Designing a feminist city: Public libraries as a women’s space

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Published 2024 in Geoforum 150: 103971
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Designing a feminist city: Public libraries as a women’s space
By Melike Peterson (Institute of Geography, University of Bremen, Germany,
peterson@uni-bremen.de)
Abstract
Public libraries are crucial everyday spaces for many women. Different spatial
arrangements and design decisions put in place here make it possible to
accommodate and support women’s various activities and needs of libraries as
micro urban spaces. Yet, in many cities, the built environment continues to reflect
outdated gender roles, which makes it important to better understand what women
find impactful design elements of public spaces like libraries. By presenting
findings from women who use three different public libraries in Bremen, Germany,
this paper argues that viewing public libraries through the eyes of some women
shifts attention to women’s needs and requirements of public spaces and their
everyday spatial experiences, thereby contributing to designs of a more feminist
and just city.
Keywords: Public libraries; micro design; women; feminist city; public spaces
Introduction
Public libraries are important urban spaces for women for various reasons. This paper
adds to research on how women live in and use micro spaces in the city by exploring
some of the micro design aspects that women have identified as significant to their
experiences within three public libraries in Bremen, Germany. Doing so, my aim is to
highlight that the design of public spaces transcends women’s equal access to public
spaces, shedding light on what these spaces may enable women to do: by un/consciously
designing public libraries to be spaces ‘for all’, libraries gain symbolic and political value
for many women, shaping their ability to appropriate urban spaces, to belong and to
participate in urban everyday life. The focus of this paper on women’s experiences of
public libraries is purposeful as libraries have long been constructed as “spaces of male
occupation, once judged to be dangerous places for women” (Spencer-Bennett 2022:
844). Spencer-Bennett (2022: 845) also observes that, since the majority of library users

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and librarians are women, library “cuts, closures and questions around their relevance are
gendered matters”. Emerging geographic research further suggests that public libraries
play a crucial role in women’s everyday lives (e.g. Audunson et al. 2011; Norcup 2017;
Robinson 2020; Wessendorf 2022), and represent important platforms of women’s
participation in urban life and the shaping of their public identities (Sicherman 2010).
The city is a gendered place. Better understanding the differences in how women
experience, perceive and move around the city continues to interest many urban
geographers, with research ranging from earlier explorations into the gendered
geographies of fear and danger (Pain 1997; Valentine 1989, 1990; Mehta and Bondi 1999)
to more recent inquiries into the feminist city (e.g. Kern 2020). Central in much of this
work is an acknowledgment of how women’s learnt interpretations of the city mean that
they experience and use cities differently: they often keep to themselves, create distance
to others or attempt to establish and maintain a sense of safety when in public spaces.
These coping strategies illustrate the “tangled up sense of excitement and danger, freedom
and fear, opportunity and threat” (ibid: 11) that marks urban life for many women.
Obviously, not all women are the same and women do not experience the city
homogeneously. Theories of intersectionality (Hill Collins and Bilge 2016) highlight the
importance of considering how other identities, including women’s ethnic, cultural,
socio-economic and migratory backgrounds and histories, interlock and shape urban
experiences differently for different women. Similarly, it is important to not essentialise
the category of ‘woman’ or to view it as a commonality between those who identify with
the term. In this paper, I use ‘woman’ since the people I spoke with used this word to
describe themselves, hoping to talk about women and their experiences as related to
‘something real’ (Gunnarsson 2011: 24). Without exploring these issues in more depth,
here, they remind us to hold on to the differences inherent in the identity of ‘woman’
when taking a gendered view of city life.
Likewise, a gendered view of the city is not about “translating into fear of all kinds of
encounters across difference” (Kern 2020: 169), but exploring how barriers may be
broken down that many “women keep around themselves when out in the city” (ibid:
169). It is an attempt to imagine a city where spaces of sociality and contact are relaxed
and untroubled, and where different bodies are in-place and can belong. The feminist city,
then, is an ‘aspirational project’ (ibid: 176), identifying those places and spaces where
aspects of a more feminist and just city are already put in place.

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This points us to the significance of the city as a built environment and the role of
architecture and spatial design in creating inclusive and comfortable social spaces. Since
the city is human-made, feminist geographers caution that gendered stereotypes, norms
and roles are also built into its forms and structures and inform the design of shared social
spaces. While changing, much of the existing city reflects traditional and outdated gender
roles (Darke 1996). Yet, architecture and design can also be a facilitator of the social,
creating opportunities to transform the relationship between people and their
environment. Connecting to Lefebvre’s (1968) right to the city, I suggest that public
libraries are specific micro urban spaces where women can enact their gendered right to
the city (after Fenster 2005) as design choices and arrangements are put in place here that
make room for specifically female needs and requirements of public spaces.
The paper begins by connecting literatures on the feminist city, micro design and public
libraries. After detailing the context and methods of this research, I discuss what some of
the women in this study found significant design aspects of the studied public libraries,
and some socio-cultural consequences of these design decisions for women’s perception
and use of libraries.
A feminist city, micro design and public libraries
The design of open, free and loosely-defined spaces is particularly critical for women to
feel that they belong in the city and can make urban spaces their own. I want to suggest
that public libraries often are a prime example of such spaces. Geographic research on
the importance of public libraries is growing (Audunson et al. 2019; Varheim et al. 2019;
Schloffel-Armstrong et al. 2021). Current research also sheds light on public libraries in
the lives of women, highlighting them as places of rhythm and public time (Spencer-
Bennett 2022), everyday multicultural settings (Peterson 2019; Robinson 2020), public
landscapes of female enrichment (Norcup 2017) and their relevance for immigrant
women (Audunson et al. 2011). Similarly, research is emerging on public libraries as key
sites of social infrastructure for women and other vulnerable groups (van Melik and
Merry 2021; Wessendorf 2022). The latter entails thinking about “the social functions of
places like libraries as an inevitable outcome of the construction of physical
infrastructure” (Schloffel-Armstrong 2023: 2), which is connected to wider processes of
“restructuring and reorganising of public spaces, social service provision and spaces of
community and care” (Schloffel-Armstrong et al. 2021: 2). Yet, Schloffel-Armstrong

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(2023: 4) also cautions that a focus on “structures and forms” should not lose sight of the
gendered labour of reproducing libraries as spaces of sociality and care (cf. Hall 2020).
In this paper, I want to add to these discussions by exploring some of the design elements
in public libraries, thereby un/consciously accommodating and making room for the
needs and practices of many women. Thinking through the ways in which women
perceive, use and make public libraries their own, then, becomes about responding to
calls by feminist urban scholars to imagine ‘other cities’ and to “do cities differently”
(Kern 2020: 21), and to attend to urban spaces that value feminine or feminist ordinary
practices, activities and leisure (Robinson 2020). This also connects to feminist work
which seeks to understand where women can claim their right to the city (Beebeejaun
2017) as in the right to ordinary and everyday public spaces for women to use, spend time
and gather within wider stressed urban environments.
The city encompasses more than physical and material elements, as it “resides in the
imagination as well” (Kern 2020: 11). This ‘imagined city’ matters because “imaginaries
draw on what is already known” (Sandberg and Rönnblom 2016: 1753), with the
consequence that social relations reflecting outdated gender roles continue to be built and
cemented into the urban landscape. This means that much of the contemporary city is
built for men – as well as able-bodied, heterosexual and white bodies (Hudson and
Rönnblom 2008). Approaching spaces and places as something inherently gendered
means to take seriously space as something flexible, always changing and woven through
with power relations (Massey 1994), where gender relations emerge within specific
places and spaces, and these places and spaces constituting gender in turn. Thinking of
space this way shifts attention to, in the words of Kern (2020: 5), how
women still experience the city through a set of barriers – physical, social,
economic and symbolic – that shape their daily lives in ways that are deeply
(although not only) gendered. Many of these barriers are invisible to men, because
their own set of experiences means they rarely encounter them.
These ‘sets of barriers’ mean that women’s experiences of public spaces are distinctive.
Feminist literature on city living and gender stress that women’s perceptions of fear and
safety in public spaces are an important theme in this context, since specific spatial
features can make especially women feel more afraid and unsafe in public spaces (Pain

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1997, 2001). These characteristics include potential hiding places, limited vistas, low
potentials for escape and inadequate lighting, as well as social factors such as feeling
welcome and accepted in a public setting and assured that female visitors will not stand
out uncomfortably (Valentine 1990). Some of these aspects cannot be dealt with by
‘better’ design but “require a fundamental rethinking of women's roles and place in the
city” (Day 2011: 156). Day (2011) further cautions that there is a danger in overstating
women’s constraints in public spaces, since many women enjoy public spaces and travel
through them freely under many circumstances. She also argues that no single setting will
meet the needs of all groups at all times that rely and use these spaces. However, if public
spaces acknowledge women’s perceptions of safety and comfort, they can be designed in
such a way that they feel more open, diverse and accessible to many women. Another
important design aspect is the integration of home, work and family life, entailing the
insertion of what is framed by wider society as private and intimate into the public realm
(Stav 2019). In the context of this research, amongst other things, this paper will show
that micro design decisions un/consciously put in place in public libraries make women
feel that their gendered perceptions of fear and danger as well as the importance of
integrating the intimate/private into public spaces are taken seriously.
Overall, this speaks to feminist perspectives on the planning and designing of public
spaces (Mehta 2014), foregrounding the importance of enacting more thoughtful and
caring planning practices that aim at creating inclusive, welcoming and safer spaces for
women and other vulnerable groups in society. Doing so moves us towards realising a
more social and just city in the sense of supporting women and others to claim and
exercise their rights to the gendered city (Fenster 2005). Underlying these arguments is
the perception of the built environment and its design as a stabilising, visible and tangible
spatial form of society (Helbrecht and Dirksmeier 2012), that not only mirrors and
expresses social relations, and their constituting power relations, but also socially
performs them: as a medium, the built environment plays an important role in the
(re)working of existing social relations and the unsettling of social hierarchies and
divisions. However, the integration of gendered perspectives into how public spaces are
planned and designed remains limited (Beebeejaun 2017), with the ‘tyranny of gender’
(Doan 2010) continuing to impact how cities and public spaces are commonly perceived,
thereby reproducing essentialising gender binaries of how women and men use and
participate in public spaces. So, if the potential of everyday life is to be taken seriously

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(Shields 1999), it is important to turn to gendered experiences of everyday life and the
places in which it unfolds, to develop “a richer insight into urban rights” (Beebeejaun
2017: 327). The call, then, is to turn to the often-overlooked public spaces that exist as
sites of everyday life, to shed light on the embodied and gendered practices constituting
them. In this paper, I connect these debates to how some women experience and view
public libraries, by discussing what these women find impactful micro design elements
of these everyday spaces. This adds to understanding “the space of the library and the
multiple publics it serves” (Freeman and Blomley 2019: 119), which includes the design
of library spaces.
The study
This paper is part of a larger research project which explores public libraries as crucial
spaces of social interaction and dis/connection in urban environments, contributing to
debates around space, encounter and the ‘urban political’ (Dikeç 2012). The research
takes place in the city of Bremen, Germany, with three public libraries participating in
the study. The three libraries were selected based on their locations in ethnically,
culturally and economically diverse areas of the city, including the central library as well
as two branch libraries located in the neighbourhoods of Neue Vahr and Gröpelingen.
These areas are characterised by a younger population, lower income, unemployment and
a higher ethnic and cultural diversity than the city’s average. In terms of design, the
Gröpelingen library stands out for its oval shape and glass-façade, which, together with
skylights for a roof, allow for natural light to filter in. The library is located on a central
square in the neighbourhood, just opposite a shopping street and surrounded by residential
areas. Its interior space is open, with a few separate areas being integrated, including
offices for health and financial counselling, toilets and a library staff room. A wide, dark
wood-clad staircase connects the two levels of the library, with a balcony wrapped around
the upper level creating a sense of connection. Seating arrangements include a large table
for reading newspapers on the ground floor and single and group tables for study and
work on the second floor. Comfortable sofas and armchairs are placed throughout the
library and bookshelves add structure to the open floorplan.
The Neue Vahr library is located on the second floor of a shopping centre situated on the
main square of the neighbourhood. This central location provides easy access for visitors
via bus and tram lines that run along a major street directly in front of the building. The

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library is seamlessly integrated into the shopping mall’s interior, with a glass façade
connecting it to the inside and outside, providing views of the square below. The library’s
design features exposed concrete walls and pillars, which give it a modern feel. Its open
floorplan, similar to Gröpelingen library, creates a sense of spaciousness in this smaller
library. Upon entering the library, visitors are greeted by a newspaper and reading area
furnished with smaller tables and cushioned footstools. Beyond this area lies the main
library space, where people can browse through the different collections of books and
other materials.
The central library is housed in a neo-renaissance style building in the city centre. It has
four floors, with the first floor boasting a glass façade and sliding doors that open up to
the library’s foyer, including a reception desk, return stations, elevators, lockers and a
socialising area at the back with a chessboard. The library’s collections are located on the
second and third floors, while the fourth floor is dedicated to children. The different
sections of the library are connected via curved corridors, separated by bookshelves lining
the walls. These bookshelves also spatially organise the collections. Throughout the
library, visitors can find nooks and niches furnished with armchairs, sofas and single
tables, providing spaces for reading and studying. The second floor features a computer
area and a large reading lounge with plush sofas, armchairs and a table for reading
newspapers. This lounge overlooks the socialising area on the first floor below through
large windows. The library’s design incorporates different materials, including dark
wood, concrete pillars left bare and soft furnishings in hues of grey, blue and orange.
Between September 2019 and October 2021, I conducted fieldwork for my project to gain
a deeper understanding of the micro geographies of public library life and the
multifaceted activities and interactions of library visitors in the three libraries. Employing
qualitative research methods was key to understand the complex social fabric within these
libraries, exploring social dynamics, visitor experiences and emergent situations.
Qualitative interviews, ethnographic observations and participation in library groups,
including a language café and a shared reading group, allowed me to capture the diverse
narratives, emotional dimensions and personal interactions that define these libraries as
vibrant spaces of encounter.
Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, I had to temporarily pause fieldwork from March until
May 2020, after which I was able to resume my visits to the libraries and continued my
research. Although the pandemic was not the focus of my research, many interviewees,

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including women, discussed how it transformed their daily engagement with public
spaces and the city. While the gendered dimension of public library closures and
restrictions is beyond this paper, existing research examines the pandemic’s impacts on
various social groups (e.g. van Melik et al. 2021), emphasising the exacerbation of
existing gendered, classed and racialised aspects of public space (de Backer et al. 2019).
In total, I conducted 23 individual in-depth interviews with library visitors. Interviews
lasted between one to one and a half hours of which two thirds were interviews with
women. The focus of this paper is on women’s perceptions of noteworthy design features
of these libraries and how they affect women’s use of these spaces. While the research
did not solely focus on women, it became apparent that many women expressed particular
observations regarding library design that men did not. The women I interviewed were a
diverse group who shared their use of one or more of the researched libraries. However,
they varied in terms of age, socioeconomic backgrounds, ethnic and cultural heritages,
and migration histories, bringing with them a range of unique perspectives and stories
relating to public libraries.
It is important to mention that many of the women in this study self-identified as ‘white’.
While I believe that the arguments presented in this paper shed light on important aspects
of how public libraries are perceived and experienced by different women, it is crucial to
recognise that other aspects of identity, such as ethnicity and class, also heavily influence
how women interact with and use public spaces. Theories of intersectionality suggest that
these various aspects of identity intersect in complex ways, making it essential to consider
women’s identities as a whole (Hill Collins and Bilge 2016). Public libraries, like many
other public spaces, are therefore not only gendered but also racialised and classed spaces.
This means that women from different ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds may have
different experiences and perceptions of libraries. In some conversations, I drew from
my experiences as a young woman with German and Turkish backgrounds, who relocated
to Bremen in 2019 after living in Scotland and the Netherlands, to discuss some of these
variations in library use. Similarly, doing ethnographic research at and away from home
(Wiederhold 2015) made me more aware of my shifting positionalities and identities
when visiting these libraries. This being said, I do not view the women I have spoken to
for this study to be representative of all the different women using the researched libraries,
nor of all the different women using public libraries worldwide. Yet, they are women
speaking from somewhere, who, by sharing their perceptions and views on public

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libraries, can reveal how micro aspects of library design influence the role public libraries
play in women’s everyday lives.
Viewing public libraries through the eyes of some women
This section discusses some micro aspects of public library design that women in this
study remarked upon, exploring what it is about these design elements that may transform
public libraries into a women’s space. When asked about public libraries as a built
environment and spatial characteristics, many women framed specific design elements as
‘feminine’ or ‘female’. Indeed, they argued that these elements added to them feeling
safer, comfortable and relaxed while visiting and spending time in the researched
libraries. The three public libraries discussed in this paper are, of course, very different
from one another, due to the building they are housed in, their size, user groups and
provided services or the surrounding area and neighbourhood. However, women
highlighted ‘feminine’ design similarities across all libraries. The design elements
touched upon included the libraries’ floor plan and layout, used materials, lighting, the
arrangement of furnishings and specific objects, and the atmospheric qualities of the
library (cf. Peterson 2023a). ‘Feminine’ or ‘female’ design emerged in this research as a
sense of softness and warmth in chosen colours, fabrics and materials such as wood, as
well as openness through width, light and clarity of structures and furnishings. It was also
attached to an elastic feeling of closeness in communal spaces with cosy armchairs and
sofas, and distance found in nooks, niches and alcoves. For some, these design elements
reflected a general ‘female style’ in library design, making especially women feel
comfortable and welcome in public libraries, as exemplified by the perspective of a
middle-aged woman with a German background in the context of the central library:
I think the whole library has a female style. From the colours to the way in which
the shelves are arranged. (…) The library is designed to feel good for women.
That’s why many women like the library. Many of my female friends feel very,
very comfortable here.
However, most women pointed out that the libraries probably did not specifically or only
had female visitors in mind when planning and designing their buildings and spaces.

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Despite this, they emphasised that these ‘female’ design elements can impact especially
women’s visit, their time spend here and willingness to regularly use public libraries:
The design makes me feel safe and comfortable everywhere. When designing the
library, maybe they didn’t think about women so much but they definitely paid
attention to this feeling. (…) Areas are open and visible. (…) There are no narrow
dark corridors. Lights everywhere.
Lots of windows. Probably not designed with women in mind but it does have an
effect on me: from the inside, I can look out [through the glass façade], and from
the outside in. I can see: who else is there? Maybe someone I don’t want to meet?
Where is the staff?
Both statements address different aspects of spatial design that may be important for
women, including lighting, openness, visibility and the presence of others. In the first
statement, a middle-aged woman, with a German background and who is currently a stay-
at-home mother, expresses how the combination of natural and artificial lighting in the
Neue Vahr library eliminates dark areas, making her ‘feel safe and comfortable
everywhere’. Likewise, a middle-aged woman with a German background, who is
currently not employed due to a mental disability, shares her insights on how the selection
and positioning of windows in the Gröpelingen library influence her capacity to establish
lines of sight. Lighting is a recurring theme in literature on shared public spaces, as it can
foster social intimacy and inclusion (Bille and Sorensen 2007) by connecting people,
places and things (Bille 2015). This can be particularly relevant to women, as lighting is
associated with feelings of safety and security in public spaces. However, women’s
perceptions of safety and comfort in public spaces is not solely determined by lighting or
its absence, but heavily influenced by “the social and political relations which structure
both the physical places, and the daily lives, of the individuals involved” (Koskela and
Pain 2000: 269). Lighting practices are thus entangled with “issues of moral principles,
power, identity, sociality” (Bille and Sorensen 2007: 280), particularly for women.
Both women also emphasise the importance of openness in library spaces, allowing them
to see other people and their activities. This openness creates a sense of comfort that both
women find appealing and beneficial for using the library more freely. The gendered

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aspect of visibility, both in terms of seeing others and being seen by others, is discussed
in the following section. Here, the use of glass on exteriors, windows and doors that break
up walls in all of the researched libraries (figure 1) helps to create inviting and inclusive
spaces that are especially comfortable for women to use.
Figure 1: Windows breaking up exterior walls and shelves providing structure to the
layout of the Gröpelingen library.
Further thinking through the gendered dimension of openness, most women emphasised
the design and arrangement of bookshelves as an important female aspect of library
spaces:
There is no place where you could hide between high shelves.
You can look over the top of most shelves, and through them. Also, how shelves
are arranged: wide and nicely spaced.

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The shelves are low. There is always a little room between the rows of shelves. I
haven’t picked up on it consciously, but now that we are talking about it…
Everything’s rounded. It feels organic. The shelves aren’t placed in straight lines
but curved. That feels more natural to how I walk (…) [and] to how I move and
explore spaces.
Discussions about the placement and design of bookshelves were are recurring theme
across all researched libraries, and various women contributed their perspectives: the first
statement stems from a young woman with German and Turkish backgrounds,
underscoring the importance of removing potential hiding spots between ‘high shelves’
in Gröpelingen library, particularly for young women and students like herself. This
resonates with a middle-aged woman and an elderly retiree, both with German
backgrounds, in connection with the central library, who introduce additional elements
such as visibility and freedom of movement in the second and fourth statements. These
observations indicate that many women, regardless of differences such as age, possess
distinctive preferences for the arrangement, height, and depth of bookshelves, as seen in
figure 2. Considering these preferences may allow women to avoid potentially
unwelcome and unexpected encounters. Although it may be a subtle and subconscious
design aspect of public libraries, as mentioned in the third statement by a young woman
with a German background regarding the Neue Vahr library, it contributes to the overall
comfortable atmosphere of libraries (cf. Peterson 2023a). Moreover, many women
emphasise the importance of natural forms, with bookshelves arranged in rounded and
curvy lines. These arrangements arguably create an ‘organic’ feel that enables women to
move more naturally, as described in the fourth statement. While not all women prefer
‘organic’ forms, and men can also appreciate them, central here is that the majority of
women in this study perceived and experienced the arrangement of bookshelves as crucial
for creating functional, aesthetically pleasing and emotionally resonant public library
spaces. This, as suggested by the woman in the fourth statement, can significantly
influence how women move and explore these spaces.

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Figure 2: Two women browsing for books between the curved shelves of the central
library.
Finally, several women stressed the importance of varied seating options in the researched
libraries, arguing that they accommodate women’s diverse activities and preferred forms
of encounter and sociality:
Down in the reading lounge or at the long newspaper table upstairs, it’s like in a
café. Very social. I also really like the armchairs in the lounge because you can
turn them, like, I can turn to face people or turn away from them.
You have different types of arrangements, like a long table for reading newspapers
or groups of tables where you can be together with other people. But there are also
single tables with one chair and armchairs to be by yourself, or sofas for families
to cuddle and get comfortable on. So, yeah, that gives you a lot to pick from, also
depending on how you feel like or how close you want to be to others.
The availability of diverse seating choices, as argued by an elderly woman of German
and Czech backgrounds and recent retiree in the second statement, fosters inclusivity and

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a welcoming environment for all library visitors, with women in this study expressing
particular appreciation for this feature. This partly has to do with some women having
unique comfort needs, including those who are pregnant or care for infants and young
children. Also, some women prefer quiet and secluded spaces for studying or working.
This aspect of library design is further explored in the subsequent section, which discusses
the importance of accommodating women’s need related to childcare and family life. The
second statement also emphasises the importance of being able to choose between public
and private seating based on personal preferences and desired proximity to others.
Similarly, in the first statement, a middle-aged woman with a German background who
regularly comes to the central library during her lunch breaks highlights the use of
armchairs in the library lounge for either facing or turning away from people. These
examples underscore the significance of creating personal space for women in the library,
where diverse seating arrangements offer opportunities for intimacy and privacy within a
public setting, as seen in figure 3, illustrating how women often navigate the
private/intimate in public spaces (Mathews 2018).
Figure 3: An intimate reading moment on a sofa nestled between shelves in the central
library.

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The design elements and arrangements in this section represent a selection of features that
many women in this study found noteworthy and associated with femininity in public
libraries. These elements may reflect what Kern (2020: 103) refers to as the ‘feminization
of urban space’ where spaces that were previously inaccessible or gender-segregated have
embraced softer, more feminine attributes to attract women, aimed at creating a
perception of enhanced safety and comfort for women. The relevance of such third places
(after Oldenburg 1989) is a gendered issue, as informal gathering spaces or ‘quasi-public
home spaces’ (Kern 2020: 103) greatly influence how many women perceive, navigate
and use urban public spaces. I urge to take these micro design elements seriously,
regardless of whether they were consciously implemented with women in mind or not, as
they may reduce some of the barriers through which some women encounter the city (cf.
Beebeejaun 2017). In this research, these barriers were mostly symbolic and emotional in
nature, as women tended to talk about how the micro design of library spaces made them
feel. Yet, these ‘soft’ barriers wield tangible effects on how women perceive and use
public libraries, and the public city by extension. I now turn to some of these socio-
cultural consequences related to ways in which women perceive and use public libraries
as a result of the ‘feminine’ or ‘female’ design aspects outlined in this paper.
Micro design and its effects on women’s perception and use of public libraries
The women in this research held diverse opinions about whether the design of shared
urban spaces, such as public libraries, should consider the gender of their visitors.
However, some women stressed that the micro design aspects discussed can significantly
shape how women perceive and use libraries. These effects include enabling women to
avoid uncomfortable situations, enhance their sense of comfort and willingness to spend
time alone, promote their visibility and recognition as valid users of public libraries, and
provide a sense of withdrawal in the public realm.
Reflecting on the role of library design on their visit and stay, some women highlighted
their ability to avoid uncomfortable situations:
As a woman, you regard some situations reluctantly. It’s a bit like running the
gauntlet. But in the library, I don’t get that feeling at all. Maybe I am a person
who avoids such situations or places unconsciously from the start. But I never get
that feeling here. I doesn’t matter where I am in the library, I can do what I want

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and not be bothered. Nobody comes too close to me or talks to me in an
uncomfortable way. (…) Part of that has to do with how the library is designed.
This elderly woman illustrates how the interior design and layout of the central library
allow her to establish and maintain a sense of personal space, enabling her to relax, open
up and enjoy her time there. Personal space is a gendered issue with direct consequences
for women’s use of urban spaces. Women have different ‘personal space bubbles’ (Day
2011), and due to unfortunately frequent encroachments on their bodily boundaries in
many urban settings, they may encounter situations that feel like ‘running the gauntlet’,
prompting them to unconsciously avoid potential discomfort from the outset. This speaks
to the “enormous amount of mental energy for women to navigate the public and private
places of the city” (Kern 2020: 91). Interestingly, the public library offers a different
spatial experience for this woman. She observes how the library allows her to monitor
her interactions with others, facilitating the negotiation of interpersonal distance and
desired privacy in public (cf. Hall 1966). The built environment plays a crucial role in
creating a ‘breathing space’ (after Sommer 1969) where she can freely pursue her
activities without interruption. This emphasises the importance of recognising women as
bold and assertive users of urban spaces who resist feeling out-of-place or fearful in urban
environments (Day 2011).
Some women stressed how the micro design of libraries enables them to navigate
relationships of proximity and distance, creating space/s to evade others and facilitating
social practices of giving and making space:
The corridors are wide and spacious. (…) If somebody comes down the corridor,
I just move to the side or step closer to the bookshelves. I can also always give
somebody a wide birth or just continue walking if I don’t want to be close to that
person. (…) That is important for me, well, because I feel more comfortable. I like
to have my personal space. I think everybody does. Everybody sometimes feels
that way, that you don’t want to be close to somebody. That makes sharing this
space and being here together easier. (…) Everybody has enough room for
themselves and can give room to others.

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This young woman, with a German background and who regularly visits the Neue Vahr
library during weekday evenings and weekends, contents that considering women’s
perceptions and needs in the interior design of public libraries - including aspects such as
the width and layout of corridors - can facilitate social practices of giving and making
room as well as accommodate personal space. Her statement exemplifies how the
arrangement of shelves enables a woman to adjust her proximity to others by moving to
the side or stepping closer to the bookshelves, giving others ‘a wide birth’ when she
prefers not to be close to them. This ability to establish personal space was crucial for
many women in this study as it promotes a sense of ease and fosters modes of togetherness
and collective living in shared spaces like public libraries. It also supports people adhering
to a ‘relational contract’ (after de Certeau 1984), where library visitors can negotiate their
co-presence and show respect for each other’s personal space. Yet, this statement also
speaks to broader power dynamics related to gender in the studied libraries, where women
seem to consider the ‘risks’ they are willing to take when approaching others and the
strategies they may employ to avoid potential ‘risky’ situations (Green and Singleton
2006), potentially (re)producing problematic dichotomies of public/private as risky/safer
spaces for women (Pain 2001).
In general, though, most women connected their ability to navigate relations of proximity
and distance to others as well as their ability to carve out personal space to the observation
that the researched public libraries, when designing their spaces, un/consciously paid
attention to avoid potential ‘spaces of fear’:
Spaces of fear are spaces where, as a woman, you don’t feel comfortable being
alone. For example, on the street or in a public park at night. (…) In old buildings,
there are always some corners which are not visible from the hall. That doesn’t
feel good. I don’t want to go into such a corner by myself. And you don’t have
those corners in the library. I haven’t noticed any.
This middle-aged woman, with a German background and who predominantly visits the
central library during weekends, highlights ‘spaces of fear’ as a gendered concern.
Extensive literature has explored women’s fear in public spaces and its impact on their
activities (Valentine 1990; Pain 1997; Mehta and Bondi 1999). Much of this research
discusses how hidden or poorly lit areas contribute to women perceiving certain spaces

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as more fearful and dangerous. Indeed, this woman mentions that ‘in old buildings, there
are always some corners which are not visible from the hall’, reflecting the feminist
critique of how outdated gender roles are embedded in our environment, causing her
bodily discomfort. However, she observes the absence of ‘those corners’ in the central
library, strengthening her sense of comfort and safety. Yet, and whether such corners exist
or not, her sense is equally based on preconceived notions about the library’s design and
the behaviour of others. While it is true that design can contribute to creating the
perception of control and increase women’s confidence in using a space (cf. Valentine
1990), it cannot completely eliminate attacks or harassment. The responsibility to uphold
values of inclusivity, hospitality and informal social control lies with both library staff
and everyday users. Still, viewing design as a facilitator for social interactions (Helbrecht
and Dirksmeier 2012), coupled with adopting a gender-sensitive lens of the built
environment, can help in addressing concerns like dark corners. Doing so can reduce felt
barriers that impede women and other marginalised groups from fully participating in
public space and communal life (Kern 2020), enabling these groups to assert their rights
to the city (Beebeejaun 2017).
Expanding on this, women emphasised the significance of visibility in public libraries,
both from themselves and others:
You can always see somebody and be seen by them. (…) I never feel alone
[because] I can always see somebody [which] is important because…well, I can
be by myself and do what I came to do [in the library] and not worry about finding
myself in a dark invisible corner.
This elderly woman, with German and Czech backgrounds and a recent retiree, highlights
the importance of visibility for women in public spaces, discussing her experiences at the
Gröpelingen library. By prioritising visibility, public spaces can add to many women’s
sense of safety and comfort, enabling them to be alone while still feeling connected to
others. As mentioned earlier, this may be seen as a ‘feminisation of urban space’ (Kern
2020), resulting in more welcoming environments for women. Public libraries, in
particular, offer opportunities for women to “engage in the pleasures of public life: being
anonymous in a crowd, people watching, taking up space, being alone with your thoughts
while surrounded by others” (ibid.: 103). However, ensuring visibility is also a way for

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staff to exert control over the library space that can influence people’s behaviour and
“what they think is appropriate, admissible or possible” (Franck and Stevens 2006: 11).
Moreover, some women suggested that the design of the interior spaces of libraries allows
diverse women to spend time here, becoming visible as part of the urban public realm:
…for moms, because they can come inside with their kids and strollers. (…) Many
moms I know from China or other countries are scared that they can’t use public
libraries because their kids might get too loud. But I often tell them ‘Yes, you can.
The library in Germany is different. Kids are allowed to play and be loud here.’
That is a very different experience for us.
This middle-aged woman, with a Chinese background and presently a stay-at-home
mother, highlights the importance of designing the Neue Vahr library to be accessible and
welcoming for women with strollers and young children. The inclusion of specific design
elements, such as kids’ corners with books and toys, child-sized furniture, changing
stations and dedicated floors for children, helps create a comfortable environment for
parents. Considering the needs of children and providing safe and pleasant spaces for
nursing and changing babies, as seen in figure 4, is crucial in carving out public spaces
that accommodate women with children (Franck and Paxson 1989). It is important to note
that motherhood is a complex identity (Boyer 2020), and individuals needs and
experiences can vary significantly. My research also does not identify women as the sole
library-goers with children. Yet, it was mainly women who mentioned this aspect, which
may speak to research that emphasises mothers’ role in fostering learning and reading
habits (Norcup 2017) and the gendered dimensions of certain library activities (McKenzie
et al. 2006). Central here is that by designing libraries to accommodate the care work of
women with children, they support women’s visibility in the public sphere.

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Figure 4: Two mothers breastfeeding on the children’s floor in the central library.
Designing public libraries to prioritise visibility for women is also politically relevant as
it validates their presence as legitimate users of these spaces (cf. Noble 2009). Yet,
visibility is a double-edged sword as it can expose women to the male gaze (Massey
1994), leading to feelings of insecurity and discomfort due to their ‘exaggerated visibility’
(Brown 1998: 218). The feelings this woman talks about – ‘many moms I know (…) are
scared’ – might be indicative of this, as the women in her story become aware of and react
to the subtle power relations determining who can (not) use the library. On the other hand,
invisibility in public spaces can also be desired, as blending in and not being perceived
as ‘different’ or ‘other’ signifies power and entitlement to the city (Kern 2020). In the
statement above, it might be telling that this woman, who identified as Chinese, references
Chinese and other immigrant mothers as individuals who may have to grapple with issues
of in/visibility and desired bodies and behaviours in the library more than others. This
perhaps goes to Kern’s (2020: 114) observation that “the extent to which anyone can
simply ‘be’ in a public space (…) reflects existing structures of discrimination in society”,
and the gaps between groups and their perception and use of public spaces.

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Indeed, some women noted that their willingness and comfort to spend time in public
libraries were influenced by their perceived ethnic and cultural diversity of the library
staff, which they saw as a positive signal, particularly for women who are often perceived
as ‘different’ or ‘other’ in wider (German) society:
A lot of women work here. Obviously, for female visitors, that can add to them
feeling comfortable and cared for. (…) It is important to have different members
of staff to talk to (…) some of whom look like them. For some women that can be
very important! Be that because of their culture or religion. It makes a difference
for different women to feel welcome and comfortable in the library.
For this elderly retiree with a German background, the perception of diverse staff, with a
significant number of women, becomes symbolic of the central library’s effort to reflect
the city’s population and make women who are often seen as ‘other’ feel welcome and
comfortable. Although gender statistics for staff in the selected libraries were unavailable,
data suggests that a substantial proportion of employees in German public libraries are
women (Zimmermann 2022), something which can also be observed elsewhere (Norcup
2017; van Melik and Merry 2021). And while diversity management should be critically
examined (Chan 2020), this perspective highlights how the perception of diverse staff can
enable some women to establish relationships, claim ownership of the library and feel
cared for (cf. Lawson 2007). In this light, the diversification of library staff may be seen
as a social and care-based design element aimed at meeting the needs of some female
users, creating a welcoming and comfortable atmosphere (Peterson 2023a), and fostering
micro connections between people (Peterson 2023b).
Some women also argued that the interior design of public libraries can strengthen their
perception as safer and protective spaces:
You yourself can decide in what ways you want to be together with others here,
in society or as an individual. (…) That matters to women because it provides
them with some form of protection. Remember, I have my contacts with the
refugees. (…) I might meet with a totally unknown man. I won’t know how he
thinks, who he is. And the public library gives me the chance to enter such

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situations in a very relaxed way and with trust directly from the start. I would
never be able to do or feel that way at home!
This elderly retiree shared her experience of volunteering at a language café for non-
native German speakers at the central library, where many recent migrants, refugees and
asylum seekers participate. She also tutors refugees individually, often arranging
meetings with unfamiliar men. She finds the public library to be a favourable meeting
place because it provides her with a sense of protection. The spatial arrangements and
furnishings of the library contribute to a learning environment that, for her, eliminates the
possibility of misinterpretation as an intimate meeting spot, as seen in figure 5. For some
women, this fosters an atmosphere of trust (Peterson 2023a), making the library being
sensed as a protective and safer space, which can create opportunities for personal
encounters with strangers as in unknown others, including those perceived as threatening
in other contexts.
Encounters and their outcomes, however, are always unpredictable. Library staff can also
not monitor all interactions. Many library encounters rely on the assumption of safety and
protection, allowing individuals to approach such situations ‘in a very relaxed way and
with trust’, as this woman puts it. Importantly, the situation also illuminates the gendered
dimension of un/paid labour and care work that is produced in the library. Feminist
literature on social reproduction underscores that women often find themselves
shouldering crucial state responsibilities, with volunteer positions rather than as funded
essential services (e.g. Fredericksen 2015; Hall 2020). The concept of the library as a
women’s space, here, then, also gives rise to challenges for staff in managing the diverse
needs of the public while contending with limited resources, and given that libraries are
predominantly staffed by women, these mounting challenges become part of women’s
work.

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Figure 5: In-between shelves – island of shared learning in the central library.
Finally, many women in this study argued that the design of the researched libraries adds
to their perception of public libraries as important public spaces of withdrawal:
You can go upstairs and hide a bit from what else goes on in the library. (…) Some
women want such secret corners.
There are a lot of small places of withdrawal, between the shelves, in niches and
nooks with a single table and chair. These small places are protected from the rest
of the library by the shelves put up around them. A space within a space, so to
speak. That does make the library feel like a place where I can feel safe and
unconcerned from all kinds of things happening.

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Both statements underscore the importance of incorporating smaller private spaces within
the larger public setting of a library. This theme emerged among various women across
the researched libraries. For instance, a young woman with German and Turkish
backgrounds in the first statement highlighted the concept of ‘secret corners’ in
Gröpelingen library for young women and students like herself. Similarly, a middle-aged
woman with German background, who is unemployed and frequents the central library
extensively, echoed this sentiment. These ‘secret corners’ offer refuge for some women
who desire to retreat from the public environment. Privacy and intimacy found in these
spaces are crucial for some women to feel undisturbed and free from the male gaze (cf.
Massey 1994), enabling them to connect with others on their own terms. While the need
for privacy may vary among women, many women in this study seek out these smaller
private spaces within the library. These ‘spaces within a space’ create a sense of comfort,
contributing to women’s feelings of belonging. It is within these smaller and intimate
spaces that women may also strengthen their sense of safety when navigating diverse
cultural spaces in the city. Recognising the importance of withdrawal spaces can also
encourage women to “engage in dialogue, to debate, disagree, challenge, learn; safe to
express, to emote; safe to develop one’s consciousness, to demonstrate one’s creative
talent, to fulfil one’s potential” (Lewis et al. 2015: 108), helping them thrive in public
settings. However, it is crucial to avoid conflating withdrawal with safety entirely.
Libraries, as accessible spaces, also “invite the issues, pain, hopes, joys, fears, addictions,
desires, laughter, and tears of our fellow humans” (Derr 2018: 5), creating ambiguous
moments of encounter. It is important to acknowledge the dynamic and unpredictable
nature of library life, where women seeking a sense of belonging is only part of the
broader range of experiences and purposes that people look for in public libraries.
Conclusions
This paper aimed to explore women’s experiences and perceptions of public libraries and
their responses to the micro design of these often-overlooked spaces in their everyday
lives. The women in this study framed several specific design elements as significant and
impactful to their library experiences. These elements, considered ‘female’ or ‘feminine’
by participants, included the open floor plan, used materials like glass and wood, the
arrangement of furnishings, lighting fixtures, and the overall comfortable atmosphere
(Peterson 2023a). While it was acknowledged that libraries were not necessarily designed

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exclusively for women, these design decisions had important implications for women’s
perception and use of these spaces. These effects included women’s ability to avoid
uncomfortable situations, a heightened sense of comfort and willingness to spend time
alone, visibility and recognition as legitimate library users, and the availability of private
spaces for withdrawal within a public setting.
These findings contribute to feminist perspectives on urban planning and the design of
public spaces, shedding light on the varied experiences of collective public spaces in the
city, particularly in relation to women’s everyday lives. I want to suggest that by viewing
public libraries through the eyes of women, we gain a deeper understanding of the
importance of seemingly insignificant micro design features and arrangements. This
knowledge can inform ways to reduce some of the barriers to public spaces and urban life
that women encounter (Kern 2020). In this research, women mostly talked about symbolic
and felt barriers, talking about how the design of library spaces made them feel and
experience these spaces, yet, these ‘soft’ barriers often had tangible effects on how many
women use public libraries, and the city by extension. With this in mind, this paper also
speaks to the role of micro design in creating inclusive public spaces that allow women
to exercise their rights to the city (Beebeejaun 2017), turning to the often-neglected
gendered dimensions of urban everyday rights (Vacchelli and Kofkan 2018). Scholars
like Beebeejaun (2017) argue that planning plays a critical role in facilitating women’s
access to the city by focusing on overlooked quotidian spaces and considering how their
design impacts women’s use of these spaces. This approach also foregrounds debates on
what a non-sexist city might look like (cf. Hayden 1980).
While micro design can facilitate ‘the social’ (Helbrecht and Dirksmeier 2012) and shape
social interactions and behaviours in public spaces like libraries, it cannot completely
eliminate women’s discomfort and unease, as their sense of comfort and safety also
depends on social interactions and the presence of others. Therefore, a critical analysis of
how shared public spaces like libraries are built and designed, examining them from the
perspectives of different women as well as other marginalised and/or vulnerable
individuals and groups needs to go hand in hand with exploring how spaces emerge as
embodied, felt and lived settings. Considering gendered views of the built environment,
then, is about understanding and changing spaces of collective life for the better, enacting
a more thoughtful and caring planning practice that aims at creating inclusive, welcoming
and safer spaces for all. Public libraries are often a prime example of this approach. While

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always having stressed their significance in the lives of diverse people, public libraries
are becoming more aware of their changing role in society. For many, this includes re-
thinking the design of their spaces, which, as this paper has attempted to show,
importantly gives and makes room for many of the needs and requirements of women in
urban public spaces.
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