form that they take differs from one society or country to the other.
There is therefore no universal understanding of what constitutes marriage and the
family and therefore no single definition for the two social institutions (cf. Ferguson,
2007). The situation is even more complex because in some jurisdictions, there are
differences and contradictions between the processes that are legally accepted by the
state as constituting marriage and the family as well as the practices and procedures
that are recognized and practiced by individuals, groups and societies within the state.
Indeed, it is well known that some groups and societies had their own practices with
respect to how marriage is contracted prior to the superimposition of external (usually
Western) modes of contracting marriage on the local ones during the colonial and
post-colonial eras. These traditional societies therefore tend not to fully abide by the
laws formulated by their nation-states on what constitutes marriage and persons who
12
qualify to be married. In Ghana, for example, the statutory laws (The Children’s Act,
Act 560) indicate clearly that the minimum age of marriage of whatever kind shall be
eighteen years, and yet some ethnic groups in the country still practice arranged
marriages, child betrothal and child marriages in contravention of the statutory laws
(Assimeng, 1999; see also Iliasu’s paper in this volume).
Nevertheless, we would be fairly correct to say that marriage and family are
found in various forms in all human societies and it should therefore be possible for
us to find a definition of the two institutions that will be broad enough to
accommodate the varied practices and procedures constituting marriage and family in
most societies and countries across the globe. Let us begin with the concept of
marriage.
Marriage
Although found in almost all cultures across the globe, what constitutes marriage
differs across groups, countries and continents. Until recently, it was quite common to
define marriage simply as a relationship or union between two people in accordance
with the practices in the local society. The Ghanaian legal scholar, Akua Kuenyehia
(2003, p.8) defines marriage as “the union between a male and a female, which is
sanctioned by customary law, the Marriage Ordinance or Marriage of Mohammedans
Ordinance.” She argues that this definition admits marriages made between minors as
well as between one minor and one adult. It also admits of consensual unions of some
permanence as well as polygynous marriages. Writing in the late 1990s, the
sociologist Max Assimeng, defines marriage within the Ghanaian context as “The
coming together of a man and a woman from two different clans. . . such that
offspring could ensure to replenish and perpetuate the tribe. . .for the most part,
consenting adults go through an institutionalized process recognized by society, and
witnessed by the living and the ancestors” (1999, p.79). However, the anthropologist
Godwin Kwaku Nukunya defines marriage as “any union in which the couple has
gone through all the procedures recognized in the society for the purposes of sexual
intercourse, raising of a family or companionship” (2016, p. 52). Whilst the various
definitions above underscore the fact that marriage takes place between two persons,
Nukunya’s definition goes beyond that to mention three reasons why people engage in
marriage.
However, a close look at the above-cited definitions reveals that whilst they may
apply to most marriages, they certainly would not be applicable to all forms of
marriages. This is because the definitions do not cover some types of unions or
couplings where an individual marries more than one spouse or a polyamorous
relationship in which more than two people are involved in a love relationship (cf.
Cherlin, 2007; Ferguson, 2007). Furthermore, whilst acknowledging the fact that what
constitutes marriage is socially constructed and may thus differ from one group to
another, the proviso that marriages are contracted for the three purposes as stated by
Nukunya (2016) is rather limiting. People marry for different reasons including
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economic ones, while others marry mainly to satisfy societal demands, for emotional
succour, physical protection, care of the aged, etc. (cf. Assimeng 1999). Indeed,
Cherlin (2007, p.189) has drawn attention to the increasingly “individualized”
purpose of marriages in American society since the 1970s whereby individuals seek
self-development, flexible and negotiable roles as well as communication and
openness in confronting problems rather than companionship in marriage. Similarly,
we cannot presume in today’s world that marriage takes place only between a man
and a woman or that it is even limited to couples. Given the variability of the laws,
practices and purposes for which marriages are held across the different societies, any
definition of marriage that can apply to as many groups as possible requires only two
essential features. First, that marriage is a union between two or more persons and
secondly, that the marriage act or ceremony is held in accordance with the laws,
customs and practices of the local society or country.
It is also important to emphasize the fact that marriage is not as universal as it
is often presumed. Even in societies that place so much emphasis on being married,
accompanied by the organization of elaborate and lavish social ceremonies, many
people remain unmarried or are cohabiting in informal unions. Bleek (1987, p. 139)
has argued that “marriage has always been something of secondary importance
among the Akan, and especially among the Kwahu,” in contrast to the matrilineal
descent group (abusua), which is considered to be a significant social group. In
Ghana, less than half of the population of adults are married and this figure has been
reducing gradually over the decades. Whilst about 47 percent of all adults in the
country were married in 1998, only about 37 percent of adults were married in 2014
with the population of never married adults rising from 32.3 to 42.3 percent over the
period, while 7 percent of
adults were in informal or consensual unions (GSS, 1999;
GSS, 2014).
Types of Marriages
There are various forms of marriages worldwide. Some of these are sanctioned by
national laws while many others are not. In Ghana, there are three main types of
legally-sanctioned marriages. These are the Customary Marriage, Ordinance Marriage
and Marriage of Mohammedan Ordinance.
Customary marriages are the most widely practiced form of marriage in the
country. The nature of the practice varies considerably amongst the different ethnic
groups and societies in the country. In spite of this, there are some practices common
to most ethnic groups in the country. This includes the practice whereby the groom or
his parents and kinsfolk inform the parents and relatives of the bride about their son’s
intention to marry their daughter. After the consent of the bride’s parents has been
obtained, a presentation of gifts and some cash amount to thank the bride’s family for
consenting to their request is made. Among most groups, there is a formal
presentation of some gifts, usually consisting of a few bottles of drinks, cola nuts and
some cash amount to the bride’s parents, commonly referred to as the “knocking fee.”
14
This signifies that the couple are now engaged and recognized by both families as
potential husband and wife (cf. Nukunya, 2003, 2016; Appiah, 2011). The
customary marriage ceremony and the festivities connected with it usually involves an
elaborate process during which the bride is formally handed over to the groom in the
presence of the extended family members of both the groom and the bride. The
wedding is typically accompanied with merry making and the presentation of gifts to
the couple by the parents, extended family members, friends and neighbours. Among
most groups, the marriage involves the payment of the bridewealth by the groom to
the bride and her parents either before or after the ceremony (See Gariba and Atuick,
and Kwabena-Adade’s papers in this volume for details).
The other two forms of marriages, that is the Ordinance and the
Mohammedan marriages, are conducted in accordance with the statutory laws and
the Islamic laws and practices, respectively. Ordinance marriage is done in
accordance with the statutory laws of the country. There are three forms of statutory
ordinance marriage. These are marriage by a Registrar of Marriages1 Certificate,
marriage
by Marriage Officer’s Certificate and marriage by special licence from
the
Registrar-General (CAP 127). Under the Ordinance marriage in Ghana, one of the
parties involved in the marriage would inform the Registrar of Marriage1 of their
intention to marry within a period of three months and provide some information
about the prospective couple, particularly their marriage status (that is, whether
they are spinster, bachelor, divorced, widowed). This type of marriage typically
involves two adults (of 21 years and above), declaring in front of a state official,
usually the Registrar of Marriages or his/her representative, that they agree to form a
union and become married in accordance with the laws of Ghana. The marriage
between the couple is celebrated in the presence of two witnesses each on the part
of the bride and the groom. After the ceremony, they are consequently given a
Certificate of Marriage as proof of their marriage.
The Marriage by Ordinance is by law monogamous. Any man or woman who
marries under the ordinance is obliged by the laws of Ghana to marry only one wife or
husband. The person can only remarry after the death of a partner or the lawful
dissolution of the marriage. Whoever marries a man or woman who is already married
under the statutory ordinance is not recognized as the legal wife/husband of the man
or woman and can be charged under the country’s bigamy laws (cf. Fayorsey, 2003).
In reality, however, the state has been lax on the enforcement of the law on bigamy
due to poor record keeping but also because several prominent individuals flout the
law with impunity.
In Ghana, there is a unique agreement between the Christian churches and the
state whereby some ministers of the Christian churches are given a Marriage Officer’s
Certificate and allowed to administer the Ordinance marriage to their congregants
on behalf of the Registrar of Marriages, or rather the state. For the Marriage Officer’s
Certificate to be valid, there should be publication of the marriage bans on three
consecutive times prior to the church service (Appiah, 2011). The signing of the
1A Registrar of Marriages is an officer appointed by Government to perform marriages under the
Ordinance in the Registrar-General’s office or District, Municipal or City Council Offices.
15
marriage documents by the two consenting adults and their witnesses is therefore
integrated into the church marriage ceremony. Many Ghanaian Christians, particularly
those in the urban towns, perform the customary marriage ceremony prior to the
signing of the Marriage by Ordinance certificate. Such persons are actually practicing
“double marriages,” that is, combining the customary marriage with the Ordinance
marriage. The Christian marriage ceremony is typically accompanied by a formal and
elaborate wedding ceremony that involves the presentation of the couple to their
friends and family members amidst joyous celebrations and merry making (see
Kyere & Adjei’s paper in this volume). A significant difference between the
customary marriage and the Ordinance marriage in Ghana is that, under the latter,
neither of the couple may take a second marriage partner without dissolving the
existing marriage. Persons who violate this practice can be charged under the
country’s bigamy laws although this seldom happens (GSS, 2013; Fayorsey, 2003).
The Marriage of Mohammedans Ordinance, (CAP 129 OF 1907) is the piece of
legislation that regulates Islamic marriages and divorce in Ghana. It provides that
every Moslem marriage “shall be registered” at the relevant District Assembly office
within one week after the marriage with the bridegroom, the bride’s guardian (Arabic:
Wali), two witnesses to the marriage, and an Imam being present at the ceremony.
However, most Islamic marriages in Ghana are not registered with the state
authorities.2
The Islamic marriage is undertaken in accordance with the doctrines of the
Koran and the Hadith, the recorded sayings of the Prophet Mohammed including the
rules and content of contractual marriage (Fayorsey, 2003). Islamic marriage practices
therefore follow the Sharia which states that before a marriage can be contracted, the
man (groom) must propose marriage to the woman (bride) referred to as Ijab. Once
the woman accepts the marriage offer (Arabic: Qubul)3, the man then sends his
parents or guardians as well as elderly relatives to formally seek her hand in marriage
from her parents or relatives. Usually, the groom’s family will take along items such
as kola nuts, sweets, and a cash amount as gifts (A: Dower or H: Kudin Gaisuwa).
The family of the prospective bride will then conduct a background investigation of
the prospective groom to establish his religious beliefs, morals, ethics, and family
customs, as well as all important information regarding his upbringing and also seek
the consent of the woman to the proposal. Arrangements are subsequently made for
the man’s family members to see the guardian (A: Wali) of the woman, who is usually
her parent, guardian or any male relative, for further discussions on the matter. Once
approval for the marriage is given, the groom’s family would also provide some gifts
(H: leefey) such as beauty products and household items to the bride. It is the Wali
who will negotiate the bridewealth (A: Mahr) on her behalf and those of her family
2 A survey carried out by the Legal Resources Centre in five (5) regions of Ghana in 2002 indicated
that 96.2% of the 500 people interviewed indicated that they had not registered their marriages.
Thus, most Islamic marriages in Ghana remain unregistered by the state but sanctioned by the chief
and community members (Atuguba, 2003).
3Words in the Arabic language are preceded by “A” while those in Hausa are preceded by “B”. The
Hausa language is the lingua-franca in many northern and savanna migrant communities (Zongo)
in Ghana. There is also a large indigenous Hausa community in many parts of Ghana.
16
members. The prospective husband then gives the Mahr to the woman through her
Wali. Witnesses are called in to be present at the marriage ceremony and to testify that
the marriage has been consummated and the Mahr has been paid by the man. The
officiating Imam with the support of the other clerics (A: ulama) present, finally say
prayers to bless the joining of the man and the woman as husband and wife (Appiah,
2011).
In most parts of the country, what is referred to as “Islamic marriage” is actually
a blend of religious and traditional cultural practices.4 In parts of Northern Ghana, for
example, after the couple have agreed to marry (with the approval of both parents),
the bride’s parents would request the groom’s relatives “greet” some of the close
relatives of the bride and present them with minor gifts (often between 20-50 GHS).
Thereafter, the bride is brought to her husband’s home by her relatives and the couple
would live together, have one or two children, until the groom is ready to perform the
Islamic wedding rites. When he is ready to perform the wedding, he pays the
bridewealth (sadaqi or A: Mahr) to the bride’s parents in addition to some amount
of money. After the payment of the bridewealth, a day is fixed for the wedding. The
bride then temporarily returns to her parent’s home in preparation for the wedding. A
day or two before the wedding ceremony, the groom sends gifts (leefey) consisting of
a number of cloths, veils, scarfs, sandals etc. to the bride and her parents. The
marriage is then blessed in a nearby mosque by an Islamic cleric (Imam) in
accordance with Islamic rites in the presence of the relatives or representatives of the
couple. The party then returns to the groom’s house where they will be entertained
with food and drinks amidst singing and dancing all day-long. Similarly, in the
bride’s home, in the morning she is given a ‘holy’ bath (wudu niqqa) by elderly
women, and dressed nicely while guests are served food and drinks amidst singing,
drumming and dancing. The ceremony continues until after the evening (Isha) prayers
around 7.00pm and the woman is then brought back to her husband’s home by her
relatives. These Islamic rites are very similar to what Osman (2017) has observed in
the Zongo communities in Southern Ghana.5
The three main types of marriage identified above in Ghana may take the
form of a monogamy, whereby a man or woman is legally permitted to marry only
one spouse as is the case under the Ordinance marriage, or a polygyny (a type of
plural marriage or polygamy) whereby the man may marry more than one woman, as
is the case under Customary or Islamic marriage. Polyandry, another form of
4I am very grateful to Dr. Abdulai Abubakari for providing this information on Islamic and
Traditional Marriage in parts of Northern Ghana.
5 Baba Osman (2017) identified five stages in the Islamic marriage rites in Ghana. These are 1: the
Gaisuwa and Sarana stage when the groom’s parents or representative
visit the lady’s family home to
seek their approval for the marriage proposal, 2: the Sa
Lalley rite involves decorating the bride and
merry making with friends and family members, 3; The Nikah and Walima day. The Nikah is
considered a sacred and special religious ceremony that binds a man and a woman together as
husband and wife in the sight of Allah. The ceremony is conducted by a recognized local Imam
who gives the bride to the groom’s family in front of witnesses. The Walima is a wedding party
that is celebrated after the Nikah has been performed 4: Kai Amariya ceremony occurs when the
bride is escorted to her matrimonial home. 5: Budan Kai involves the unveiling of the fully covered
bride to the groom and members of her new household.
17
polygamy, a practice which allows a woman to marry more than one man, is not
formally recognized in Ghana.
Family
The family has for a long time been considered to be the basic unit of society.
However, what constitutes the family is not always easy to define. This is because it
varies from one society to the other and from one country to the other. Until recently,
when sociologists and other social scientists referred to the family, they usually meant
the nuclear family, which was considered to be a couple and their offspring, if they
have any. This was generally presumed to be a heterosexual couple and their offspring
or children who could be their biological and/or adopted children. However, since the
1990s, some European and South American countries as well as South Africa, some
states in the USA, among others, have either recognized or legalized same- sex
partnerships and marriages thereby acknowledging gay and lesbian couples as
constituting a family with the same rights and responsibilities as heterosexual families
(Lubbers et al., 2009).6
Similarly, with increasing numbers of couples not having children of their own
for various reasons, particularly in Western societies, the presence of children is no
longer considered a requirement for constituting a family in many countries.
Furthermore, the increasing rate of divorce in many countries has also resulted in the
disintegration of the traditional nuclear family and the consequent creation of the
single-parent family, whereby in most cases this involves a woman and her children,
as in many countries women tend to have custody of the children in case of a divorce
or separation of the couple (Ferguson, 2007). Then, there is also the increasing
number of cases involving persons who are living together, with or without children,
in marriage-like relationships, who have not performed any formal (state-organized)
or customary ceremony that recognizes their relationship as constituting marriage.
They are commonly referred to as consensual unions or cohabiting couples. In some
jurisdictions, such cohabiting couples are considered to constitute a family (especially
where they have common offspring) after living together for a long period of time,
irrespective of whether they have performed any marriage rite/ceremony or not
(Obeng- Hinneh, 2018; Seltzer, 2007).
The Family and the Household
Typically, a distinction is commonly made between the family and the household.
This is because in many societies and countries, a married or unmarried couple may
not necessarily live under one roof or have a common residence. Besides, the
children may only be living with one of their parents, and in some cases, they
6In 1989, Denmark became the first country in the world to introduce same- sex partnerships.
The legalization of these civil unions and their recognition as marriages soon followed in Norway
(1993), Sweden (1995), Hungary (1995), and in the Netherlands (Lubbers et al., 2009).
18
may not even be living with their parents but rather a relative of the parents, such as
the grandparents or the uncle. For example, among the Ashanti, the Ga, Effutu, and
Fante groups in Southern Ghana, it is still common for married couples to live in
separate residential homes, usually among their relatives while the children live with
their mothers until their teens when the boys would be expected to move to their
fathers’ residence (Dadzie, 2020; Ofori-Dua, 2014; Hagan,
2000; Fayorsey,
1992/1993). Such complexities have necessitated the
making of a distinction between the
family and the domestic unit, which is commonly referred to as the household. The
household is, therefore, commonly defined as an individual or group of people living
together under one roof or compound and who eat from the
same pot. The Ghana
Living Standards Survey (GLSS 6), for example,
describes a household as “a person or
group of related or unrelated persons who live together in the same housing unit,
sharing the same housekeeping and cooking arrangements and are considered as one
unit, who acknowledge an adult male or female as the head of the household” (GSS
2014: 4). Thus, members of a household are not necessarily related by blood or
marriage.
Types of Families
It is not very easy to classify the various types of families found in Ghana and
elsewhere. Various authors using different criteria have identified and classified
families differently although there are also some agreements in the classifications.
The main types of families that can be found in the country include the nuclear family,
the single-parent family, the polygynous family, the extended family, and the
cohabiting family, otherwise referred to as a consensual union.7 The nuclear family, as
described above, consists of a couple and their offspring.8 This type of family is
commonly found in the urban centres, especially among educated persons and
professionals, but they also exist in small and rural communities, even if to a lesser
degree because many rural residents tend to live in large compounds together with
their relatives and kinsfolk. However, with increasing migration and the tendency of
some rural residents to live in their own houses instead of their family houses, nuclear
families are now also a common rural phenomenon (Ofori-Dua, 2014; Ofori-Dua &
Brenya, 2017). In the urban areas, the nuclear family is a product of the effects of
increasing urbanization, migration, formal education and the spread of Christianity
that has occurred since the 1960s (cf. Kpoor, 2014). Nuclear families emerged
among sections of the Western educated elite in the post-independence era when such
highly qualified professionals were given state-owned residential accommodation as
part of their employment conditions. Such residences were usually built to
accommodate smaller families and did not have adequate rooms for the extended
7However, Kpoor (2014), following Oware-Gyekye et al., (1996) identifies the three main types of
families in Ghana as the nuclear, extended and the polygynous families.
8 Interestingly, Mensa-Bonsu (1996) classifies a lone parent family (that is, a man or woman and the
offspring) as well as a polygynous family (that is, a male and more than one female related through
marriage and their offspring) as types of nuclear families (cf. Kpoor, 2014).
19
family. Today, the Ghanaian urban family has witnessed increased nuclearization
(Kpoor, 2014).
The single parent family typically consists of a woman residing with her
offspring but there are also cases where the man resides with his children alone. The
single parent family can be the result of a separation of a couple in a nuclear family
but it can also result from other factors including men and women with children who
have never married.
The polygynous family in Ghana typically consists of a man and his wives and
their children. In rural communities, such families tend to live together within the
same house or compound and operate as one household while in the urban areas they
frequently live in separate residences with each of the man’s wives operating an
independent household with the man commuting regularly between the various
households.9 It is worth noting that in Ghana, almost all polygynous families start as
monogamous families which are then transformed into a polygynous family when the
man marries an additional wife or wives over the years.
The extended family, on the other hand, consists of the couple, their children
and some relatives of the couple. In urban Ghana, many nuclear families are typically
extended to include a few relatives who may be the grandmothers, aunties, uncles,
nieces and nephews of the couple. In the rural areas, however, the extended family is
usually larger and typically consists of a man, his wife or wives, their offspring and
their married sons and their wives as well as other
relatives (Nukunya, 2003, 2016;
Ofori-Dua, 2014; Tonah 1993).
Finally, the cohabiting family or consensual union consists of an unmarried
couple and their children (if they have any) who been living in a “marriage-like
relationship” for a long period of time. They may or may not be living together under
a roof but do certainly operate as one household with the man and the woman
carrying out roles that are very similar to those of formally married couples. About
7.1 percent of the total population of Ghana is in consensual unions (GSS, 2014).
Such couples may have started the process of getting married but never completed it
for various reasons. Consensual unions are more prevalent in rural and small
communities, but they are becoming increasingly common in the urban areas too
(GSS, 2014; Obeng-Hinneh and Kpoor, 2021; Obeng-Hinneh, 2018, 2019a).10
Bleek (1987) identified the “free marriage” (mpena awadee) among the Kwahu
of Central Ghana, but it should be more appropriately described as a consensual union
since the “free marriage” is not customarily ratified (or only partly so) but enjoys
normal public recognition. According to Bleek, the “couple openly behave as partners,
for example through sleeping together, the birth of children, and daily cooking by the
9I am reliably informed that there are also cases in urban centers, especially in Zongo communities,
where a man and his wives may live in the same house (personal communication of Rev. Dr.
Joshua Gariba, Accra, June 4, 2021).
10 Obeng-Hinneh (2019b) argues that consensual unions are more prevalent in urban spaces where
people are largely removed from close scrutiny of family members and the enforcement of
traditions and other customary practices. However, Dr. Fidelia Ohemeng indicated that consensual
unions are very common in small towns and rural communities in the Central Region of Ghana
(personal communication, Accra, March 13, 2021)
20
woman for the man. In fact, there is little outward difference between a customary
marriage and a
free marriage” (Bleek, 1987, p. 141). (See also Okyere-Manu, 2015).
Recent Trends in Marriage and Family
Delays in Marriage
There has been a tendency over the past decades, particularly among girls and
women, for people to marry at a later age than their parents did. The proportion of the
population aged 12 years and older who have never married increased by about three
percentage points between 2000 and 2010. The mean age at first marriage in Ghana
has
risen slowly over the last two decades from 22.4 years in 1998 to 22.6
years in 2014
and rising further to 23.1 years in 2019, with females marrying about four years
earlier than their male counterparts (GSS, 2014, 2019). Furthermore, urban women
marry a year later than their rural counterparts. In the Greater Accra area, young
people marry two years later than elsewhere in the country (GSS, 1999). The average
number of children is also on the decline, in keeping with women marrying later than
before. In Accra, the median reported age at first marriage for those 45–49 years is 20,
whereas for those of age 25 to 29, it is nearly 23. (Carr et al., 1994). The delay in
marriage has been widely attributed to the expanding access of young people to
education, particularly secondary education, and the general improvement in the
economic conditions of households. There is a strong positive relationship between
education and age at marriage (GSS, 1999). Since the 1970s, there has been an
improvement in school participation nationwide. In particular, female participation in
education has increased, especially at the basic and secondary levels. Women who
have at least secondary level education, on the average, marry five years later than
those with no education (Carr et al., 1994; GSS, 2013).
Rise in Cohabitation and Single Parenthood
The phenomenon of cohabitation or consensual unions, that is, couples living a
marriage-like life (with or without children) for a long period of time without
actually being formally married, has always existed in Ghana. Among the Akan, in
particular, consensual union is widely practiced and almost considered to be as good
as being customarily married (cf. Bleek, 1987). The proportion of consensual or
informal unions in the Ghanaian population was estimated at 7.1percent in 2014, with
the rate rising to as high as 10.6 percent in the rural forest area of the country (GLSS,
2014). However, anecdotal evidence suggests that the number of informal unions in
the urban centres is growing as a result of increasing migration and the anonymity and
independence that accompanies life in the urban towns which allow young migrants to
live as couples without regard to their customary practices as well as sanctions from
their parents and relatives (Obeng-Hinneh, 2018, 2019a). The rise in informal unions
has been accompanied by a decrease in the proportion of married persons in the
country and a corresponding increase in the proportion of never-married persons. The
21
proportion of men and women reported to be married decreased from 47.5 percent in
1998 to 34.4 percent in 2014. Similarly, the proportion of persons above 12 years who
have never married increased from 32.3 percent in 1998 to
39.4 percent in 2014 (see
GSS, 2014 & GSS, 1999).
The phenomenon of single parent households is overwhelmingly a female affair.
There are far more female-headed single parent households than male-headed ones. In
2010 about one-fifth of all households in Ghana had children living with only their
mother while less than three percent of the households had children living with only
their father (GSS, 2014). In that sense, it will be more appropriate to speak of single
mothers or female-headed households. While the population of single mothers include
persons who have never been married, a large number of them are made up of
separated and divorced women. Kpoor (2011) claims female-headed households are
as a result of divorce and consensual unions. However, it appears that the lower life
expectancy among men (as compared to women) also account for many of the
female-headed households in Ghana. In 2010, as many as 23.3 percent of female-
headed households were made up of widows as compared to a mere 2.0 percent of
male- headed households who were widowers (GSS, 2013).
Smaller Extended Families and the Nuclearization of the Family
Studies conducted by several authors indicate that the family in Ghana is
experiencing a gradual shift from the extended family type to the nuclear or conjugal
form of family (see Addai-Sundiata, 1996; Buor, 1996; Nukunya, 2016). The
proportion of families (or rather, households) with extended relatives in Ghana has
shrunk by almost 10 percent in the past decade. A fifth (21.7 percent) of all families/
households were of the extended type in 2000 as compared to only
11.9 percent in
2010 (GSS 2012).
There is a general trend indicating a shift from living together in large units
(involving two or three generations of siblings in one compound) to living in
smaller units as nuclear families and households in both rural and urban communities.
In many rural areas, the typical residential unit now consists of a married couple with
their children and a few relatives as most relatives and elderly children would have
moved out of the family home to the urban towns or to another part of the settlement
to form an independent residential unit.
As Ofori-Dua (2014) has noted with respect to rural Ashanti settlements, the
extended family has become segregated because of the migration of most members
outside the settlement and from the extended family homes (abusuafie). Although the
extended family is still very much relevant for social, cultural and psychological
support of individuals, the daily subsistence and commercial activities of individuals
are managed by either the nuclear family or what he refers to as the “immediate
family” members. Instead of the extended family, emphasis is now placed on very
close relatives such as spouses, biological or adopted children and to a limited extent,
siblings. Similarly, in most rural settlements in Northern Ghana, the recent trend is for
22
married male children to move out of the extended family compound to establish an
independent nuclear family unit by building adjacent to their extended family
compounds or in another section of the settlement if they can afford to do so (Tonah,
1993).
In the urban areas, Kpoor (2014) has noted a decrease in the number of
extended family units and the increasing formation of nuclear families. He argues that
extended family cohesion and support has weakened in the urban areas while
relationships in nuclear families have been strengthened. Where they exist, extended
family units now consist of only very few relatives, usually a grandmother, nephew or
niece of the couple. In some instances, couples prefer to engage the services of non-
relatives instead of their relatives. Despite the decline and weakening of extended
family ties in the urban areas, it continues to endure and support its members,
particularly during periods of childbirth, bereavement, weddings and other important
occasions (Nukunya, 2016).
Proliferation and Monetization of Weddings
We have earlier indicated that there has been a gradual decline in the proportion of the
Ghanaian population that is married over the last two decades and a corresponding
increase in the proportion of people who have never married, as well as those in
informal or consensual unions. Ironically, these developments have been occurring at
a time when there appears to be an increasing popularity of weddings amongst large
sections of the population, particularly in the urban areas. In spite of the rising
incidence of single parenthood, the popularity of marriages and weddings appears
to be soaring. In the 1960s and 70s, the celebration of weddings after a marriage
ceremony was the preserve of the educated middle class and the elite in society. Most
Ghanaians performed the customary marriage and did not think that a public
ceremony to celebrate their marriage was necessary or affordable. Weddings were
therefore reserved for the privileged few in the society (Oppong, 1974).
Today, this is not the case. Religious (Christian and Muslim) marriages and
the accompanying festivities are so popular even among lower class workers and
professionals such as hairdressers, dressmakers and tailors, traders, artisans, clerks,
among many others (see Umar Haruna’s paper in this volume). The proliferation
of weddings among lower class couples can partly be attributed to the spread of
Pentecostal and Charismatic churches in the urban towns and cities, many of which
demand that their members regularize their relationships by marrying in the church
and also encourage their membership to organize the accompanying wedding
ceremonies,
even if as a low-key event (see Kyere and Adjei’s paper in this volume).
The organization of weddings is popular among all social classes
in the urban areas.
It is often said that it is the newly-married women who often persuade their husbands
to organize elaborate wedding ceremonies partly for prestige purposes but also as
an indication of their newly-acquired status as “missus.” This places the wedded
woman in a class of her own and distinguishes her from her unwedded colleagues and
-------
23
women living in consensual unions. Today’s wedding ceremony is often a lavish and
highly monetized affair. Most of the activities connected with the wedding are
outsourced to professionals and commercial firms and very little, in terms of labour
contribution, is expected of the couple, their relatives and friends. Persons who can
assist are rather expected to make financial donations to the couple. Furthermore, for
middle class couples, the organization of a wedding would be incomplete without the
accompanying honeymoon, an
exclusive period for the couple to enjoy themselves after
the ‘stress’ of
the wedding ceremony. This explains why some urban couples go into
debt to be able to organize a wedding ceremony with the justification that “it is after
all, a once-in-a-lifetime event.”
Dating, Marriage and Technology
Prior to the emergence of the smart phone and the internet technology, dating and
finding a partner was primarily done at physical places such as schools, workplaces,
sport centres, places of worship, in the neighbourhood and at functions such as
weddings, funerals and other social gatherings. The increasing availability and use of
mobile devices and the internet, are beginning to augment existing physical
opportunities to date and find a partner. Social network sites (SNS) such as
WhatsApp, Facebook, Skype, YouTube, Instagram and many others have provided
us with the opportunity to be more connected and opened up doors to finding old
friends, making new ones, expanding our social network and deepening family
relations far and near. Indeed, the impact of technology on dating, intimate relations,
and social relations in general, is still unfolding. These technological advancements
complement our
traditional ways of dating, expressing affection, finding love, marriage
and other intimate relations.
Today, there are already a few dating apps such as ‘Ghana Dating,’ ‘BeMyDate,’
‘GHLove,’ ‘Accra Nights’ and ‘MePeWo’ that connect people seeking partners for
diverse purposes. The use of SNS has become inextricably linked with the
establishment and sustenance of intimate relations, beginning with dating, courtship,
finding a partner, marriage or other unions and the sustenance of such unions. It is
expected that the use of SNS for communication and finding relationships of all
kinds will continue to increase.
Chapters in the Book
The contributions to this book have been grouped into three main
sections: these
are Intimate Relations and Marriage Patterns, Family
Structure, and finally, Parents
and Children.
The first section that deals with intimate relations and marriage patterns consists
of 12 papers. It commences with an essay by Elisabeth Yermorkor Odoi on mate
selection in the La-Dade Kotopon area of Accra. In this paper she explains the
changes that have taken place over the last decades with respect to the choice of a
24
marriage partner. She argues that, unlike in the past when parents had the primary
responsibility of selecting marriage partners for their children, this role has largely
been taken over by the children, although the approval and support of parents remain
important in the process of mate selection. Today, marriage partners have to engage
and convince their parents that they have made the right choice.
Two papers by Joana Kwabena-Adade and Joshua Gariba and Evans Atuick
describe in detail the marriage procedure among the Ga and the Builsa ethnic groups
in the south and north of the country, respectively. Both papers focus primarily on
describing the changes that have taken place with respect to the marriage rites of the
two groups and how newly-married couples have to negotiate with their parents,
relatives and the relevant traditional authorities the rites that remain relevant today
and which ones may be skipped.
In Chapter 5, Abena Kyere and Edwin Asa Adjei undertake a gendered
analysis of Christian wedding ceremonies among Pentecostal and Charismatic
churches in Accra with respect to how the rituals, sermons and exhortations of the
priests shape domestic roles and power relations between the married couples. They
conclude that, in many ways, Christian weddings tend to reinforce the existing
patriarchal nature of Ghanaian society.
Chapters 6 and 7 by Rosemary Obeng-Hinneh, and Naa Alakija Sekyi and
Saibu Mutaru deal with the thorny issue of interethnic marriages in urban Accra and
Cape Coast, respectively. Both papers indicate that interethnic marriages are more
common in the urban and multi-ethnic environment. Whilst the first paper tackles
the
phenomenon from the individual agency perspective, the second adopts a more
structural perspective in explaining how individuals deal with the challenges
associated with marrying across the ethnic divide.
Justice Yaw Adua in chapter 8 discusses same-sex relationships in Accra. Same-
sex relationships have always existed and been tolerated among various Ghanaian
societies for several decades. However, recent attempts by homosexuals in Accra,
buoyed by the support of Western governments and NGOs, to organize themselves
and make their presence felt by demanding their sexual rights, have received a
strong backlash from sections of the community, particularly the Christian and
Muslim groups in the country.
Chapter 9 written by Steve Tonah and Denise Nepveux deals with sex, intimacy
and marriage among disabled persons in the country, a taboo topic that is scarcely
discussed publicly. In this chapter, disabled persons express their opinions on intimate
relations and the prejudices and other difficulties they face in finding marriage
partners among themselves as well as the abled population.
Chapter 10, written by Eliasu Alhassan examines the factors influencing the
phenomenon of child marriage among girls in the Northern Region of Ghana. He
defines child or early marriage as those contracted before the bride attains the age of
18 years and indicates that the young bride may be forced or may voluntarily enter
25
into child marriage. He identifies some key factors influencing child marriage in the
region.
Chapter 11 by Rabiu K. B. Asante examines the implications of social network
sites on intimate relations and marriage in Ghana. He assesses the usefulness of such
sites for finding love partners and romantic relationships and the controversies
accompanying such a novel experience. Chapter 12, which is written by Albert Kpoor
and Sylvia Gyan analyses the key factors that influence divorce and separation among
couples in contemporary Ghana.
The second section that deals with family structure has seven chapters. The first
two chapters by Umar Haruna and Kwadwo Ofori- Dua examine the changing
structure and functions of the family in an urban and a rural settlement, respectively,
Whilst Umar Haruna in Chapter 13, notes that the family is resilient and still plays a
significant role in the rapidly changing urban environment in Tamale, Ofori- Dua’s
paper, in Chapter 14, notes that there is the segregation of
the extended family into smaller units in rural Ashanti with elderly persons
having to increasingly rely on their nuclear family members and siblings to meet their
economic and care needs.
Just like Ofori-Dua’s paper, the paper by Patricia Amos and Nii- Amon Ashie in
Chapter 15 also examines the role of the extended family in the care of the elderly in
Ghana. They argue that the aged are indispensable people in the family and the
society because their experience and knowledge have an enormous impact on the
society.
In chapters 16 and 17, Steve Tonah and Emmanuel Codjoe, and Rosemary
Obeng-Hinneh examine two new types of family formation in Ghana; these are the
transnational family and the cohabiting family, respectively. The transnational family,
which involves at least one member of the nuclear family living apart from the rest of
the family members while they try to remain in contact with one another as well as
maintain some form of intimate relations among its members using various social
media applications, has its joys and perils. Cohabitation as a family form is not new in
Ghana. However, it is occurring more frequently in urban areas with the
accompanying divergent expectations and strategies adopted by the cohabiting
couples.
In Chapter 18, Jemima Agyeman describes the phenomenon of serial
fatherhood, involving men who have children with different mothers, and the
fathering experiences of these fathers in Prampram. She concludes that factors such as
low income, proximity to the residence of the children, whether their ex-partners have
remarried or were living alone, as well as the attitude of their ex-wives and partners
and those of the maternal extended family members, were key factors that affected the
father-child relationship and the ability of fathers to play their fathering roles
meaningfully.
Finally, in Chapter 19, Ada Adoley Allotey and Delali Margaret Badasu discuss
the controversial issue of birth tourism to the USA by some elite couples in Ghana
resulting in the creation of planned binational families. The paper describes the
-
26
subjective experiences of these spousal dyads in making the decision, the preparations
and the nature of the travel to the United States to have their ‘American jackpot
babies.’
The third section deals with parents and children and has three papers. Chapter
20, written by Victor Agyei-Yeboah, discusses interfamilial child sexual abuse in
Accra. He meticulously documents the experiences of abused children with the
criminal justice system and concludes that the criminal justice system treats
victims of child sexual abuse unfairly. In Chapter 21, Yendork and others, in an
exploratory study, present the experiences of stepparents in the stepfamily context in
Koforidua. The final paper, (Chapter 22), written by Stephen Afranie, Imurana
Mohammed and Kwabena Boateng, evaluates several social protection schemes for
children in Ghana and concludes that the country has an elaborate architecture for the
inclusion and empowerment of excluded children. However, several challenges
continue to undermine efforts at improving the conditions of poor and vulnerable
children in Ghana.
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