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“I Am the Highest Paid Showrunner in Television!” Shonda Rhimes’ Work and Influence in the Media Industry
Abstract
The work of American television producer Shonda Rhimes is influential both in terms of on-screen representations and the wider media industry. In the contemporary moment, women working in television and film are fighting against many social injustices, and Rhimes, through her advocacy work, is a powerful ally in the fourth wave feminist movement. Actor Ellen Pompeo, who stars in Rhimes’ show Grey’s Anatomy, is used as an example in the chapter to unearth the ways in which women, especially women of colour, are underpaid for their labour. With Rhimes’ support, Pompeo negotiated her contract to become the highest-paid female actor in television drama. Inspired by Pompeo’s decision to publicly announce her salary, Rhimes stated in her acceptance speech for the Elle Luminary Award in 2018, “How can I inspire anyone if I am hiding?… I am the highest paid showrunner in television. And I deserve it”. Through a discourse analysis of several of Rhimes’ recorded acceptance speeches from 2017/2018, this chapter critically considers the intersections of race and gender that impact on the paid labour of women in television. Specific focus is placed on Rhimes’ choice of language and how she engages with acts of bragging.
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Research Question: The current study examined the role of signalling and source credibility on athlete-related social media content. We examined the effect of three different posting sources on sport consumer perceptions of athlete brand image and social media engagement with athlete-related content.
Research Methods: Data were collected via an online experiment which presented information about an athlete to three groups. Group one received the content direct from the athlete, whereas group two and three saw the same content presented by indirect sources (the athlete’s team and a news media outlet). In total, 315 consumers participated in the experiment. ANCOVA and MANCOVA tests were used to test the hypotheses.
Results and Findings: In general, sport consumers possessed more favourable attitudes towards athlete content on social media when it was presented by an indirect source. This content was perceived as more credible and less biased than when the same information was sent from the athlete directly. Results demonstrated some evidence consumers’ intentions to engage with athlete-related social media content were greater when this content was posted by an indirect source, rather than directly by the athlete.
Implications: This research contributes to knowledge guiding athlete brand development via social media. Athletes need to be aware that not only the type of content posted about them influences consumer perceptions about their brands, but so too does the source of the content. To build their brands effectively and to elicit engagement, athletes should collaborate with credible and trustworthy third-party organisations when communicating via social media.
From the time we are children, we are taught to say "thank you" and "I'm sorry." These communications are central to many social interactions, and the failure to say them often leads to conflict in relationships. Research has documented that, alongside the impact they can have on relationships, apologies and thanks can also impact material outcomes as small as restaurant tips and as significant as settlements of medical malpractice lawsuits. But, it is trivial to utter the words; how can such "cheap talk" carry so much value? In this article, we propose a "responsibility exchange theory" that explains why these communications are not costless, and which draws connections between four forms of communication that have not previously been connected: thanking, apologizing, bragging, and blaming. All four of these communications relay information about credit or blame, and thus introduce image-based costs and benefits for both the communicator and the recipient of communication: Each of the four communications involves a tradeoff between appearing competent and appearing warm. By formalizing these social psychological insights with a utility-based approach to modeling communication, and by applying game theoretic analysis, we offer new insights about social communication. We test several of the model's novel predictions about strategic communication in two experiments: The first involves hypothetical choices in a scenario study, and the second involves real choices in a live interaction. We end with a discussion of the theory's place in the literature and consider extended predictions and applications as examples of future directions for research.
The speech act of bragging has never been subjected to conceptual analysis until now. We argue that a speaker brags just in case she makes an utterance that (1) is an assertion and (2) is intended to impress the addressee with something about the speaker via the belief produced by the speaker's assertion. We conclude by discussing why it is especially difficult to cancel a brag by prefacing it with, ‘I'm not trying to impress you, but…’ and connect this discussion with Moore's paradox and the recent neologism ‘humblebrag’.
People engage in self-promotional behavior because they want others to hold favorable images of them. Self-promotion, however, entails a trade-off between conveying one's positive attributes and being seen as bragging. We propose that people get this trade-off wrong because they erroneously project their own feelings onto their interaction partners. As a consequence, people overestimate the extent to which recipients of their self-promotion will feel proud of and happy for them, and underestimate the extent to which recipients will feel annoyed (Experiments 1 and 2). Because people tend to promote themselves excessively when trying to make a favorable impression on others, such efforts often backfire, causing targets of self-promotion to view self-promoters as less likeable and as braggarts (Experiment 3).
© The Author(s) 2015.
Next to Karl Marx’s grave in London’s Highgate cemetery is the grave of Claudia Jones (1915–1964), who was an unassuming yet ferocious civil rights and Communist leader. Claudia Jones spent her entire adult life working within radical working-class and black nationalist organizations formulating an internationalist ideology that encompassed feminism, black nationalism, and Marxism. She envisioned herself and others of African descent in a struggle against capitalism and colonialism. Jones also synthesized a link between black nationalism and feminism that would later be adopted by a younger generation of feminists. Additionally, she linked the black diaspora to third-world struggles in Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and the Americas. Jones’s life ended early because of lifelong illness, and she has largely been remembered, when remembered at all, in regards to her contributions to black nationalism, communism, and third-world struggles. But Jones’s ideology and practice provides a unique insight into the “difference” feminism of American Communist women at mid-century. Unfortunately, at the height of Cold War domestic hysteria in the United States, Jones was forced to focus her energies on a futile struggle to prevent her deportation. Jones contributed to American feminism an awareness of nonwhite and working-class women’s variant oppressions and differences among women that prevented a “universal” understanding of woman and feminism. She took her cues from a tradition among black women that recognized their oppression as unique and their liberation as fundamental to achieving equality. Jones also looked to the home and familial relations as a site for women’s oppression and eventual revolution. While Jones synthesized and popularized the “triple oppression” paradigm to describe black women’s oppression, she also articulated a socialist feminism that took into account not just race, but the disparate struggles of all working women.
Jones is a part of a long tradition of black American women that regarded their oppression as unique from other women and from black men. In its various manifestations, this feminism identified black women’s oppression as “double jeopardy,” Jane Crow, triple exploitation, or triple oppression. Sojourner Truth is an early example. She asserted her womanhood and embraced her racial identity while agitating for abolition. After emancipation, women’s organizations and some female leaders insisted that black women’s emancipation was central and urgent to the black freedom struggle. The voices became more diverse and clear, and the theory more refined in the early twentieth century. Black women began to formulate an understanding of their oppression, and some began to argue that to seek black women’s freedom would result in freedom for all, black and white. This emancipatory politics took on many forms and developed into a radical political agenda by the 1960s and 1970s with the advent of women’s liberation and third-world movements. However, Claudia Jones synthesized earlier manifestations of these theories from both liberal black feminism and radical black feminism, and articulated her version of a specifically class-based feminist black nationalism that would influence a later generation of women’s liberationists. While midcentury women’s rights activists have largely been ignored, Jones clearly took up an existing tradition and refined it in a manner that made it palatable and relevant to a later generation of feminists.
While black women were central in abolition and the rights movements after the Civil War, by the turn-of-the-century a young, educated, and empowered generation refined their predecessors emancipation politics into a coherent feminist theory. One example of an early black feminist thinker is educator and activist Anna Julia Cooper. In 1892, Cooper articulated the modern problems of the black woman in her text A Voice from the South. Listing the author as “A BLACK WOMAN OF THE SOUTH,” Cooper sought to give voice to the complaints and concerns of the black southern woman. She also sought to articulate her belief that black women’s emancipation was central to black progress. She argued that the starting point for “retraining” and “regenerating the race” as well as “the ground work … of its progress upward, must be the black woman.” Cooper’s vision of the freedom struggle included an understanding that Christianity and leaders of Christian denominations...
Grounded in Black feminist thought, Julia S. Jordan-Zachery looks at the functioning of scripts ascribed to Black women's bodies in the framing of HIV/AIDS, domestic abuse, and mental illness and how such functioning renders some black female bodies invisible in Black politics in general and Black women's politics specifically.
Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
Intersectionality has become the primary analytic tool that feminist and anti-racist scholars deploy for theorizing identity and oppression. This paper exposes and critically interrogates the assumptions underpinning intersectionality by focusing on four tensions within intersectionality scholarship: the lack of a defined intersectional methodology; the use of black women as quintessential intersectional subjects; the vague definition of intersectionality; and the empirical validity of intersectionality. Ultimately, my project does not seek to undermine intersectionality; instead, I encourage both feminist and anti-racist scholars to grapple with intersectionality's theoretical, political, and methodological murkiness to construct a more complex way of theorizing identity and oppression.Feminist Review (2008) 89, 1-15. doi:10.1057/fr.2008.4
How do contemporary American female comics perform onstage, and what does this performance reveal about power relations in our culture as well as the existence of a "female" and, more specifically, "feminist" genre of stand-up comedy? In this long overdue study of women and stand-up comedy, Joanne R. Gilbert explores these questions in order to illuminate the social, political, and cultural implications of power and gender in popular entertainment. Gilbertââ¬â¢s research recognizes the problems that arise from assumptions made about the genres of "female" and "feminist" humor and ultimately suggests that these are part of a larger genre she calls "marginal humor." Performing Marginality provides a historical overview of female comic performance and offers a taxonomy of comedic postures assumed by contemporary female comics, providing a useful way to categorize this often overlooked genre. Performing Marginality also examines problems in existing studies on the subject, the politics involved with marginal humor, and the role of audience in comic performance. This book develops the notion of "performing marginality" not only as the way female comics perform their gender onstage, but as the means by which all of us construct, contest, and negotiate our gendered, racialized, and otherwise marked identities in everyday life. As a former professional stand-up comic and current scholar of communications and womenââ¬â¢s studies, Gilbert offers a unique perspective on gender, humor, and power through the lens of contemporary female comic performance.
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