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Muslim Family Under Portuguese Rule: Sharīʿa and Matrilineal Custom in Colonial Coastal Northern Mozambique (ca. 1900–1974)
Abstract
Through analysis of the historical, ethnographic, and legal records, this chapter aims at understanding Portuguese colonial approaches and policies with respect to Islamic legal norms and the regulation of the Muslim family. First, the Portuguese colonial attitudes to sharı̄ʿa, fiqh, and Islamic law as well as customary norms are examined and compared to British, French, and Dutch approaches. Second, the chapter explores how family life was regulated by the coastal northern Mozambican Muslims, as described in the Portuguese colonial sources.
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As elsewhere in Africa, the use of Arabic script or literacy in Ajami writing emerged in coastal northern Mozambique through contact with Islam. Judging by the number of documents uncovered at the Mozambique Historical Archives during a 2009 pilot study and Portuguese eyewitness accounts of the period, the outcome of this contact was a relatively widespread African literacy at the end of the nineteenth century. Contrary to Jack Goody’s assumption, the spread of Islam here did not result in a literacy restricted to the religious field alone or by the alleged African tendency to regard books as magical and secret; and literacy was certainly not controlled only by specialists. Rather it was extensively applied to secular affairs, such as commercial transactions, testaments, dynastic and local histories, poetry and other literary genres, and for communication. Of particular interest is the correspondence both with the outsiders, such as the Portuguese, and locally between Africans themselves. Moreover, literacy was accessed not only by Muslim religious elites and the male coastal political establishment but also by women and non-Muslims of the mainland. This article examines how the use of Arabic script came into play historically in this region and how it evolved into African literacy before the establishment of modern colonial rule at the beginning of the twentieth century.
When the Portuguese Civil Code of 1867 was
enforced in colonial territories, the right to be
judged according to their »customs and law« (usos
e costumes) was recognized for a large set of indigenous
groups. Both decisions – the application of
the Civil Code and the recognition of indigenous
customs – reflected an existing tension between
principles of unity and diversity in what concerned
Portuguese legal order Overseas. In this article, I
examine the role played by this tension in the
judicial theories of Portuguese law teachers, colonial
legislators, governors, judges and officers. By
looking at their lessons, reports and memoires, as
well as at the laws enacted, I identify their changing
thoughts about the role of legal pluralism and
its practices in the civilizational improvement of
indigenous individuals and societies. In the closing
pages of my contribution, I pay special attention to
the changes that occurred in the late 19th and early
20th centuries, when an indigenous system (indigenato)
was first conceptualized and then enforced in
Portuguese African colonies.
As representacoes da historia medeiam as relacoes sociais e os processos identitarios, sendo instrumentais na criacao e gestao identitaria, ao determinar, de forma fundamental, que projectos e perspectivas sao vistos como legitimos e validados atraves de actos de memoria. As lutas pelas memorias no reconstituir de sentidos e de novos espacos geopoliticos continuam marcadas pelos impactos da fractura abissal colonial moderna. Numa leitura que privilegia Mocambique como espaco de referencia, este artigo, que se conjuga na interseccao entre a antropologia e a historia, procura questionar continuidades coloniais no presente, revisitando, ao espelho, os complexos debates que formatam a intervencao colonial portuguesa a partir da Republica.
This article looks at the contesting articulations of gender, family, and religion in colonial South India. The article discusses the encounter between matrilineal customs and the Anglo-Muhammadan law in the site of Mappila Muslim matrilineal practices in colonial Malabar, of the Madras Presidency during c. 1910-1928. Young male members of the joint family used the language that matriliny is un-Islamic, and passed laws in the Legislative Assembly to demand that joint family property requires to be inherited in the patrilineal line. Three legislations were passed during the period of 1910-1940 to bring Muslim families in accordance with the ideal notions of familial organization existed in that period. The ideal notions were set up by the precepts of the Anglo-Muhammadan law, the orientalist knowledge of Islam, ideologies of colonial modernity, and dreams of caste and religious reform movements among the people of Malabar, and other neighboring states, Cochin and Travancore. In response to that, there was a re-articulation of customs and familial practices by using legal provisions available in the Islamic law, and an effort for justifying the practices to avoid the ruin of matriliny. Subsequently, the matrilineal Mappilas of Malabar retained matrilineal customs rather intact, though the gender relations and religious practices were re-articulated in the idioms of patriarchy and textuality.
This article is a historical overview of two issues: first, that of the dynamics of Islamic religious transformations from pre-Portuguese era up until the 2000s among Muslims of the contemporary Cabo Delgado, Nampula, and to a certain extent, Niassa provinces. The article argues that historical and geographical proximity of these regions to East African coast, the Comoros and northern Madagascar meant that all these regions shared a common Islamic religious tradition. Accordingly, shifts with regard to religious discourses and practices went in parallel. This situation began changing in the last decade of the colonial era and has continued well into the 2000s, when the so-called Wahhabis, Sunni Muslims educated in the Islamic universities of the Arab world brought religious outlook that differed significantly from the historical local and regional conceptions of Islam. The second question addressed in this article is about relationships between northern Mozambican Muslims and the state. The article argues that after initial confrontations with Muslims in the sixteenth century and up until the last decade of the colonial era, the Portuguese rule pursued no concerted effort in interfering in the internal Muslim religious affairs. Besides, although they occupied and destroyed some of the Swahili settlements, in particular in southern and central Mozambique, other Swahili continued to thrive in northern Mozambique and maintained certain independence from the Portuguese up until the twentieth century. Islam there remained under the control of the ruling Shirazi clans with close political, economic, kinship and religious ties to the Swahili world. By establishing kinship and politico-economic ties with the ruling elites of the mainland in the nineteenth century, these families were also instrumental in expanding Islam into the hinterland. Only at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Portuguese rule took full control of the region as a result of military conquests of the ‘effective occupation’, and imposed new legal and administrative colonial system, called Indigenato, impacting Muslims of northern Mozambique to a great extent. After the independence in 1975, and especially since 1977, the post-independence Frelimo government adopted militant atheism and socialist Marxism, which was short-lived and was abolished in 1983 owing to popular resistance and especially, because of government’s perception that its religious policies were fuelling the opposition groups to take arms and join the civil war. The 1980s and 1990s were marked by an acute rivalry and conflicts between the two emerging national umbrella Islamic organizations, the Islamic Council and the Islamic Congress, each representing largely pro-Sufi and anti-Sufi positions. In the 2000s, these organizations became overshadowed by new and more dynamic organizations, such as Ahl Al-Sunna.
Using gender as the major line of difference, the paper examines the diversity within Islam in northern Mozambique, in which, despite strong historical ties to the Swahili world and waves of Islamic expansion, as well as attempts to establish and police an Islamic 'orthodoxy', matriliny continues to be one of the main cultural features. Concentrating on two coastal regions, Mozambique Island and Angoche, and on three urban zones of the modern provincial capital, Nampula City, the paper addresses the reasons for the endurance of matriliny, through historical processes that brought about different currents of Islam, and discusses the ways in which the colonial and post-colonial state, while attempting to control the often conflicting Islamic and African 'traditional' authorities, have contributed to the perpetuation of this conflict as well as to the endurance of matriliny.
c1 khoffman@northwestern.edu
The last decades have witnessed a sustained critique of the mainstream Orientalist notion that classical Islamic family law was rigid, inflexible, and homogeneous. Many historians have used innovative methods to demonstrate that jurists and judges in precodification times enjoyed the intellectual space to translate the principles of theand Sunna into socially workable rules. Yet, perhaps unwittingly, these authors have presented classical Islamic family law as flexible by contrasting it with postcodification legal practice. The latter is represented as characterized by rigidity and textuality due to, among other things, the prominent role of the nation-state in many Muslim countries. On the basis of extensive fieldwork in 2002–2003, this article juxtaposes the claim of inflexibility with ethnographic material in order to properly conceptualize the present-day practice of Islamic family law. I argue that the role of the state should not be overemphasized at the expense of the analytical significance of actors’ agency, including that of the judges, in effecting change. The analysis shows that, despite codification, Islamic family law in many Muslim countries is still characterized by flexible, heterogeneous, and context-bound implementation.
Deze essaybundel behandelt het Franse en Britse koloniale bestuur in Afrika en laat zien hoe deze machten omgingen met de diversiteit aan islamitische rechtsscholen, rechtsgeleerden en rechtspraktijken in Sub-Sahara Afrika. De bijdragen gaan in op de grote invloed die dit kolonialisme tot op de dag van vandaag uitoefent op de islamitische juridische praktijk van het Afrikaanse continent. De vergelijkende historische en antropologische artikelen belichten daarnaast de strijd van een aantal Afrikaanse regeringen met hun islamitische inwoners om de uitvoering van de Shariawetgeving, vooral rond het familierecht. Muslim Family Law in Sub-Saharan Africa plaatst de verschillende perspectieven in een vergelijkende historische (koloniale) context. Shamil Jeppie is docent Historische studies aan de University of Cape Town, Zuid-Afrika. Ebrahim Moosa is docent Religieuze studies aan Duke University, Verenigde Staten. Richard Roberts is hoogleraar Geschiedenis aan Stanford University, Verenigde Staten.
This panel's center of gravity is Islamic legal theory and doctrine,
particularly usul alfiqh. In this mom are many of the West's leading
scholars in this field. This puts me out of step, for my work leads me to
study fiqh and usul alfiqh chiefly from the viewpoint of their application,
an approach that is the result of spending several years in Saudi
Arabia studying the role of fiqh and the ulema in the Islamic legal
system. I wish to submit, however, that there are a number of doctrinal
problems to which a study of the law's application and practice or, in
other words, a study of the legal system, stands to contribute a great deal.
The closing of the door of ijtihad, which I intend to discuss, is such an
issue.
But first let me make some general points to support the general
suggestion I have just made. In western studies of fiqh, we have often
omitted, justifiably or not, any consideration of the law's application.
Among the valid justifications for doing so is the very vastness of the
doctrinal corpus. Another is that to get basic data on the law's historical
application is far more difficult than fvding its black-letter doctrine.
Other justifications are more questionable. For one, we have often made
certain assumptions, which-stating them with due exaggeration-hold
that Islamic law, since it became stagnant at an early period, was usually
ignod in practice. As a d t of this, it is often maintained, fiqh retreated
into the ideal world of scholarship while the application of the law
fell under the sway of arbitrary and despotic rulers. Approaching the law
with such an impression, however much in the background, scholars of
Islamic law have, not surprisingly, spent little time on its application.
This last justification for ignoring the law's application is now, I believe,
rapidly eroding due to the efforts of scholars on many different
fronts. Some, notably Professor Hallaq, are at work countering the exaggerated
idea of the "closing of the door of ijtihad," a phrase used to convey
the idea that fiqh became utterly stultified at an early stage. Other
scholars ate examining late Shari'ah court records and legal documents ...
Ngazidja Island in the Comoros archipelago (in the south-western region of the Indian Ocean) is an example of a matrilineal and matrilocal Muslim society. This article addresses the various ways in which the Ngazidja people negotiate gender and family relations by referring to matrilineal or Islamic norms and values, and the influence of Islamic reforms and Western norms. Matriliny is linked to a local political organization based on an age system and a male political assembly. This link explains the specific way in which matrilineal and Islamic ideologies are linked. Marriage is ruled by Islamic law, but alliances between matrilineal descent groups follow other rationales. The existence of two matrimonial regimes illustrates this distinction. The conceptions of fatherhood produced in Ngazidja shed light on the key issue of male authority in matrilineal and Muslim contexts.
The coexistence of Islam and matriliny has been viewed as a ‘paradox’ because of strict patriliny that Islam prescribes. This article attempts to disentangle this enigma by comparing the Minangkabau, Kerala and coastal northern Mozambique that represent the most well-known cases of simultaneous practice of Islam and matrilineal kinship, which initially was a result of peaceful Islamisation through Indian Ocean networks. In the nineteenth century, the Dutch and British colonial regimes helped matriliny to survive, despite all the efforts of the Islamists to the contrary, by codifying local juridical rules. The Portuguese integration of the local matrilineal nobility into their colonial administrative system preserved matriliny within the local Muslim order. Nowadays these communities are influenced by modernisation, nation-state policies, and Islamic reformist movements, but matrilineal principles still regulate the use of the ancestral land.
The history of Islamic law in Africa is a vast and varied terrain, only roughly charted in now dated academic maps.1 To venture through it, we need sturdy conceptual containers suitable for the many types of data to be collected. The most fundamental is that of Islamic law itself. The sharia encompasses not only matters included in secular concepts of law, such as taxation, homicide, or inheritance, but also social and ritual comportment. What foods may one eat? What clothes may one wear? How and when should one pray? Wherever a variety of cultural traditions are in competition, as in sub-Saharan Africa, these are crucial questions.
Anne Bang focuses on the ways in which a particular Islamic brotherhood, or 'tariqa', the tariqa Alawiyya, spread, maintained and propagated their particular brand of the Islamic faith. Originating in the South-Yemeni region of Hadramawt, the Alawi tariqa mainly spread along the coast of the Indian Ocean. The Alawis are here portrayed as one of many cultural mediators in the multi-ethnic, multi-religious Indian Ocean world in the era of European colonialism.
Unpredictable interventions - emancipating slaves and regulating marriage mediating marriage - state intrusion and local dispute settlement negotiating land and labour in a shifting agricultural economy from migrant to Mai Gida women's worth and wedding gift exchange wealth and learning - discourses on prosperity and domesticity coping with conflicting models - nurturing ties, maintaining ambiguity, and opting out of prostitutes - the public and politics.
Law in colonial Africa was a cultural project that lay at the heart of efforts by Europeans and Africans to channel social change. Studying law yields fresh insights into the meaning of colonialism to those Africans who were empowered by it and those who struggled against it. The contributors in this volume use different approaches and employ different sources to investigate the interaction between law and social history. This book simultaneously casts new light on the colonial experience of Africans and Europeans, assesses the research potential of untried sources and methods, and charts the intellectual agenda for further historical and anthropological studies of law.
Contrary to the earlier forecasts of secularization theory, religious practices and ethical imaginaries are flourishing across the Muslim world. But Muslim scholars and intellectuals disagree on the question of how to deal with the pluralization in mind and society that marks our age. This paper examines the ways in which contemporary Muslim engagements with religious plurality are discursively path dependent. The engagements are shaped by, on one hand, discourses long associated with Islamic ethics and law, and, on the other hand, circumstances extrinsic to this normative tradition that inform the way in which those internal discourses are selectively reconstructed in the face of modern plurality. The article suggests that, notwithstanding certain anti-pluralist currents, there is a growing community of Muslim intellectuals intent on engaging diversity in society by devising a “plurality in mind” that is still recognizably Islamic in method and message but accommodating of a higher degree of social diversity than was typical of classical Islamic discourses on religious “others.”
The essay describes and analyzes the ways in which in the early decades of the twentieth century three distinct colonial regimes, Dutch, French and British, in three widely separated territories with majority Muslim populations — the Netherlands East Indies, Algeria and India — alike utilised existing juridical and social tensions between customary law (variously, 'ādah, 'urf) and Islamic law (Sharī'ah) to consolidate their rule. Though still too little examined comparatively, the legal processes and structures thus established have had profound effects on law and its practice in the successor nation states, Indonesia, Algeria and Pakistan.
If the aim of British colonizers, Frederick Lugard wrote, was to civilize Africans ‘and to devote thought to those matters which…most intimately affect their daily life and happiness, there are few of greater importance than the constitution of native courts’. Moreover, he argued that only from native courts employing customary law was it ‘possible to create rudiments of law and order, to inculcate a sense of responsibility, and evolve among a primitive community some sense of discipline and respect for authority’. Britain had not the manpower, the money nor the mettle to rule by force of arms alone. Essentially, in order to make colonial rule work with only a ‘thin white line’ of European administrators, African ideas of custom and of law had to be incorporated into the new state systems. In a very real way, customary law and African courts provided the ideological and financial underpinnings for European colonial rule.
In Kenya from at least the 1920s, but especially in the 1940s and 1950s, administrators struggled with the question of how customary law could best be used in African courts. Prominent among their concerns was the codification of customary law, against which most administrators vigorously fought. British officials believed that reducing African custom to written law and placing it in a code would ‘crystalize’ it, altering its fundamentally fluid or evolutionary nature. Colonizers naturally harbored intentions of using the law to shape society (as Cooper has demonstrated for the Kenya coast) but a fluid, unwritten law provided much greater latitude to pursue these goals. It was necessary, as one administrator put it, to allow ‘changing traditions to meet current altering conditions’.
This case study of Kenya offers a different understanding of the history of customary law.
D. Robinson — Ethnographie et droit coutumier au Sénégal.
Les Français, à travers leurs relations avec leurs interlocuteurs commerciaux africains et leurs collaborateurs politiques ont développé une ethnographie opérationnelle de la Sénégambie au xixe siècle. Cette ethnographie comportait une série de stéréotypes concernant les particularités physiques, les capacités intellectuelles, les affiliations religieuses et autres aspects de la vie des Sénégambiens avec lesquels ils avaient de nombreux contacts, et, jusqu'à un certain point, cette ethnographie correspondait elle-même aux stéréotypes que ces gens avaient eux-mêmes les uns des autres. Cette discipline a joué un rôle important dans l'implantation des missions catholiques et dans la manière dont les Français ont cherché à opposer ostensiblement les musulmans fanatiques aux musulmans tolérants. Au début du xxe siècle, alors qu'ils établissaient pleinement leur pouvoir au Sénégal et dans les autres territoires de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, les Français ont cherché à codifier de manière plus détaillée cette ethnographie, de façon à appliquer un droit coutumier approprié à chaque territoire et à chaque peuple. Après la Première Guerre mondiale, les efforts pour instaurer le droit coutumier se sont relâchés, mais cette ethnographie et Pethnohistoire qui lui est liée se sont perpétuées dans nombre de travaux portant sur cette région, par exemple dans Haut-Sénégal-Niger de Maurice Delafosse.
Opening Paragraph
Comorian marriage must strike anyone with even the most passing knowledge of the Islands as surprising. All men strive for the lavish, expensive and lengthy marriage form known as ndola nkuu (great marriage) or harusi ya ada (customary marriage) even though a perfectly respectable simple form, mna daho (little house), is all that moslem customary law requires. Mna daho marriages cost almost nothing: ada marriages may cost as much as £5000. Why invest such a large sum in this way? What, in plain anthropological language, are the functions of ada marriage?
France became a "Muslim power," in the sense of an imperial nation with
Muslim subjects, over the course of the nineteenth century. This practice
and policy first emerged in Algeria, and from the mid-nineteenth century
it was al-so deployed in Senegal and Mauritania, the initial core of
French West Africa. The process of conquering the bidan, or "whites,"
of Mauritania, an Arabic-speaking nomadic people with a strong sense
of racial superiority over the sudan, or "blacks," of Senegal, and
the competition with Morocco over claims to the Sahara encouraged the
development of this policy, which was codified in the early twentieth
century through the concepts of Islam maure and Islam noir, concepts
which remain influential today.
The widespread failure of the post-colonial state in Africa is often attributed to a lack of social and cultural unity, and hence of national identity, in the territories in question. In Europe the state has historically been conceptualized as coterminous with the nation, an apparently ‘natural’ cultural unit that allowed for subsequent political cohesion and the avoidance of ethnic conflict. In Africa the concept (and the reality) of the nation is often absent and this is sometimes considered to be a stumbling block on the path to political stability. However, the suggestion that a state whose population exhibits the requisite cultural homogeneity would construct and maintain a nation and, subsequently, successful and stable statehood is challenged by evidence from the Comoro Islands. Here, despite apparent socio-cultural unity, there has been little movement towards the development of a nation; indeed, there is evidence that an explicit denial of socio-cultural unity underpins the failure of the state.
This article explores transformations in gender relations along the
Swahili Coast of East Africa through an historical examination of
four domains of social life: politics, kinship, economics, and musical
performance. By examining data about the relative social positions of
women and men across a span of five centuries, I seek to counteract
widespread tendencies to project assumptions of male dominance onto the
past and to uncritically attribute current practices of gender segregation
to the presence of Islam. Islam penetrated the Swahili Coast as early as
the ninth century, yet gender segregation is a quite recent phenomenon
dating back only to the last century. The data presented here cumulatively
indicate: 1) that there have been shifts in Swahili society from a time
when women occupied positions of greater power, prestige, wealth, and
opportunity than is available to them today; 2) that this has entailed
the cultural elaboration of an opposition between "African" and "Arab"
designations; 3) that this opposition has a strongly gendered dimension;
and 4) that musical practices play a central role in these historical
and cultural processes.
A system should be formed, which shall preserve as much as possible can be done, their institutions and laws to the natives of Hindoostan, and attemper them with the mild spirit of British government.—John Bruce
Jurisprudence is the nexus where authoritative texts, cultural assumptions, and political expediency come together during a crisis. It is therefore not so much a thing or a system as it is an experience, an interpretative experience. Yet the practice of jurisprudence is very different from other types of interpretation because it is also an exertion of power. A legal interpretation is a decision which mobilizes coercive forces to immediately solidify the interpretation into a social reality. The administrative structure of courts and the legal rhetoric that flows through them disguise jurisprudence as ‘a system’ rather than revealing its nature as an interpretative experience; this disguise serves to heighten the authority of these exercises of power and to limit the ability to contest them to specialists.
Exploring a range of studies regarding the ‘invention of tradition’, the ‘making of customary law’ and the ‘creation of tribalism’ since the 1980s, this survey article argues that the case for colonial invention has often overstated colonial power and ability to manipulate African institutions to establish hegemony. Rather, tradition was a complex discourse in which people continually reinterpreted the lessons of the past in the context of the present. Colonial power was limited by chiefs' obligation to ensure community well-being to maintain the legitimacy on which colonial authorities depended. And ethnicity reflected longstanding local political, cultural and historical conditions in the changing contexts of colonial rule. None of these institutions were easily fabricated or manipulated, and colonial dependence on them often limited colonial power as much as facilitating it.
During the last two or three decades there have been a number of significant developments in the application of Islamic law in Africa. Most of these are discussed in some detail in my recent book, Law Reform in the Muslim World, so I will confine myself here to the barest summary.
The Portuguese-speaking countries represent rather varied socio-political realities and are going through very different internal developments. They share, however, some fundamental similarities within the contemporary African context. I will distinguish two characteristics of particular significance for the topic I propose to treat here. © 1984, School of Oriental and African Studies. All rights reserved.
The qadi, or Muslim judge, strikes one as an anomalous figure in the contexts of colonial Algeria and Senegal, areas better known for their mahdi-like resistance leaders, quietist Sufi shaikhs, and strongly assimilationist colonial regimes. In both cases, there were in fact attempts to eliminate the Muslim courts–in Algeria in the 1880s, and in the communes of Senegal in the early 1900s. While the two court systems were rather different, it is striking that the eventual crises had similar dynamics and that both occurred just as indigenous urban elites were beginning to seek an active role in politics. A comparative study of the two cases should not only help to put the problem of Islamic law in colonial settings into wider perspective, but also shed light on the antecedents of some well-known twentieth-century political developments.
Throughout all Portuguese colonial history in the African continent, the question of recognizing oral local laws, the so called “customary laws”, and the koranic law in some areas of Guinea and the northern region of Mozambique, could never be separate from the constitutional law applicable to the aboriginal inhabitants who follow it in their daily lives. That is the reason why accepting the principle according to which the everyday-life relations of Africa could be controlled by specific juridicial rules distinct from Portuguese “common law” was always connected with the private and territorial validity of the individual rights and guarantees included in the constitutional texts concerning Africans. As a logical consequence of this link between citizenship and the application of the Portuguese law in force in the metropolis, applying traditional law always depended on the political concepts formed during the present century, as Portuguese sovereignty, until the end of the nineteenth century, was restricted to small littoral centres and the practice of authority in the other regions acquired at the Berlin Conference was deficient or merely nominal.
The African juridical rules were always tolerated, as a means of securing colonial public peace or as a necessary condition for the smooth practice of Portuguese sovereignty beyond its European frontiers.
Euis Nurlaelawat onderzoekti islamitische rechtbanken in Indonesië en beschrijft de complexe dynamiek en de veranderingen in de geschiedenis van islamitisch recht in dit land. Dit boek benadrukt de rol van de rechters in deze rechtbanken en de mate waarin zij naast de seculiere wetgeving een beroep doen op de Kompilasi Hukum Islam (een verzameling van islamitische wetten). Volgens sommige rechtsgeleerden is het Indonesische rechtsstelsel een succesverhaal. Nurlaelawati belicht het Indonesische rechtsstelsel vanuit een ander perspectief waardoor de belangrijkste actoren minder goed uit de verf komen. Op basis van hoorzittingenonderzoek en diepte-interviews geeft zij nieuw inzicht in het huidige debat over de juridische praktijken in de islamitische wereld. Modernization, Tradition and Identity is een must voor deskundigen van Indonesisch islamitisch recht.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1983. Photocopy. s