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Navigating double marginalization: narratives of Asian (American) educators teaching and building solidarity
Race Ethnicity and Education
Abstract
This study examines Asian (American) teachers’ racialized experiences teaching and building solidarity with predominantly Black and Latinx students. Adopting tenets of Asian Critical Theory, the findings reveal participants’ paradoxical experiences of ‘double marginalization’: On one hand, they are broadly excluded from the Black-White racial paradigm and made invisible as racial outsiders and ‘forever foreigners’; on the other hand, they report feeling marginalized within the communities of Color due to the prevailing ‘model minority’ and ‘honorary White’ tropes. In resisting the ‘double marginalization’, participants strategically utilize their Asian (American) identities and experiences to challenge stereotypes about Asian (American) people and foster relationships with students and parents based on their shared struggles against White supremacy. This study has implications to reject Asian (American) invisibility in education research and practice by reclaiming the legacies of cross-racial solidarity-building among communities of Color and supporting the development of collective critical consciousness against racial division.
... During the COVID-19 pandemic, the surge of anti-Asian racism, hate crimes, and violence created a rare opportunity to draw public attention to Asian American-related issues, including the paradox of institutionalized invisibility of Asian Americans in mainstream U.S. historical narratives and media representation and the hyper-visibility of Asian Americans as scapegoats during crises (e.g, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the Japanese American Internment during World War II, anti-Asian hate during the COVID-19 pandemic, etc.). After two decades of scholarly scarcity, many Asian American scholars have joined forces to amplify Asian American voices in education research Chu, 2024;Hsieh & Kim, 2020;Kim & Cooc, 2020;Morita-Mullaney & Nguyen, 2023;Rodriguez, 2021;Rodríguez et al., 2023;Wong et al., 2024;Wu, 2024). Along with multiple social movements such as Stop AAPI Hate, See Us Unite, and Make Us Visible that aim to raise public awareness and understanding of the long history of anti-Asian racism, campaigns led by leading organizations such as the Asian American Coalition for Education and Asian American Advancing Justice have leveraged community-based political advocacy to mandate teaching Asian American history and contributions in K-12 public schools. ...
... Within the scope of this study, we were able to capture only brief yet significant moments where the seeds of racial coalition-building were planted in urban dual language programs. While there have been some studies focusing on Black-Asian solidarity in social movements and community activism (e.g., Chu, 2024;Lee et al., 2020;Museus et al., 2021;etc.), more research is still needed to explore the complexities, challenges, and long-term impact of racial solidarity efforts within school communities. ...
The scarcity of Asian American-focused scholarship and the small number of Asian American educators contribute to Asian American invisibility in education research (An, 2022; Hsieh & Kim, 2020; Rodríguez, 2020). Hence, this multiple case study provides exemplary cases of four Asian American bilingual teachers who took initiatives and made efforts to center Asian American studies in their dual language programs (i.e., Vietnamese and Mandarin Chinese). The findings show that these Asian American bilingual teachers used multiple strategies to advocate for and teach Asian American content in their dual language programs, including (i) partnering with families and communities to center Asian American stories and experiences; (ii) using community-based teaching practices; (iii) resisting racial/ethnic essentialism and fostering solidarity in school communities; and (iv) embracing students’ multilingual identities. The study contributes to our scholarly understanding of Asian American bilingual teachers’ pedagogical practices and emphasizes the important role these teachers play in the Asian American movement.
... However, I found no research to date that explores how Chinese American children negotiate their understandings of anti-Asian racism through literacy engagement. Most of the Asian critical race theory (AsianCrit) studies focus on social studies curriculum , teacher education (Chu, 2024;Daly, 2022), parenthood , autoethnographic studies (Reyes, 2023;Teo, 2023), and international students in higher education (Yao & Mwabgi, 2022). Only a few scholars have explored racial literacy education through the AsianCrit lens, including adult identity negotiation through reading (Kim et al., 2023). ...
Racism’s pervasive influence on People of Color (POC) in the United States is further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to heightened racial stigmatization and violence against Asian Americans. This study, informed by AsianCrit and reader response theories, explores how Chinese American students develop activist agency through reading fiction and relevant texts illustrating the racialized experience of Chinese Americans, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. Through four students’ participation in a community-based book club and engagement in literacy practices for one year, findings reveal students actively unpack the anti-Asian racism through generating counternarratives and ultimately demonstrate activist stance as they make associations with their everyday realities in their family, community, and schools. The study underscores the crucial need to critically examine and raise awareness about prevailing racial narratives, emphasizing the continuous importance of critical racial literacy education both within and outside schools.
In this chapter, I used critical autoethnography to document my experiences as a minority teacher educator in a predominantly White institution (PWI) of higher education in the United States and examined how my intersectional identities as a foreign-born, non-White, non-native English speaking, teacher educator of Asian descent had influenced my practices as a multicultural educator and researcher. I used tenets of the critical race theory (CRT) and Asian critical theory (AsianCrit), in particular counterstorytelling and intersectionality, as analytic lens to frame my explorations of what it meant to be a minority educator in a foreign cultural and institutional context. Data in the form of reflective narratives drawn from my lived experiences and documents were analyzed and presented as counternarratives to explicate my intersectional identities and navigational strategies used to negotiate my position and practices in the often-limiting, PWI academic space. I ended the chapter with a call for more inclusive CRT and AsianCrit frameworks to understand the unique transnational lives and identities of minority educators in an increasingly global world. By sharing my autoethnographic recollections and counternarratives, I hope this chapter will serve as an empowering invitation for international minority scholars to join the collective endeavor to advance the conversation and transform higher education towards a more diverse, inclusive, and equitable space.
This article asserts that despite the salience of race in U.S. society, as a topic of scholarly inquiry, it remains untheorized. The article argues for a critical race theoretical perspective in education analogous to that of critical race theory in legal scholarship by developing three propositions: (1) race continues to be significant in the United States; (2) U.S. society is based on property rights rather than human rights; and (3) the intersection of race and property creates an analytical tool for understanding inequity. The article concludes with a look at the limitations of the current multicultural paradigm.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, some perceptions of Asian Americans in the United States shifted as anti-Asian hate crimes escalated. However, little is known about how these shifting views manifest in K–12 schools. This qualitative case study uses Asian critical race theory to examine how two Southeast Asian American students faced exclusion and erasure before and during the COVID-19 pandemic and how their Southeast Asian American teacher advocated for them at a public elementary school in the Pacific Northwest. Implications include how researchers can pursue inquiries about Asian American students’ holistic development and how in-service and pre-service teachers can address anti-Asian xenophobia.
Using the ongoing coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) pandemic as a case study, this paper engages with debates on the assimilation of Asian Americans into the US mainstream. While a burgeoning scholarship holds that Asians are “entering into the dominant group” or becoming “White,” the prevalent practices of othering Asians and surging anti‐Asian discrimination since the pandemic outbreak present a challenge to the assimilation thesis. This paper explains how anger against China quickly expands to Asian American population more broadly. Our explanation focuses on different forms of othering practices, deep‐seated stereotypes of Asians, and the role of politicians and media in activating or exacerbating anti‐Asian hatred. Through this scrutiny, this paper augments the theses that Asian Americans are still treated as “forever foreigners” and race is still a prominent factor in the assimilation of Asians in the United States. This paper also sheds light on the limitations of current measures of assimilation. More broadly, the paper questions the notion of color‐blindness or post‐racial America.
(currently free to download at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s42438-020-00183-8#article-info)
Trending social media has indicated that there are currently two pandemics: Covid-19 and racism. While this typology and terminology can be critiqued, it is rather clear that the virus and White supremacy are key concerns of social movements in various parts of the world, particularly in nation states that experienced European colonisation and imperialism. The wake of Covid-19 has perhaps brought greater attention and support to #BlackLivesMatter-oriented protest movements, including by those labelled people of colour (POC) or ‘minorities’ in the North American context, such as Latinx and Asian communities. But with the amplified protest movement have come deeper calls for systemic change, from policy to ideology to everyday practice. Some of these critiques have been directed at the privilege, positionality, and participation of Asian communities not only with #BLM-oriented activism, but also in education and general society. This paper seeks to contribute to this critical discourse through a brief discussion of historical solidarity between Black and Asian activists and social movements, and how these practices might help inform activism within North America as well as other protest movements. Going beyond one-dimensional ‘but we experience racism too’ discourse of Asian communities that has recently increased due to anti-Asian hate crimes and scapegoating regarding ‘The Chinese Flu’, this paper explores some of the ways that historical Black-Asian solidarity can inform more intersectional and transnational analyses and pedagogies of Asian students, educators, and activists.
Over the past three decades, many higher education scholars have engaged in efforts to counter the stereotype that Asian Americans achieve universal and unparalleled academic success. While most of these scholars adopt an anti-oppression approach, some researchers have claimed that this literature reinforces oppressive deficit paradigms. To understand this conflict in existing literature, the current authors utilize an anti-imperialistic approach to analyze scholarship on the model minority myth. The current analysis reveals little evidence that research on the myth reinforced hegemonic deficit thinking. Instead, authors find that scholars largely utilized complex and multifaceted antideficit approaches, challenged dominant essentialist model minority frames, engaged in strategic (anti-)essentialism to navigate complex pan-racial contexts, and reframed the myth to achieve diverse purposes that speak to different audiences. Several implications for conducting critiques of literature reviews and future research on the myth are discussed.
This study examines and compares the recruitment, employment, and retention of minority and nonminority school teachers over the quarter century from the late 1980s to 2013. Our objective is to empirically ground the ongoing debate regarding minority teacher shortages and changes in the minority teaching force. The data we analyze are from the National Center for Education Statistics’ nationally representative Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) and its longitudinal supplement, the Teacher Follow-up Survey (TFS). Our data analyses document the persistence of a gap between the percentage of minority students and the percentage of minority teachers in the US. But the data also show that this gap is not due to a failure to recruit new minority teachers. In the two decades since the late 1980s, the number of minority teachers almost doubled, outpacing growth in both the number of White teachers and the number of minority students. Minority teachers are also overwhelmingly employed in public schools serving high-poverty, high-minority and urban communities. Hence, the data suggest that widespread efforts over the past several decades to recruit more minority teachers and employ them in disadvantaged schools have been very successful. But, these efforts have also been undermined because minority teachers have significantly higher turnover than White teachers and this is strongly tied to poor working conditions in their schools.
This article addresses how critical race theory can inform a critical race methodology in education. The authors challenge the intercentricity of racism with other forms of subordination and exposes deficit-informed research that silences and distorts epistemologies of people of color. Although social scientists tell stories under the guise of “objective” research, these stories actually uphold deficit, racialized notions about people of color. For the authors, a critical race methodology provides a tool to “counter” deficit storytelling. Specifically, a critical race methodology offers space to conduct and present research grounded in the experiences and knowledge of people of color. As they describe how they compose counter-stories, the authors discuss how the stories can be used as theoretical, methodological, and pedagogical tools to challenge racism, sexism, and classism and work toward social justice.
As Asian Americans join the legal academy in growing numbers, they change the face of the academy and challenge its traditional legal doctrines. The author announces an "Asian American Moment" in the legal academy and an opportunity to reverse the pattern of discrimination against Asian Americans. Traditional civil rights work and current critical race scholarship fail to address the unique issues for Asian Americans, including nativistic racism and the model minority myth. Space must be made in the legal academy for an Asian American Legal Scholarship and the narratives of Asian Americans. The author states that the rational-empirical mode is inadequate as a justification for narrative scholarship and argues for a post-structural basis for Asian American Legal Scholarship. He gives a few historical examples of how narrative can be used to effect social change. Finally, the author offers a framework for constructing an Asian American Legal Scholarship which acknowledges the tremendous diversity among the disempowered but which also recognizes that it is through solidarity that Asian Americans will gain the freedom to express their diversity.
In this article, I consider the emergence of the term Asian American as a political and racial identifier in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s and survey the meanings that are associated with the term today. Through the analysis of in-depth interviews, I examine how Asian American prospective teachers, who were enrolled in a master’s and credential program that had an explicit focus on social justice and on teaching in urban communities of color, appropriated and challenged these multiple meanings. The interview data highlight the relationship between these teachers’ understandings of their racial identity and the responsibilities and challenges they anticipated for themselves as Asian American teachers of other students of color. I conclude the article by exploring the implications of these findings for teacher education programs, particularly programs that enroll high proportions of Asian Americans.
Recent research on the collective identity label described as Asian American, which was originally formulated as a political move- ment symbol, shows only some support among the various Asian ethnic groups that reside in the United States at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Based on a sample of second-generation Asian American student leaders in four public universities, this study provides empirical evidence that the definition of the term Asian American has multiplied as a result of major demographic and cultural factors that have affected the Asian popu- lation. These definitions reflect ethnic and religious diversification as well as the model minority stereotype and a cohort identity for the second-gen- eration experience. At the same time, this diversification of definitions is also influenced by two concurrent and interlacing cultural discourses, one that emphasizes the racialized otherness of being "Asian American" and another that emphasizes the cultural diversity within this racial label. Implications for future research and theoretical development follow.
Racial literacy has contributed powerful advances in multiple disciplines about how race and racism are understood. Many education scholars use the concept to refer to antiracist practices and ideologies, a definition that casts some people as either racially literate or illiterate. In this essay the author draws on examples from education literature to argue that this interdisciplinary conceptual norm hinders scholars’ attempts to reveal the dominance of race-evasiveness, however unintentionally, for two reasons. First, describing people as racially literate or illiterate implies that those who adopt race-evasive or racist ideologies are not interpreting racial ideas, which overlooks that all people who live in a racist society engage in literacy practices that make meaning of race. Second, construing racial literacy strictly as antiracist obscures that making meaning of race can be done through hegemonic ideologies. This accepted conceptualization may stymie useful analyses of hegemonic ideologies that predominate in U.S. society and schools. The author presents a continuum of racial literacies to differentiate between hegemonic and counterhegemonic racial literacies. The continuum’s exposure of hegemonic racial literacies encourages scholars to capture the hidden ideologies in literacy practices that may not exhibit an explicit racial focus but nevertheless perpetuate racism. Furthermore, the author suggests eschewing the labels “racially illiterate” and “racially literate” and instead affirms that people become racially literate through both racist and antiracist literacy practices. Instead of racially illiterate or literate, the author submits consciousness as a more apt term and connects the continuum’s counterhegemonic end to developing critical-racial consciousness, an antiracist lens.
There is a paucity of research on the educational experiences of Filipinx Americans, the second-largest Asian American group in the United States. Studies that do exist often lump Filipinxs with other Asian Americans or present them devoid of critical contexts that shape their experience, namely, colonialism and racialization. Using a desire-based framework and empire as an analytic, we conducted a semi-systematic review of 74 journal articles to better understand how Filipinx Americans are presented in the research. Our analysis suggests that researchers often position Filipinx Americans relative to whiteness or utilize critical educational framings to interrogate the complex ways they are racialized. We offer implications for research focused on Filipinx Americans and minoritized groups. We conclude by discussing the utility of interdisciplinary research as well as the necessity for desirability and empire as a lens for future education research.
More than two decades since the first study to document the shortage of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) teachers, this paper examines recent trends and factors related to AAPI teacher career choice using the American Community Survey 2013-2017. The results show a continued underrepresentation of AAPI teachers relative to AAPI students at the local and national levels, a pattern similar to Black and Hispanic teachers and students. AAPIs born in the United States with reported higher levels of English proficiency are also more likely to become teachers than AAPIs not born in the United States or those with reported lower levels of English proficiency. The study has implications for attracting and supporting AAPIs from immigrant and linguistically diverse backgrounds into K-12 teaching.
This article examines social justice in teaching and teacher education with a focus on the experiences, pedagogies, and instructional practices of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) teachers. We synthesized 37 peer-reviewed research publications on AAPI teachers’ experiences and contributions to diversity and social justice. The results show AAPI teachers disrupting Whiteness through beliefs, pedagogies, and practices that value multiple perspectives and marginalized voices. Policy implications include supporting cultural and linguistic diversity in teacher education programs and schools and providing opportunities for teachers to engage in critical praxis regarding their racial identities and issues of equity in education.
The ratio of Asian American teachers to Asian American students is the most disproportionate of all racial groups, where Asian American students are least likely to have an Asian American teacher. In addition, little research focuses on the experiences of Asian American teachers, particularly in connection with issues of racism. Using AsianCrit, internalized racism, and stereotype management, this study investigates how Asian American male mathematics teachers conceptualize their racial/ethnic and mathematics teacher identities given the prevalence of the Model Minority Myth. Using photovoice interviews, findings indicate that participants experienced internalized racism and engaged in stereotype management by distancing themselves from other Asian Americans, discussing their own difficulties in mathematics, and actively reaching out to form relationships with Black and Latinx students. We recommend supports for Asian American teachers and all teachers of color to build critical consciousness to reduce internalized racism and empower themselves and their students.
At once a political and cultural intervention, Ethnic Studies as a field sought to create an education whereby students’ knowledges and experiences were valued. While research demonstrating how Ethnic Studies affects students’ academic and social-emotional outcomes, the prowess of Ethnic Studies, as a site for teacher preparation remains under examined in empirical research. Drawing from portraiture, critical race and Ethnic Studies frameworks, I analyze in-depth interviews, focus groups, and artifacts with Filipino American self-identified male teachers. I work to make explicit how Ethnic Studies prepared these teachers in ways their formal teacher education did not. I conclude with recommendations for how teacher education steeped in Ethnic Studies supports culturally sustaining, critically conscious, and community responsive learning for students and teachers committed to justice.
Asian Americans graduate from college at higher rates than other groups, and evince educational outcomes that match or exceed those of their parents. They comprise about 25 per cent of the student body in Ivy League institutions, despite making up only 6 per cent of the U.S. population. While it may be tempting to reduce Asian American academic achievement to Asian culture, and Confucian values more specifically, we provide disconfirming evidence, both within the United States and beyond, to show the fallacy of this logic. Contemporary U.S. Asian immigrants are “hyper-selected”: they are more likely to have graduated from college than their non-migrant counterparts, and also more likely to be college-educated than the U.S. mean. Hyper-selectivity and its spillover effects explain the exceptional educational outcomes of Asian Americans. It is time that we laid to rest the reigning misperception that Asian American academic achievement can be reduced to Asian culture or Confucian values.
In 2018, Stephon “Zoe” Clark and Darell Richards were killed by the Sacramento Police Department as an act of state-sanctioned violence at the intersection of a historically Black and Southeast Asian community. This article examines how a new iteration of Afro-Asian solidarity led by Asian American activists, artists, and organizers is emerging in South Sacramento as a direct response to urban repression and state-sanctioned violence in the era of #blacklivesmatter.
Despite the powerful influence of race and racism on the experiences and outcomes of Asian Americans in US education, coherent conceptual frameworks specifically focused on delineating how White supremacy shapes the lives of this population are difficult to find. The AsianCrit framework, grounded in Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the experiences and voices of Asian Americans, can begin filling this gap. In this article, we review an AsianCrit framework and examine Asian American issues in education through seven AsianCrit tenets to demonstrate their utility in the analysis of and advocacy for Asian Americans in U.S. education. We end by discussing implications of how AsianCrit can provide a framework to guide future research, policy and practice, as well as a foundation for discourse around the racialized experiences of Asians Americans and other racially marginalized groups in education. © 2018
Asian Americans are the fastest-growing group in the United States, increasing from 0.7 percent in 1970 to nearly 6 percent in 2016. The U.S. Census Bureau projects that by 2065, Asian Americans will constitute 14 percent of the U.S. population. Immigration is fueling this growth: China and India have passed Mexico as the top countries sending immigrants to the United States since 2013. Today, two of three Asian Americans are foreign born—a figure that increases to nearly four of five among Asian American adults. The rise in numbers is accompanied by a rise in diversity: Asian Americans are the most diverse U.S. racial group, comprising twenty-four detailed origins with vastly different migration histories and socioeconomic profiles. In this article, we explain how the unique characteristics of Asian Americans affect their patterns of ethnic and racial self-identification, which, in turn, present challenges for accurately counting this population. We conclude by discussing policy ramifications of our findings, and explain why data disaggregation is a civil rights issue.
This paper examines historical and contemporary racializations of Asian(Americans) within the STEM system. The prevailing perception of Asian(Americans) as model minorities masks how their multiple and contradictory positionings in the STEM system perpetuate the neoliberal racial project and reproduce systems of racism and oppression. Through a multidisciplinary analysis of STEM education and industry, we demonstrate that the shifting racialization of Asian(Americans) secures advantages for White Americans by promoting meritocracy and producerism and justifies White supremacy. By serving these functions, the racialization of Asian(Americans) within the STEM system is central to the neoliberal racial project. This paper also suggests how STEM education researchers can reveal and resist, rather than veil and support, the neoliberal racial project in STEM.
This study explores two Korean American social studies teachers’ perceptions and experiences of the teaching profession in multicultural, urban public high schools. Drawing upon critical race theory (CRT) and its interconnection to the model minority myth, the most dominant form of racism against Asians as theoretical underpinnings, this study focuses on: (1) Korean American teachers’ unique experiences of being racial minority educators teaching a contentious subject like social studies within culturally and linguistically diverse school settings; and (2) the influences of the model minority racial stereotype on the teachers’ career choice, professional experiences, and associated coping strategies. This study aims to shed light on the heterogeneous stories and ethnoracially contextualized teaching experiences of Asian American teachers and to provide meaningful insights into and practical implications for the preparation and retention of teachers of color.
Although it is one of the least-known social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, the Asian American movement drew upon some of the most powerful currents of the era, and had a wide-ranging impact on the political landscape of Asian America, and more generally, the United States. Using the racial discourse of the black power and other movements, as well as antiwar activist and the global decolonization movements, the Asian American movement succeeded in creating a multi-ethnic alliance of Asians in the United States and gave them a voice in their own destinies.
This study investigated how ten Asian American female classroom teachers experienced racial microaggressions (Ong et al. in J Couns Psychol 60(2):188–199, 2013; Sue et al. in Cult Divers Ethn Minor Psychol 13(1):72–81, 2007; Sue in Microaggressions in everyday life: race, gender, and sexual orientation. Wiley, Hoboken, 2010) from their initial-licensure preparation to professional careers as classroom teachers. The findings will focus on three major themes that exemplified how their experiences with racial microaggressions also intersected with gendered dynamics based on their identities as Asian American women: (a) making sense of institutional “cultures of Whiteness” (Lee in Up against whiteness: race, school and immigrant youth. Teachers College Press, New York, 2005, pp. 30–31), (b) encounters with racialized sexualization, (Lee and Vaught in J Negro Educ 72:457–466, 2003) and (c) specific examples where they were racialized as foreigners (Tuan in Forever foreigners or honorary whites? The Asian ethnic experience today. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, 1998) that also included incidents where Asian cultures were pathologized. Recommendations address implications for teacher-preparation programs and K-12 schools.
Though courts recognize that accent discrimination can function as the equivalent of prohibited national origin discrimination, in practice, plaintiffs in accent discrimination cases almost never win. In this Article, Mari Matsuda explores recent Title VII litigation and the literature of sociolinguists to demonstrate that accent discrimination often hides other prejudices, since status assumptions rooted in racial, ethnic, and class subordination affect our evaluations of speech. Given this sociolinguistic reality, the author calls for an application of Title VII law that examines critically employer claims that accent impedes job performance. The author recommends that courts separately consider four issues in evaluating claims of accent discrimination: the level of communication required for the jobn; the fairness of the employer's evaluation of the candidate's speech; the candidate's intelligibility to the pool of relevant, nonprejudiced listeners; and reasonable accommodations, given the job and any limitations in intelligibility. The author argues that accepting this doctrinal reconstruction will promote linguistic tolerance, and that both liberalism and emerging progressive theories of law favor such tolerance. Accent tolerance promotes such liberal values as full participation in the democratic process and protection of individual identity. Finally, the author argues from the perspective of progressive, critical theories that accent discrimination plays an important part in the culture of domination, enforcing uniformity of accent in order to maintain boundaries. Linguistic tolerance promotes the dual critical goals of antisubordination and radical pluralism.
Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
Within racial inequitable educational conditions, students of color in US schools are susceptible to internalizing racism. If these students go on to be teachers, the consequences can be particularly detrimental if internalized racism influences their teaching. Framed in Critical Race Theory, this article investigates the process pre-service teachers of color took in unpacking their internalized racism as they strive for racially just classrooms. In-depth interviews and focus groups were conducted with black (four) Latina (four) and Asian American (four) women enrolled in a social justice-oriented urban teacher education program in California. Data revealed that participants in this study: (1) had experienced racism and internalized racism in their K-12 education; (2) had done self-work prior to enrolling in their teacher education program to begin the process of unpacking internalized racism; and (3) felt that critical dialogues about internalized racism within teacher preparation was essential to develop pedagogy that challenges racial inequality. This study adds to the field by taking a cross-racial approach to understanding the struggles of teachers of color with internalized racism in their own lives. It additionally outlines an important process many teachers of color go through to develop racially just classrooms.
The disparity between proportions of Asian American teachers and Asian American students in U.S. elementary and secondary schools has increased, Asian student enrollment having doubled every decade since 1970. As a case example in the composition of the U.S. teaching force, this study focuses on the differing patterns and causes of shortages of minority teachers across varying groups; understanding these differences may contribute to more effective but varied educational policies for recruiting and retaining Asian American and other minority teachers. Using social-demographic data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census and information from the U.S. Department of Education and existing research literature, this study compared the decennial census data of 1990 with 1970 and 1980 data to analyze shortages by U.S. geographic location, Asian nationality, gender, grade level, and immigration status. Causes of shortages are linked to traditional patterns of recruitment in proposing policy recommendations for increasing the number of Asian Americans in teaching.
In the face of noticeably low interest in K-12 teaching among young Asian American students, interviews first, were conducted with undergraduate Asian American students in teacher education programs and then those same students conducted interviews themselves with a variety of Asian Americans in several California communities. Findings suggest the pivotal influence of the traditional Chinese role of teachers in undermining the confidence and interest needed for the choice of a K-12 teaching career by Asian Americans. The main sources of resistance to teaching as a career were identified as: intense pressure from parents to strive for positions perceived as having higher status, greater financial rewards, and stability; a sense of personal inadequacy due to standards set by Chinese culture for what it means to be a teacher; and fear of working outside a comfort zone defined by language, diversity, respect, responsibility for other people's children, and separation of private from public selves. The majority of informants saw race-matched teaching as not valuable or necessary. Differences in American and Chinese traditions of K-12 education are discussed.
The introduction frames the state of the educational research on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) within two contexts—historical and conceptual—in order to develop intellectual and political paradigms that address their specific needs and interests. The historical section illustrates how the varying political status of AAPIs as immigrants, citizens, aliens, colonized nationals, refugees, and racial minority has shaped educational policies and programs. The conceptual section categorizes the multiple ways of researching and teaching race into pan‐ethnic, intersectional, comparative, and transnational frameworks. Situating and analyzing the work of the contributors in the special issue within historical and conceptual contexts demonstrates what the author considers as part and parcel of the overall project of ‘disorienting’. Disorienting is a dynamic and continuous process of negating, interrupting, and contesting dominant and normalized knowledge in order to transform the discourses and structures which impact marginalized individuals and groups.
Similar to other Asian American students, Southeast Asian American students are often stereotyped by the popular press as hardworking and high-achieving model minorities. On the other hand, Southeast Asian American youth are also depicted as low-achieving high school dropouts involved in gangs. The realities of academic performance and persistence among Southeast Asian American students are far more complex than either image suggests. This article explores the various explanations for the struggles, successes, and educational experiences of Southeast Asian students. To highlight differences across ethnic groups, we review the literature on each Southeast Asian ethnic group separately and examine the successes and continuing struggles facing first- and second-generation Vietnamese American, Cambodian American, Hmong American, and Lao American students in the United States.
In this article I argue that the bi-racial order (white vs non-white) typical of the United States is undergoing a profound transformation. Because of drastic changes in the demography of the nation as well as changes in the racial structure of the world-system, the United States is developing a complex, Latin America-like racial order. Specifically, I suggest that the new order will have two central features: three loosely organized racial strata (white, honorary white, and the collective black) and a pigmentocratic logic. I examine some objective, subjective, and social interaction indicators to assess if the Latin Americanization thesis holds some water. Although more refined data are needed to conclusively make my case, the available indicators support my thesis. I conclude this article by outlining some of the potential implications of Latin Americanization for the future of race relations in the United States.
Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic are completing a Tenth Anniversary Edition of Critical Race Theory: An Introduction for NYU Press. This best-selling primer explains the movement's organizational history, major themes, central figures, and likely future. The new edition contains material on developments that have taken place over the past decade, including the rapid growth in the Latino population, nativism against that group, the election of the nation's first black president, and the advent of right-wing populism in the form of the Tea Party Movement. The volume will be available in paperback in early 2011.
Obra sobre las características y métodos de la investigación cualitativa, desde la planeación del proyecto hasta la interpretación del material. Incluye un panorama sobre los desarrollos recientes en la materia.
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Panethnicity and Ethnic Heterogeneity: The Politics of Lumping and Disaggregating Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in Educational Policy
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The “Asian Exception” and the Scramble for Legibility: Toward an Abolitionist Approach to Anti-Asian Violence
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Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans. Revised and Updated ed
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Forever Foreigners or Honorary Whites? The Asian Ethnic Experience Today
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The Making of Asian America: A History
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Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation
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