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The Criminological Analysis of Communal Motives on Corrective Rape in African Communities: A Case Study of Pietermaritzburg, Kwa-Zulu Natal

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Abstract

Corrective rape can be defined as a hate crime that entails the rape of any member of a group that does not conform to gender or sexual orientation norms, where the motive of the perpetrator is to “correct” the individual, fundamentally combining gender-based violence and homophobic violence. In South Africa, this type of discriminatory act is more common in rural townships, where women have less independence, education and support systems in place. It is estimated that at least 500 lesbians yearly are victims of corrective rape in South Africa; however, these statistics stand to be inaccurate as societal homophobia keeps many from reporting the crime. This study was completed to ascertain the role of communal motives in corrective rape in African communities, studying the community of Pietermaritzburg which is a city situated in Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN). A qualitative study was adopted which aimed to analyse and establish the communal motives of African communities in normalizing the practice of corrective rape as a cure to convert homosexuals into heterosexuals. The study took place in the gay–lesbian network centre in Pietermaritzburg where data were gathered from the LGBTIAQ community. The objectives of the study were to assess the nature of the crime, to assess the influence of culture on the normalization of corrective rape as a cure for same-sex sexual attractions, to determine the effects of corrective rape on the LGBTI community, to establish the causes of corrective rape in the community and to determine if the rural community is enlightened about the rights of the LGBTIAQ community. The study also makes use of theoretical framework, including the victim precipitation theory, lifestyle exposure theory and social learning theory to explain and argue the research problem.
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https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-024-09749-5
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The Criminological Analysis ofCommunal Motives
onCorrective Rape inAfrican Communities: ACase Study
ofPietermaritzburg, Kwa‑Zulu Natal
SindiswaNgongoma1· VuyelwaMaweni1
Accepted: 5 January 2024
© The Author(s) 2024
Abstract
Corrective rape can be defined as a hate crime that entails the rape of any member of a
group that does not conform to gender or sexual orientation norms, where the motive of
the perpetrator is to “correct” the individual, fundamentally combining gender-based vio-
lence and homophobic violence. In South Africa, this type of discriminatory act is more
common in rural townships, where women have less independence, education and support
systems in place. It is estimated that at least 500 lesbians yearly are victims of corrective
rape in South Africa; however, these statistics stand to be inaccurate as societal homopho-
bia keeps many from reporting the crime. This study was completed to ascertain the role
of communal motives in corrective rape in African communities, studying the community
of Pietermaritzburg which is a city situated in Kwa-Zulu Natal (KZN). A qualitative study
was adopted which aimed to analyse and establish the communal motives of African com-
munities in normalizing the practice of corrective rape as a cure to convert homosexuals
into heterosexuals. The study took place in the gay–lesbian network centre in Pietermaritz-
burg where data were gathered from the LGBTIAQ community. The objectives of the study
were to assess the nature of the crime, to assess the influence of culture on the normaliza-
tion of corrective rape as a cure for same-sex sexual attractions, to determine the effects of
corrective rape on the LGBTI community, to establish the causes of corrective rape in the
community and to determine if the rural community is enlightened about the rights of the
LGBTIAQ community. The study also makes use of theoretical framework, including the
victim precipitation theory, lifestyle exposure theory and social learning theory to explain
and argue the research problem.
Introduction
It is established that corrective rape is a form of hate crime applied in an attempt to convert
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer community into heterosexuality.
The Oxford Dictionary defines hate crime as a crime, typically one involving violence that
* Vuyelwa Maweni
Maweniv@ukzn.ac.za
1 Criminology andForensic Studies, University ofKwaZulu-Natal, Durban, SouthAfrica
Critical Criminology (2023) 31:989–1005
/ Published online: 20 March 2024
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
1 3
is motivated by prejudice on the basis of race, religion, sexual orientation or other grounds.
Carter (2013) the term was coined in South Africa in the early 2000s when charity workers
first noticed an influx of such attacks. Louw (2014) asserts that the term has since evolved
to include the rape of any lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual, intersexual, asexual or queer
(LGBTIAQ) person to get them to “behave” the way heterosexuals do. It is an attempt
to “cure” the victims of being gay. The term corrective rape is applied in the world as a
punishment for the LGBTIAQ whom are usually women that are lesbian, transgender or
do not fit traditional gender roles (Avery 2017). Corrective rape has become an increasing
issue within the African continent. Brown (2012) purports that the problem is not unique
to South Africa, however, with recent reports of corrective rape in Uganda, Zimbabwe and
Jamaica. Brown (2012) claims in a reflection on South African social and cultural norms
that gays and lesbians are viewed as unnatural and in need of “curing”. Brown (2012) fur-
ther asserts that this is evidenced by the fact that perpetrators of corrective rape are not the
only ones who believe in its intended purpose which will be discussed in the literature.
Louw (2014) asserts that in South Africa, it is more common in rural townships, where
women have less independence, education and support systems in place. The interest and
pursuing of this topic academically is based on the increased violations of the LGBTIAQ
community within African communities as published through the literature by Gaitho
(2022), Louw (2014), Avery (2017) and the media. The importance of this topic is that it
seeks to explore and understand the underlying issues of citizens against the lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer community which can be either influenced by cul-
ture or traditional beliefs.
In as much as women are expected to conform or suffer the consequences, gay men have
also been subject to this form of violation. Avery (2017) further argues that the Equal-
ity Act of 2000 bans hate crimes based on sexual orientation, but such cases are rarely
prosecuted. Various articles which have been published indicate horrific physical viola-
tions made against the LGBTIAQ yet there has been minimal justice for the victims (Avery
2017; Barnade-Naude 2011, Strudwick 2014). Strudwick (2014) states that 24 out of 25
cases in South Africa reach trial. The South African Constitution, “Conclusion” section,
Research Objectives and Aim of the Study” section, specifically prohibits discrimination
against people on the basis of their sexual orientation; however, there seems to be little
that has been done by the justice system in the protection of homosexuals. This research is
important as it adds to the body of knowledge in victimology through hate crime.
Problem Statement
It has been estimated at least 500 lesbians a year are victims of corrective rape in
South Africa, but societal homophobia keeps many from reporting the crime (Avery
2017). For example, in March 2020 before the celebration of Gay Pride in Cape Town,
a lesbian woman was attacked by three men on her way to a shop in Lotus River, a
suburb in Cape Town. They proceeded to force her into a nearby shack, hold her down,
and gang-rape her to “correct her sexuality” (Duval 2020). Lesbian activist Sizakele
Sigasa and her girlfriend were sexually assaulted, tortured and murdered in Soweto
in July 2007. The following year, soccer player Eudy Simelane, one of the first South
African celebrities to come out as a lesbian, was abducted, gang-raped and killed
near Johannesburg. The problem in African communities is the increased activity of
violating the LGBTIAQ and normalizing the violation of homosexuals as a cure to
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The Criminological Analysis ofCommunal Motives onCorrective…
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transitioning to heterosexuality. This form of hate crime has been increasing in South
African communities such as townships and other neighbouring African countries due
to the confliction of stipulated gender roles that are in line with of the societal norms
and culture. In 2014, the Human Rights Campaign Foundation published a report on
the State of Human Rights for LGBTIAQ people living in Africa. The Foundation
found that 37 African countries criminalize same-sex marriages and that four of those
countries allow for the death penalty. Louw (2014) asserts that a recent United States
Department of Human Rights report says that some gay men and lesbians in Zimbabwe
have been raped and forced into heterosexual marriages by people seeking to “convert”
them. Muluadzi (2018) claims that the hatred geared towards black lesbians living in
South African townships is also informed by patriarchal ideas of gender and the power
relations surrounding sexual relations between men and women. Below are reported
cases on gays and lesbians. Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni, has made his posi-
tion clear by stating: “we cannot accept that living unnaturally is a human right” and
the “Uganda society has never supported the LGBTIAQ”. Instances of corrective rape
in countries such as Jamaica and Thailand have since begun to surface in the media—
all in an effort to put an end to this brutal practice (Table1).
The Love Not Hate campaign (2016) has expressed concerns at the lack of progress
in dealing with the killers of lesbians (Love Not Hate Campaign, 2016). The Love Not
Hate Campaign (2016) further reported that a gay man was beaten and stabbed, but
when he reported the perpetrators, he was the one who was arrested instead. Such cases
then prompt questions that begin to scrutinize the effectiveness of the South African
Criminal Justice. Furthermore, even though there are a high number of homosexuals
who experience crimes based on their gender, the South African Statistics (STATSSA)
does not depict such cases of lesbian murder and rape as well as other violent crimes.
A study conducted indicated that 14% of respondents sampled believe that it is
acceptable to be violent towards a gay and lesbian person which translates to around
1.26 million people and 300 000 people believe that “it is normal to physically attack
foreigners and 190 000 people believe that it is acceptable for a man to hit or beat his
partner” (Mosselson and Peberdy, 2010:11).
Research Objectives andAim oftheStudy
To assess the nature of corrective rape in Pietermaritzburg.
To assess the influence of culture on the normalization of corrective rape as a cure
for homosexuals.
To determine the effects of corrective rape on the LGBTI community.
To establish the causes of corrective rape in the community.
To determine if the rural community is enlightened about the rights of homosexu-
als.
The aim of the study is to analyse and establish the communal motives of Afri-
can communities and the nature of the practice of corrective rape as a cure to convert
homosexuals into heterosexuals. The study also aims to address to the gaps in the exe-
cution of legislation for the protection of the LGBTIAQ.
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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Table 1 Reported cases on gays and lesbians
The tabulated information about violence directed towards the LGBTIAQ is cited from the Southern African Legal Information Institute (SAFLII) 2014
Name Date Place Type of offence Result of the case
Nonki Smous (28) April 2017 Maokeng township (Gauteng) Burnt to death Three men arrested in connexion with the
murder, with two subsequently released.
One man remains in custody
Sally (24) February 2017 Sunnyside flat (Pretoria- Gauteng) Bashed with a cricket bat and beaten by
six men
Case reported but no response from the
police
Tshifhiwa Ramurunzi (21) April 2016 Thohoyandou (Venda) Beaten and stabbed, almost killed When reported to the police, the victim was
arrested
Noluvo Swelindawo (22) December 2016 Khayelitsha (Western Cape) Abducted and killed Suspect withdrew bail application
Lucia Naidoo April 2016 Ekurhuleni (Gauteng) Stabbed to death No arrest made for this murder
Bobby Motlatla (35) November 2015 Potch flat (North West) Stabbed 39 times No arrest has been made
David Olyne (21) March 2014 Bella Vista (Gauteng) Bound with wire and then beaten, kicked,
stomped on and set on fire
Suspect found guilty of the murder but his
sentencing has been repeatedly postponed
Gift Makau (18) August 2014 Ventersdorp (North West) Raped and strangled with wire and a shoe-
lace and a hosepipe had been shoved into
her mouth
Suspect sentenced for two life terms and 15
years for robbery
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Theoretical Framework andLiterature Review
The integration of the constructionist theory, social learning theory and the lifestyle expo-
sure theory will explore and support the argument around communal motives in the accept-
ance of corrective rape in African communities.
Constructionist Theory
Social constructivism theory was developed by Lev Vygotsky (1978). Subramaniam (2014)
states that social constructionism is a theory of knowledge that holds that characteristics
typically thought to be immutable and solely biological—such as gender, race, class, abil-
ity and sexuality—are products of human definition and interpretation shaped by cultural
and historical contexts. The grouping or category of “men” or “women” or “race” is based
on social perceptions and meanings. This theory is relevant to the study as it illustrates the
notion that truths in society are constructed and made into realities. Gender stereotypes are
made into a reality by society and anything other than the acceptable gender stereotype is
an abomination. Social constructionism focuses on the artefacts that are created through
the social interactions of a group; any type of speech is interpreted as a social construction
reality from a cultural consensus.
Lifestyle Exposure Theory
One of the first systematic theories of criminal victimization was the lifestyle exposure
approach developed by Hindelang, Gottfredson and Garofalo in 1978. The theory was orig-
inally proposed to account for differences in the risks of violent victimization across social
groups, but it has been stretched to also include property crime. The theory lists elements
such as demographic characteristics, age, gender, family income and race in the analysis
of the victimization of the minority. This theory is relevant to the proposed research as it
suggests that the lifestyle of the victim makes them a suitable target for victimization. A
lesbian rape survivor Phumla from Soweto in Johannesburg reported, “It happened when
I and my two lesbian friends were driving home with two guys from soccer practice we
knew from the township. Instead of them taking us home they took us to a place out of
town and when they stopped the car, we tried to get away but one was too fast for me. He
grabbed me and dragged me into a house where there was another guy waiting. All the
time they kept on telling me that I needed to be taught a lesson, that I wasn’t a man and I
needed to act like a girl” (Kollapen 2008:6).
Social Learning Theory
Bandura (1971) asserts that social learning theory focuses on the learning that occurs
within a social context. It considers that people learn from one another, including such con-
cepts as observational learning, imitation and modelling. The practice of corrective rape is
a learnt phenomenon in an African community as the LGBTIAQ community is deemed as
a threat to the norms and culture of an African society, not ignoring the insinuation of les-
bians and gays being unAfrican. The hatred against the LGBTIAQ is learnt within a com-
munity; hence, even the youth in schools are abusive towards gays, lesbians and bisexuals.
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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Kollapen (2008:15) reports that Nomawabo was betrayed by her best friend at school. “He
told me to come to his house for a school assignment but when I got to the house we fought
until he hit me so hard I collapsed and then he raped me because he said I needed to stop
being a lesbian”. Brown (2012:10) argues “that corrective rape in South Africa is not an
inexplicable phenomenon. It is steeped in culture, gender inequality, social mores, histori-
cal oppression, governmental segregation and a fear of cultural imports from the West”.
Brown (2012:10) argues “that corrective rape in South Africa is not an inexplicable phe-
nomenon. It is steeped in culture, gender inequality, social mores, historical oppression,
governmental segregation and a fear of cultural imports from the West”.
Nature andExtent ofCorrective Rape
Originally, corrective rape was a term referring to a heterosexual male raping a homosexual
woman in the attempt to convert them into heterosexuality. The word “corrective”, accord-
ing to the Oxford Dictionary, is an adjective used to describe something that is intended to
“correct” or “counteract” something harmful or detrimental. The definition of corrective
exemplifies the thinking of perpetrators in their attempt to correct lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, intersex and queer community. Mieses (2013) refers to corrective rape as sex-
ual punishment by African men towards black African lesbians for their sexual attraction
towards the same-sex and violating traditional gender norms. The rate of rape is very high
in South Africa across all communities. A survey conducted by Carter (2013) found that
one in four men admit to having sex with a woman without their consent and nearly a half
of these men admitted to raping more than once. However, Gaitho (2022:4) asserts that the
term has now evolved to broadly encompass, per Doan-Minh, “the rape of any member of a
group that does not conform to gender or sexual orientation norms where the motive of the
perpetrator is to ‘correct’ the individual”.
It is not possible to accurately quantify the number of corrective rapes that occur each
year because many, if not most, incidences go unreported and of the reported cases it is not
clear how many are done with the intent of correcting the victim’s sexuality (Brown 2012).
The secondary data (Brown 2012; Smith 2015; Mwambene and Wheal 2015) indicate that
victims of corrective rape are captured by men in the community who are aware of the
where about of the victims, i.e. a lesbian seen late at night in a bar is expected to walk back
home which is when the perpetrator attacks. Other victims are violated by men who they
thought had accepted their sexual orientation or a family member. Zukiswa Gaca was raped
first at the age of 15, after which she ran away from the rural village situated in the Eastern
Cape, a place she called home, as it was easier than to deal with a community which did
not accept her as a lesbian. When she was 20, she met a man in a bar who at first seemed
fine with her sexual orientation. However, when they left the bar, he attacked and raped her
and said that he hated lesbians and that he was going to show her that she was not a man,
that he was the real man who had all the power over her.
LGBTIAQ inAfrica
The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association reported that the
majority of the African countries such as Zimbabwe try to diffuse the lifestyle of the LGB-
TIAQ through forcing heterosexual marriages and through banning anything that is public
which has to do with the promotion of the LGBTIAQ. Muluadzi (2017) reported that same-
sex relationships are illegal in 32 of 54 African countries, and can lead to imprisonment
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or even the death penalty. In 2014, the Human Rights Campaign Foundation published
a report on the State of Human Rights for LGBT people living in Africa. The Founda-
tion found that 37 African countries criminalize same-sex marriages and that four of those
countries allow for the death penalty.
Kenya
Kenya prosecuted 595 people under the Penal Code between 2010 and early 2014, the gov-
ernment reported. According to an article published by Fick (2018), Kenya banned a les-
bian love story film called “Rafiki” which was set to open at the Cannes film festival. The
Kenya Film Classification Board announced the ban on Friday and said in a tweet: “Any-
one found in its possession will be in breach of law”, referring to a colonial-era Kenyan law
under which gay sex is punishable by 14years in jail.
Zimbabwe
Ndiso (2018:1) NGLHRC director Eric Gitari said that the law was used daily to dis-
criminate against LGBT people—from getting a job or a promotion, to renting housing or
accessing health and education. If the law is repealed, people will be able to fight from a
point of legal confidence.
Malawi
In 2010, Tiwonge Chimbalanga and his partner, Steven Monjeza, were arrested and sen-
tenced for publicly celebrating their engagement, a locally illegal action (The Guard-
ian, 2010). Msibi (2011) asserts that the magistrate, Nyakwawa Usiwa, when handing
down the sentence, believed that his actions would deter other people from claiming or
publicly demonstrating a homosexual identity. He declared, “I will give you a scaring sen-
tence so that the public [will] be protected from people like you, so that we are not tempted
to emulate this horrendous example”.
Uganda
The backlash against those who engage in same-sex relations in Uganda has mostly been
driven by political, cultural and religious fundamentalism. Msibi (2011) states that the bill,
for instance, notes that “same-sex attraction is not an innate and immutable characteris-
tic, and wishes to protect the cherished culture of the people of Uganda, legal, religious,
and traditional family values of the people of Uganda against the attempts of sexual rights
activists seeking to impose their values of sexual promiscuity on the people of Uganda”.
Nigeria
As with Uganda and Malawi, homophobia in Nigeria is directly supported by the laws, cul-
ture and religion. In 2006, a piece of legislation known as the “Same-Sex Marriage (Prohi-
bition) Act” was proposed with full support of religious—Islamic and Christian—leaders.
The legislation was meant to “impose five-year sentences on same-sex couples who have
wedding ceremonies, as well as on those who perform such services and on all who attend”
(New York Times, 2007).
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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Effects ofCulture andTradition intheRejection ofLGBTIAQ
Lesego Tlhware (2015:30) from African gay rights group Behind the Mask states, “African
societies are still very patriarchal. Women are taught that they should marry men, any-
thing outside of that is viewed as wrong”. This ideology fundamentally asserts that men
and women are not equal. African Lesbians experience further alienation, who would only
be allowed back into the larger culture if their non-normative sexual orientation changed.
Therefore, men subject these women to corrective rape as a “rite of passage” back into the
culture, because they believe that this act would force these women to succumb to hetero-
sexuality, and assume their “proper” role in society (Okafor 2013). Fitting into the roles
accepted by culture is of importance to African families because non-conformity can be
quickly associated with the likes of witchcraft, generational curses, etc. Familial collu-
sion in corrective rape is common, according to researcher Carter (2012) who conducted
research on corrective rape in KZN, Western Cape and Gauteng. Simphiwe Thandeka,
from Pietermaritzburg (the capital city of the conservative, fervently Christian province of
Kwa-Zulu Natal) was 13, and a “tomboy”, when a male relative started asking, “Why do
you dress like this?” He raped her in bed one night, putting a pillowcase over her mouth.
When she reported the issue to her mother, she told her it was a family issue and did not
have to report it. Familial collusion in corrective rape is common mainly because families
want to cure their children from being lesbian, gay and bisexual and to avoid bearing the
shame of having a member in the family who is deemed to be socially unacceptable.
African communities are not only rich in culture but are strengthened by their religious
beliefs which play the role of hope and spiritual guidance for citizens. Barnade (2011:1)
argues “that it is true that patriarchal, macho, heterosexist ‘culture’ also plays an enor-
mous role in the perpetration of hate crimes, but it is also true that culture is for most part
‘derived’ from religion and not the other way around”. Religious fanatics who participate
in the debate on hate crimes in South Africa invoke the Bible, Koran or another book of
religion in order to show us that God (the symbolic name of absolute authority) teaches
that non-heterosexual sexual behaviour is abominable and should be corrected. One can
argue that religion has played a role in society not accepting the LGBTIAQ because they
minister how this lifestyle is against God’s ways but there are many sins which are com-
mitted in communities which are against God’s ways but no hate or “curing” is inflicted on
them.
Research Design andMethodology
The study took place in Pietermaritzburg which is the capital city of Kwa-Zulu Natal
province in South Africa. The city lies in the Msunduzi River valley at the base of a tree
covered escarpment inland from Durban. The data were collected in two locations of
Pietermaritzburg. The first set of interviews took place in Pietermaritzburg (CBD) at the
gay–lesbian network centre (GLN). The second study location was a rural area in Pieter-
maritzburg known as Elandskop–Sweetwaters under Msunduzi municipality. The rural area
is still under the authority of a chief and izinduna in various parts of the community which
are known as izigodi.
The study adopted an interpretive research paradigm so as to answer the research
questions and objectives. The researcher used a qualitative approach as the study aimed
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to gain a rich understanding and full insight into the perceptions and experiences of
the community of Elandskop–Sweetwaters in Pietermaritzburg with regard to the LGB-
TIAQ and corrective rape. Arora and Stoner (2009) claim that by using a qualitative
researcher methodology, researchers want to collect richer information and get a more
detailed picture of issues, cases and event. There are four major types of qualitative
research which are phenomenology, ethnography, grounded theory and case study. The
study implemented a case study design.
The researchers adopted a non-probability sampling approach and used purposive
sampling to select the participants. The technique selected participants who were ben-
eficial to the research such as homosexuals who were survivors of hate crime and com-
munity members and leader who gave the study a rich understanding of the existing
problem.
Seven LGBTIAQ members were sampled from the GLN, including the founder of
GLN. There was one bisexual, one intersex, one transwoman, one drag queen and three
gay men. The interviews took place at the GLN conference in a separate room. For a
more informed input, especially in relation to the gaps in policies, the founder of the
GLN who is also part of the LGBTI community was interviewed. The participants inter-
viewed in the community consisted of six heterosexual community members and the
community leader known as an induna. There was no specific target age for participants;
however, there were no minors involved in the study. In total, the researcher had thir-
teen participants. The community members were recommended by the induna and were
interviewed at isigodlo which is a place where the community leader holds his meetings.
Upon obtaining Ethical Clearance from the Ethics Committee of University of
Kwa-Zulu Natal, the researchers were able to apply to the gatekeeper at the gay and
lesbian network centre. The application letter was received by the events coordinator
who passed it onto the founder of the gay and lesbian network centre. After receiving
approval for research in the GLN, the coordinator (who is the youth counsellor at the
GLN) extended an invitation to the researcher to come to a GLN conference where the
participants that the study needed were going to be present. The researcher applied for
gatekeepers from the induna of Elandskop–Sweetwaters in order to gain access to the
community and conduct the study. The researcher had a meeting with the induna as he
had concerns about the study. All participants were given a choice to participant or not
to participate in the study.
Before the interviews proceeded, the participants were thoroughly taken through
the consent form. They signed it and the researchers explained that the interviews were
going to be recorded with their permission. The consent form was available both in Eng-
lish and IsiZulu. The semi-structured interviews were conducted at the selected facilities
in October 2018. Most of the interviews lasted for 30min. Both primary and secondary
collection methods were utilized to increase the validity of the study. Triangulation was
used in the study to ensure the credibility of the study and the validity. It is to be noted
that the findings of the study could not be generalized to all South African communities
due to the small scope of the study and the design of the study. Other than the primary
and secondary data, the researcher also observed that when the coordinator introduced
and explained the study to the members, different emotions were elicited from the mem-
bers. Some members excused themselves from participating while other members had
concerned expressions on their faces. Other members were not comfortable to be inter-
viewed because they had not recovered from their victimizations. This affected the sam-
ple size for the study. The data were analysed using the thematic method.
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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Study Findings
This section entails the discussion of the findings which were obtained through the inter-
views with the participants and the researchers’ interpretation of the findings. The data
were interpreted with the objective of ascertaining the communal motives in the accept-
ance of corrective rape as a cure. The names of participants have been replaced with num-
bers for confidentiality purposes. The findings are presented as verbatim quotations from
the participants.
Emerging Themes
Confusion Between Gender andSexuality
Under this theme, it emerged that corrective rape is a practice that is driven by the motive
of changing one’s sexuality to the desired, socially accepted sexuality “heterosexuality”.
About 50% of the participants agree that people in communities have a perception that
through sexual relations with a lesbian or bisexual they will achieve converting them to
heterosexuality. These findings are consistent with Stobie’s (2003) study which asserts that
when another Gays and Lesbian of Zimbabwe (GALZ) activist, Tina Machida, came out
to her parents as a lesbian at the age of 18, they arranged for her to be raped in the hope of
“normalizing” her. The confusion between gender and sexuality in African communities
stirs up the motive of the perception of sex changing one’s sexuality.
These are some of the participants’ thoughts in verbatim.
Participant 1 said:
“People focus mostly on the private parts of the person more than their sexuality;
they link it up. People always question how am I going to have kids because I am a
homosexual, how am I going to have sex?”
Mieses (2013) refers to corrective rape as sexual punishment by African men towards
black African lesbians for being homosexual and violating traditional gender norms. One
of the motivating reasons for perpetrators against the LGBTI community is to convert their
sexuality and for them to function in the nature of their gender.
Participant 4 added:
“People fail to understand that sex doesn’t change a person or their sexuality. A gay
man can be forced to sleep with women or a lesbian be forced to sleep with a man
but it won’t change their sexuality. I would associate communal motives with igno-
rance”.
Participant 3 said:
“The lives of lesbian, gay and bisexual people raises eyebrows about gender, mascu-
linity and femininity therefore it’s more like gays and lesbians are in competition with
other genders because you would find a gay man being more feminine than women”.
The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association reported
the majority of the African countries such as Zimbabwe try to diffuse the lifestyle of the
LGBTIAQ community through forcing heterosexual marriages. African communities
are in denial of the truth that the sexual orientation of a person cannot be changed by
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an event because it is something which lies within the desires and interests that a person
has no control over; it is a part of who they are. This theme answers one the research
objectives which is to establish the causes of corrective rape in the community.
Gender Roles Versus Gender Equality The lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex,
asexual and queer community is an intimidation to society as it challenges the socially
constructed gender roles that have existed for generations. This statement was further
supported by the participants.
Participant 8 stated:
“Some people believe that rape can cure individuals that are not complying the
gender norms. I can associate it with gender inequality”.
Participant 9 also added:
“ The LGBTIAQ poses a threat to the gender roles or status quo that is accept-
able in our communities therefore the act of rape is to put the woman back in their
place. Also because of patriarchy in our communities, lesbians and bisexuals will
never be accepted as men want to remain as men and women submit to them”.
Participant 6 said:
“Most African communities are driven by religion and since religion stipulates
what a man are meant to do and what a female is meant to do, they cannot accept
what is between as it makes them uncomfortable. People challenge what makes
them uncomfortable”.
Participant 11 answered:
“Traditionally a man is a man and is expected to perform manly duties therefore
being gay is not accepted. The same applies with women; the lifestyle of lesbians
has contributed to the perception of them being rebellious as they are contradict-
ing what culture has called them to be”.
The argument stands that pressure and influence of patriarchy on the “acceptable”
constructed gender roles stems from society. Patriarchy is deeply rooted in the South
African culture. This ideology fundamentally asserts that men and women are not
equal roles and responsibilities. Research findings of the Forum for the Empowerment
of Women (FEW) suggest that black lesbians, particularly in townships where they are
seen to challenge patriarchal gender norms, are increasingly targeted for rape. Lesego
Tlhwale from the African gay rights group Behind the Mask states, “African societies
are still very patriarchal. Women are taught that they should marry men, anything out-
side of that is viewed as wrong”. The lifestyle of African lesbian and bisexual women
poses a challenge to the patriarchal practices in communities due to its non-confirmabil-
ity to the tradition. These women threaten the existence of men indirectly as they lead
a well-rounded, satisfying life—financially and sexually without the presence of men
in their lives whereas gay men challenge the future existence of their bloodline due to
not reproducing children. Men feel threatened they are in competition with lesbian and
bisexual women as they pursue the same women in the community, they do the work,
etc., and therefore begin to exert their physical strength over lesbian and bisexual as a
means to demotivate them from their lifestyle choices.
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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Culture andTradition African countries are beautiful because of their rich cultures and
traditions. The functioning of African communities is embedded in their cultures. The LGB-
TIAQ is considered unAfrican as it opposes the naturally accepted gender roles.
Participant 12 supported this notion by stating that:
“We were raised according to our culture and tradition and are expected to comply
therefore if we do anything that is not our culture it is a problem because it is not
who we are”.
Participant 3 answered:
“Culture has determined our role in the family and community from the time we are
born. We can’t escape it. Culture says men are the head and the authoritative figures
in family and community. This power on men exerted by culture has encouraged men
to think that they can have their way in anything. The men that rape lesbian and
bisexual women think that as authoritative figures they can reprimand and correct
what is socially and culturally unacceptable. The thought of women leading a sat-
isfying life without men is a threat to their ego which is why they fight the woman
physically because they are stronger. The truth is men need women more than women
need men”.
Culture shapes the way people in communities perceive and understand life. They
become accustomed to a particular pattern without questioning its advantages or disad-
vantages. Culture contradicts itself because within the country practices are done accord-
ing to the location, i.e. the Zulu kingdom is divided within itself yet they claim to be part
of the same tribe. The practice of culture is relevant to the location. Swidler (1993) per-
ceives “mine same-sex sexual relations” as a new type that has developed as a result of
male migrant labour to the mines, where men were not permitted to bring their wives.
Senior miners would take new miners as “wives” and teach them the ways of the mine
and the nature of its work, and offer them protection in exchange for cooking and sexual
favours. Swidler (1993) stated that the mine compound “boy-wives” often saved money
they received to help them pay ilobolo to marry women in the rural areas. Thus, the sexual
relationship in the mine compound was encouraged by social custom not to have lasting
effects. In other words, the culture of men being providers and women being domesticated
is only applicable to a certain social setting. Dlamini (2006) also traces the conceptions
of same-sex sexual relations in traditional Africa and maintains that while there does not
seem to have been a name suggesting a distinct category called “homosexual”, the type of
behaviour now commonly known by that term was always present.
Participant 5 added:
“Culture has played a role in the unacceptance of the lesbian and gay community.
The only time where it is accepted is if someone is a sangoma because they believe
that the ancestor that has possessed the sangoma is of an opposite sex and is desir-
ing sexually their preferred sex. African men are stipulated as the head of the family
and are entitled to have their way over a woman’s body that mentality makes them
think they are entitled to sexually force themselves on lesbians so that they adapt to
the culture of marrying men and not women”.
Parrinder (1980) and Swidler (1993) suggest that in some instances, homosexual rela-
tions carry some religious and spiritual significance, as in the case of izangoma and izin-
yanga and other traditional healers. The results have yielded that the only time culture or
tradition accepts same-sex relationships is if one is a traditional healer and possessed by an
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ancestor. It is acceptable because if a female woman is possessed by a male ancestor, then
the male ancestor sexually desires a woman and therefore the traditional healer who is a
woman can be with another woman intimately. Nkabinde & Morgan (2006: 2) “My feeling
is that women sangomas have always used ancestral wives as a way to have secret same-sex
relationships”.
Participant 6 elaborated:
“The LGBTI remain in the closet people they are not meeting the expectation that
culture has of them. It affects our parents so much because even when rituals are
taking place they don’t if to put one on the side with males or on the side of females.
Culture has played a huge role in the discrimination against the LGBTI, we have had
traditional healers who have claimed that they are able to cure sexual attraction of
the same sex and they have failed, they end up hurting them. They use to burn them
under their feet which has burnt nerves”.
Though the society are the perpetrators of hate crimes, the real issue of rejection faced
by the LGBTIAQ begins in their homes with their families. Traditional practices cause dis-
tress on parents of the LGBTIAQ when rituals are to be performed at home because tradi-
tion dictates that genders do not mix or sit together during such practices. Women eat alone
sitting in a formal manner and men are grouped together by the kraal or around the tradi-
tional altar. It is an issue for parents of a gay son or lesbian/bisexual daughter as they are
not sure where to put them. Over and above those challenges, false hopes have been insinu-
ated by traditional leaders whom have claimed to be able to “heal” same-sex attraction.
Lack ofAwareness Versus Ignorance Superstitions in African communities are of impor-
tance as compared to facts. There are a number of superstitions which are attached to the
LGBTIAQ such as it being considered a demonic manifestation or curse.
Participant 6 stated:
“Communities are different and, in my community, it is a belief that being gay is
a curse. Even the church I went to, they chased me away and my own family didn’t
understand my lifestyle. LGBTI lifestyle is considered new and not from the olden
days”.
Others may associate this kind of thinking with ignorance due to the information that
has been made accessible. Many practices in communities can be associated with igno-
rance due to the negative implications they have on an individual and societal level, i.e. the
encouragement of males having multiple sexual partners as a sign of manhood.
Participant 4 contributed:
“I think norms in our communities started off without knowledge or understanding of
what they were practicing. People practice culture because they were told to do it but
they don’t practice it because it is right. For one, in black communities’ one’s man-
hood is proven right through the encouragement of sleeping with many women. Peo-
ple fail to understand that sex doesn’t change a person or their sexuality. A gay man
can be forced to sleep with women or a lesbian be forced to sleep with a man but it
won’t change their sexuality. I would associate communal motives with ignorance.
People are very ignorant even when they have information”.
The challenge in African communities is the lack of information about the LGBTIAQ;
therefore, all sorts of connotations are attached to the LGBTIAQ community. One of the
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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arising themes from the data was the ignorance of people in African communities regard-
ing culture and the LGBTIAQ. In African families, if a daughter or son is homosexual,
they are categorized cursed or possessed. Bandura (1971) asserts that social learning the-
ory focuses on the learning that occurs within a social context. It considers that people
learn from one another, including such concepts as observational learning, imitation and
modelling. These insinuations are based on African superstitions and not facts. Therefore,
as supported by social learning theory, people practice what they have learnt from each
other without questioning if it’s of good or not.
Participant 1 answered:
“Yes, people are aware of our rights but they choose to ignore them because they
believe we can change. They know it wrong to rape us but they continue doing it
because they have their own motives. People are very knowledgeable; they know how
to manipulate the justice system and others because they are well known and feared
they take advantage because they know that they are feared so they can get away
with murder”.
The gay–lesbian network team has been conducting workshops in a couple of rural areas
such as Greytown, working with the chiefs and community leaders in making them aware
of the LGBTIAQ. One of the research objectives was to determine if the rural community
is enlightened about the rights of LGBTIAQ, and the findings have yielded that generally
people in the rural area are not fully aware of the basic human rights. It has been found by
the GLN team that people are not even aware of their basic human rights. They live their
lives governed by culture and tradition and do not dare challenge it. Therefore, the gay–les-
bian network has continued conducting human rights workshops to enlighten people about
human rights and the LGBTIAQ.
Participant 6 claimed:
“We have held a lot of workshops in rural areas such as grey town, escort etc. in my
professional opinion, I have come to see that they don’t just discriminate against the
LGBTI, it is the lack of knowledge and understanding that is a problem. We have
held workshops with induna and chiefs and they have given us their time to hear
about the LGBTI and the concerns of the LGBTI. I won’t lie it hasn’t been easy, other
induna’s have had issues with such meetings. And so far, they listen to the LGBTI”.
Participant 5 continued:
“The issue began when the constitution began recognizing same sex marriages it just
became loud in people’s faces without having the communities being taught prop-
erly about gays, lesbians, bisexual, transgender, asexual, intersex and queer people.
People didn’t and still don’t understand that being a part of the LGBTIAQ is normal
especially African people, it was just shoved in their faces”.
Dlamini (2006) asserts that, despite the difficulties of acquiring accurate data about
the LGBTIAQ among blacks, gays and lesbians, in one form or another, is known to have
always existed in Africa, and South Africa is no exception. One of the participants stated
that based on her conversations with the elderly, same-sex relations are not a foreign con-
cept but it was not something that was a public spectacle. One can argue that the discom-
fort around the topic of same-sex relationships is that is it a public phenomenon and it is
legal whereas it was something known to be hidden. When same-sex marriages in South
Africa were legally recognized, more people came out in the open about their sexuality—
something that was initially private became known.
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Religion Religion is one of the contributing factors to the norms and values that govern
a community. It is without doubt that religion has titled gays and lesbians as an act of
abomination. About 60% of the study participants have agreed to the role of religion
against the LGBTIAQ.
Participant 2 said:
“I blame religion because they are the ones who always preach that we are
demonic and they influence the people of the community, people have that mental-
ity that we are not normal we have demons so they don’t want to associate with us.
They don’t understand us more awareness’s need to be done”.
Participant 1 added:
“The LGBTI people are discriminated against when they go to church. For Mus-
lims its wrong, the Curran is more like the bible some of the chapters are in the
bible. It is forbidden; actually, for almost all religions it is forbidden. It plays a
role in how people perceive the LGBTI community because when they are attack
us, they always hide behind religion”.
Barnade (2011) argues that it is true that patriarchal, macho and heterosexist “cul-
ture” also plays an enormous role in the perpetration of hate crimes, but it is also true
that culture is for most part derived from religion and not the other way around. Reli-
gion has been used as a reason for people’s homophobia. Religion in African communi-
ties is very dominant especially Christianity and the Islamic. Communities are not only
shaped and strengthened by culture and tradition but it is religious beliefs which also
bring hope and a sense of direction for people. Participant six who is a youth counsel-
lor at the gay–lesbian network centre stated that once a gay man was beaten up by men
at the Shembe religious gathering and when they went to intervene with the legislation,
they were told that they cannot govern their church with worldly standards. Participant
two who is a drag queen claims that he was chased away from church and people in his
community have labelled him as being possessed by a demon. Just as it is hard to chal-
lenge the culture which is embedded in African communities, it is even harder to chal-
lenge religion which is held as dearly as it speaks of the supernatural power.
The impact of media in the perception of LGBTIAQ.
Participant 1 said:
“The media has a huge impact on the discrimination against homosexuals. The
way the media portrays the LGBTI is very wrong, even in the soapies they are
misrepresented. Its either there is immorality attached to the character or they
are comedians. So, what does this say about the LGBTI community, that we are
funny? We are gimmicks? We are never portrayed as serious people yet there are
homosexuals that are well established in their careers while others are pursuing
their studies however the media doesn’t portray that aspect”.
Participant 8 claimed:
“The media has portrayed the LGBTIAQ as a lavish lifestyle which I believe has
made it look like an interesting life to the youth especially if you look at celebri-
ties like Somizi or GC. To the elderly it’s just a nuisance demonic lifestyle being
thrown into their faces by the media which has made it even more difficult for them
to accept it”.
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S.Ngongoma, V.Maweni
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The media has portrayed a rather stereotypical aspect of the LGBTI, i.e. partying, prom-
iscuity and so forth. This has given the elderly an idea that their children in communi-
ties are adopting this lifestyle due to what is being exposed to them in the media and that
the sexual preference is not something they are born with but rather an imitation of what
they are perceiving in the media. According to Lezette Engelbrecht, University of Pretoria,
(2010), many harmful stereotypes exist, and individuals are seen as deviant and immoral
rather than normal people who happen to have a different sexual preference.
Conclusion
The findings of the study have concluded that lesbian and bisexual women are raped in
African communities due not complying with the socially constructed gender roles. Afri-
can men force themselves sexually on women in the attempt to remind them that they are
women and to correct their sexuality. Same-sex relationships existed during the past gen-
erations, but it was a private matter whereas this generation is publicizing it which makes
it more unbearable for communities because it is known as something that was hidden
because of its nature. The truth is gays and lesbians in African communities which are
deemed as a curse or demon but is culturally acceptable if a woman is a traditional healer
possessed by a male ancestor. One can conclude then that culture favours itself and in most
cases contradicts itself. The wait for the Hate Crime bill to be passed as an Act contin-
ues, and it has already been a wait of 10 years. South Africa has many polices in place
but implementation is a problem so more workshops need to be held for the public sec-
tor and communities about the policies so that they are implemented and effective. There
is progress of creating awareness of the LGBTIAQ as the gay–lesbian network team has
been conducting workshops in various rural areas with the chiefs. The study has failed to
discover why heterosexual men rape gay men in the essence of correcting their sexuality
as other literature states. The researchers have come to the conclusion that in rural areas,
the LGBTIAQ is taboo and a sensitive issue as the community members did not want to
participate in the study. Victims in rural areas do not report the incidents because they are
afraid of being re-victimized by the police and being ridiculed in the community, and fami-
lies continue to claim that it is an issue between families and it should not be publicized.
Victims in rural areas are also misinformed about the procedures in reporting crime.
Funding Open access funding provided by University of KwaZulu-Natal.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License,
which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long
as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Com-
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This article explores the absence of dialogue about bisexuality in South Africa and in the African continent. While South Africa's new Constitution explicitly vouchsafes protection on the grounds of “sexual orientation,” leaders in a number of other African countries have called homosexuality un-African. I discuss the lack of a bisexual discourse in South Africa, and the prejudices and hostility directed towards bisexuals by lesbians and gays. I also examine a recent text, Boy-wives and female husbands: Studies of African homosexualities, edited by Stephen O. Murray and Will Roscoe, which debunks the myth that same-sex behavior is alien to Africa. There, bisexuality is treated dismissively despite the fact that those who have same-sex relations are frequently heterosexually married. I discuss the text as a feminist literary critic, commenting on the “techniques of neutralization” it employs. I argue that a sensitive definition of bisexuality would disrupt the impasse of binary categories while it would provide an appropriate framework to analyze sexualities in Africa and to better explore the experience of black women.
Book
In a stimulating interchange between feminist studies and biology, Banu Subramaniam explores how her dissertation on flower color variation in morning glories launched her on an intellectual odyssey that engaged the feminist studies of sciences in the experimental practices of science by tracing the central and critical idea of variation in biology. As she shows, the histories of eugenics and genetics and their impact on the metaphorical understandings of difference and diversity that permeate common understandings of differences among people exist in contexts that seem distant from the so-called objective hard sciences. Journeying into areas that range from the social history of plants to speculative fiction, Subramaniam uncovers key relationships between the life sciences, women's studies, evolutionary and invasive biology, and the history of ecology, and how ideas of diversity and difference emerged and persist in each field. © 2014 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. All rights reserved.
Article
Purpose This paper aims to use a mixed method (qualitative and quantitative) approach to exploring product personality. It also aims to focus on the personality dimensions of two retails stores (Target and Wal‐Mart) and two athletic brands (Adidas and Nike). While personality has been investigated in marketing settings, the focus has been limited to using quantitative scales. This approach has the potential of leaving out rich details of personality not captured by the scale, thereby offering little helpful information for advertising copy writers. While qualitative approaches may lack the formal test of hypotheses, they afford rich narrative that adds important insights about the products and practical help for advertising development. Design/methodology/approach The study is based on a concurrent, two‐studies design where qualitative and quantitative data are both collected and analyzed separately (concurrently or sequentially). A survey is used to measure the personality dimensions based on Aaker's five personality dimensions. In addition, various personality dimensions are explored using in‐depth, one‐to‐one interviews; grounded theory framework; and QDA software that is especially suitable for text analysis. Findings The findings reveal lack of convergence in personality dimensions. While full convergence is not expected due to method and sample characteristics, the findings revealed important dimensions that appeared only in either the qualitative or quantitative analysis. For example, the attributes of competence, sophistication, and ruggedness failed to emerge in the qualitative analyses. Research limitations/ implications Caution is advised in extrapolating the results beyond the issues investigated in the study. Practical implications The findings help marketers in formulating effective product design, positioning, and promotion strategies. Originality/value Most of the research on the subject of personality has been designed around Aaker's five dimensions of personality. There has been some variation to the instrument to capture dimensions such as nurturance, and integrity, ruggedness, and sophistication. However, there is a void in qualitative research that is oriented towards discovering (rather than testing) the dimensions of personality. This paper uses qualitative research methodology, specifically a grounded theory framework, to discover the personality of products, and to compare these outcomes with Aaker's five‐dimensional scale.
Cameroonian Man on Trial in South Africa For Corrective Rape Of Lesbian
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Homosexuality in the African Context. Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity No.67
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