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Recovering Police Legitimacy: A Radical Framework

July 2024

Publisher: Routledge
ISBN: 9781032546414

Authors:

Edge Hill University

Transatlantic policing is experiencing an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy, epitomised by public responses to the murders of George Floyd and Sarah Everard during the COVID-19 pandemic. Legitimacy is lost when the police either fail to protect the public or rely on coercion rather than consent to achieve that protection. Recovering Police Legitimacy challenges conventional criminological, political, and public solutions to the problem by approaching it from the bottom up, beginning with policing as a practice constituted by a unique set of excellences, skills, and characteristics. The author draws on his experience as a police officer and on the serial fictions of James Ellroy, David Peace, and Nic Pizzolatto to characterise the practice in terms of heroic struggle, edgework, absolute sacrifice, and worldmaking. These characteristics provide an analytic tool for revolutionising our understanding of the relations among policing as a situated practice, public protection, and police legitimacy and for identifying the different levels at which legitimacy is undermined. His conclusion is that recovery is possible but will be slow in pace and incomplete in scope. Written accessibly for students, police officers, policymakers, scholars, and anyone with an interest in police legitimacy, this is a groundbreaking study of a pressing social problem.

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“This is a highly original book in a ﬁeld that is crying out for new

thinking and transformative approaches. Its originality lies in its

sources, the nature of its case studies, its approach to analysing the

problems of contemporary policing, and in its solution to the dan-

gers we face. It is a bold manifesto for critical thinking and for

radical change written by someone with both insider and outsider

expertise.”

Professor Tim Newburn, London School of Economics

“This is a highly original, thought provoking and challenging ana-

lysis of one of the major issues of our time. The legitimacy of the

police as the agency charged with the state’s domestic force is always

a political balancing act. But in recent years it has been subject to

increasing crises in the UK, US and elsewhere, culminating in calls

not just for radical reform but for abolition. Rafe McGregor deploys

a plethora of innovative conceptual and methodological tools to

understand and tackle the problems besetting police and policing.

These draw on philosophy, cultural and literary studies, and poli-

tical economy to illuminate the requirements of good policing and

how police leaders can restore these. This is essential reading for all

students and practitioners of policing, and beyond that of our con-

temporary moral and political quagmire.”

Emeritus Professor Robert Reiner, London School of Economics

“McGregor combines an innovative approach with a meticulously

evidenced diagnosis of the transatlantic crisis of police legitimacy.

However, this book doesn’t stop at diagnosis and includes a radical

yet practicable framework for change which skilfully addresses

policing practices, institutions and their systemic context. This is a

powerful manifesto for change.”

Professor Sarah Charman, University of Portsmouth

“Drawing on policing scholarship and Rafe McGregor’sownexperi-

ence as a police oﬃcer, this book provides a sophisticated account of

the factors that corrode the legitimacy of Anglo-American policing,

oﬀering an intelligent roadmap for the recovery of police legitimacy.

Essential reading for legitimacy theorists.”

Emeritus Professor Mike Hough, Birkbeck, University of London

“In his book, Recovering Police Legitimacy, Rafe McGregor tackles

the most crucial issue facing police around the globe. Legitimacy is

recognized as the foundation for eﬀective policing and McGregor

eloquently describes the “legitimacy”problem facing police in both

the US and the UK. McGregor brings both academic and practi-

tioner credentials to the task. He is the author 15 books and served

as a police oﬃcer in Durban, South Africa and his tightly researched

work deserves wide readership.”

Captain Howard Rahtz, (RET.), Cincinnati Police Department

“Police legitimacy is essential in a healthy democracy. In this book,

McGregor argues that police in the UK and the US are experiencing

an unprecedented legitimacy crisis. To restore legitimacy, he recom-

mends changes in policing as a practice, policing as an institution,

and the systemic context of policing. His recommendations are

thought-provoking and worthy of serious consideration.”

Professor Ed Maguire, Arizona State University

RECOVERING POLICE

LEGITIMACY

Transatlantic policing is experiencing an unprecedented crisis of

legitimacy, epitomised by public responses to the murders of George

Floyd and Sarah Everard during the COVID-19 pandemic. Legitimacy

is lost when the police either fail to protect the public or rely on

coercion rather than consent to achieve that protection. Recovering

Police Legitimacy challenges conventional criminological, political,

and public solutions to the problem by approaching it from the

bottom up, beginning with policing as a practice constituted by a

unique set of excellences, skills, and characteristics.

The author draws on his experience as a police oﬃcer and on the serial

ﬁctions of James Ellroy, David Peace, and Nic Pizzolatto to characterise

the practice in terms of heroic struggle, edgework, absolute sacriﬁce, and

worldmaking. These characteristics provide an analytic tool for revolu-

tionising our understanding of the relations among policing as a situated

practice, public protection, and police legitimacy and for identifying the

diﬀerent levels at which legitimacy is undermined. His conclusion is that

recovery is possible but will be slow in pace and incomplete in scope.

Written accessibly for students, police oﬃcers, policymakers,

scholars, and anyone with an interest in police legitimacy, this is a

groundbreaking study of a pressing social problem.

Rafe McGregor is Reader in Criminology at Edge Hill University,

UK, prior to which he spent ﬁfteen years in the police and the prison

service.

RECOVERING POLICE

LEGITIMACY

A Radical Framework

Rafe McGregor

Designed cover image: Rafe McGregor

First published 2025

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Names: McGregor, Rafe, author.

Title: Recovering police legitimacy : a radical framework / Rafe McGregor.

Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2024. |

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identiﬁers: LCCN 2024004417 (print) | LCCN 2024004418 (ebook)

| ISBN 9781032546407 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032546414

(paperback) | ISBN 9781003425922 (ebook)

Subjects: LCSH: Police--United States--Public opinion. |

Police--Great Britain--Public opinion. | Police training--United

States. | Police training--Great Britain. | Police ethics--United

States. | Police ethics--Great Britain. | Critical theory.

Classiﬁcation: LCC HV8139 .M334 2024 (print) | LCC HV8139

(ebook) | DDC 363.2/0973--dc23/eng/20240229

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2024004417

LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2024004418

ISBN: 978-1-032-54640-7 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-54641-4 (pbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-42592-2 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003425922

Typeset in Sabon

by Taylor & Francis Books

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ix

PART 1

The Problem 1

1 The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 3

2 Practice, Institution, and Context 34

PART 2

Methodology 59

3 Autoethnography 61

4 Critical Case Studies 86

PART 3

Case Studies 113

5 Southern California, 2013–2014 115

viii Contents

6 West Yorkshire, 1980 151

7 Los Angeles, 1947–1958 191

PART 4

The Solution 229

8 Public Protection and Police Legitimacy 231

9 Reviewing the Evidence 258

10 The Radical Framework 286

Index 316

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have been thinking, reading, and writing about this subject since

2016, when I published the ﬁrst of four book reviews on police

reform, driven by scepticism about the impact of the President’s

Task Force on 21st Century Policing in the US and the introduction

of the Policing Education Qualiﬁcations Framework (PEQF) in the

UK. My ﬁrst 32 months of research were unpaid as I was a uni-

versity teacher at my ﬁrst institution and the project was not sup-

ported by my second. The remainder had institutional support,

albeit without any relief from teaching or administration.

The reviews were published in the following journals:

1. McGregor, R. (2017). To Protect and Serve: How to Fix

America’s Police by Norm Stamper, Policing: A Journal of

Policy and Practice, 11 (1), 118–119.

2. McGregor, R. (2017). Race, Riots, and the Police by Howard

Rahtz, Policing and Society: An International Journal of

Research and Policy, 27 (5), 580–582.

3. McGregor, R. (2018). The War on Cops: How the New Attack

on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe by Heather Mac

Donald, Journal of Applied Philosophy, 35 (3), 634–636.

4. McGregor, R. (2020). Evidence-Based Policing: Translating

Research into Practice by Cynthia Lum & Christopher S.

Koper, Police Practice and Research: An International Journal,

21 (2), 204–205.

This book draws on two previously published articles, although they

have both been subject to substantial revision:

5. McGregor, R. (2021). James Ellroy’s Critical Criminology:

Crimes of the Powerful in the Underworld USA Trilogy. Critical

Criminology: An International Journal, 29 (2), 349–365.

6. McGregor, R. (2021). Four Characteristics of Policing as a Prac-

tice. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice,15(3),1842–1853.

I was also provided with the opportunity to discuss autoethnography

as a method in policing research in more detail than possible in this

book, which was published as:

7. McGregor, R. (2023). Autoethnography: Analysing the World of

Policing from Within. In: Fleming, J. & Charman, S. (eds).

Routledge International Handbook of Police Ethnography.

Abingdon: Routledge, 391–405.

There are several people I would like to thank, living and dead,

many of whom are former or serving police oﬃcers or police staﬀ.

This book could not have been written without the assistance of:

Thembinkosi Chiliza, Steven Cross, Shaun Hutt, Rensia Mathee,

Sean Murray, Connie Oelofse, and Martin Wright. I am very grate-

ful to: Iain Barr, Avi Brisman, David Churchill, Marianne Colbran,

Karen Cummings, Ian Cummins, Gail Ennis, Scott Keay, Bill

McClanahan, Keith McLachlan, Brian McNeill, Faheema Patel, Tom

Sutton, Gali Perry, Owen West, and Tzachi Zamir. I would also like

to thank: Matthew Bacon, Eleanor Carter, Sarah Charman, Jenny

Fleming, Wally Insch, Serena Kennedy, Mandy Precious, Mario

Slugan, Emily Spurrell, Jonathan Webber, and ﬁve anonymous

referees (three from Routledge and two from the publisher that

turned the proposal down). As usual, there are a handful of people

xAcknowledgements

(two in particular) who both helped and hindered the research, but I

shall respect their privacy here. As always, I thank my wife, Linda,

for her patience, forbearance, and resilience.

This book is a work of critical theory, deﬁned by Bernard Harcourt

in his monumental Critique and Praxis: A Critical Philosophy of Illu-

sions, Values, and Action (published by Columbia University Press in

2020) as theory that aims to change rather than just interpret the world.

The judgements I make are both approximate and temporary and I

welcome revisions of my research that draw on and then discard it in

working towards a more accurate understanding of what police legiti-

macy is and if and how it can be recovered in the US and the UK. My

approximations are as accurate as I have been able to make them as of

March 2024.

Acknowledgements xi

PART 1

The Problem

THE CRISIS OF POLICE

LEGITIMACY

This book is about the crisis of police legitimacy in the US and the

UK. More speciﬁcally, it is about how law enforcement agencies in

the US and constabularies in the UK can recover at least some of the

legitimacy that has been lost in the last decade. As such, it sets out a

comprehensive framework for recovering police legitimacy, which is

built from the bottom up, from the characteristics of policing as a

practice to the political context within which the criminal justice

system functions. The aim of this chapter is twofold: to diagnose the

problem the book aims to solve and to review the existing solutions

to that problem. The problem is the recent loss of public trust in the

police as an institution whose purpose is to protect the public in

both the US and the UK, a crisis of legitimacy. Police legitimacy is

the public recognition of the right of law enforcement agencies and

constabularies to exercise their legal powers, which is supervenient

on trust and likely to be withdrawn in the event of either a reliance

on coercion or a failure to protect the public. The Transatlantic

crisis of legitimacy has been aggravated by the militarisation of the

US police from the late 1980s and the politicisation of the UK police

from the mid-1980s. The crisis was the subject of almost continuous

media attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, during which two

DOI: 10.4324/9781003425922-2

4 The Problem

police oﬃcers – Derek Chauvin in the US and Wayne Couzens in the

UK – were convicted of murder in high-proﬁle cases. Broadly con-

strued, there are three categories of solution. Reform aims to repair

the institution of policing from within, making it more just and

humane, usually by means of recruitment, training, discipline, and

oversight. Three decades of substantial police reforms have, how-

ever, neither averted nor ameliorated the crisis. Defunding aims to

redirect funding for the institution of policing to institutions that

create sustainable safety for all, such as welfare, healthcare, and

local government. The redirection is complicated by the fact that the

increase in funding for other services must precede the decrease in

police funding. Abolition aims to dismantle the institution of poli-

cing in its entirety, replacing law enforcement agencies and con-

stabularies with community safety and conﬂict resolution in local,

self-governing zones. Notwithstanding, the response to and investi-

gation of violent crime would have to be by an institution that was

trained and equipped in a very similar way to the police.

1.1 Legitimacy

‘Police legitimacy’ is a compound of two complex concepts, neither of

which is easy to deﬁne. My concern with ‘the police’ as an institution

and ‘policing’ as a practice is restricted to what Peter Manning (2010:

3) refers to as Anglo-American Democratic Policing:AADPn ations

are ‘the bearers of the Peel legacy – the notion of a visible, reactive,

bureaucratically organized means of state-based resolution of conﬂict

with minimal force’.

He speciﬁes these nations as the US, Canada,

the UK, Australia, and New Zealand, all of which are English-speak-

ing and all of which have a common law rather than civil law based

criminal justice system (two features that distinguish them from most

European nations). Policing in Anglo-American democracies is chal-

lenging in virtue of their combination of individual rights and collec-

tive diversity and Manning shares Robert Reiner’s (2011, 2021)

scepticism about the predication of democracy on inclusion and com-

pliance rather than exclusion and conﬂict. My subject is US and UK

policing exclusively, approached as two AADP nations in which the

institution of policing is experiencing a crisis of legitimacy. The

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 5

denotation of ‘legitimacy’ relevant to the police is conformity to a

body of rules that are acknowledged as binding or conformity to a set

of principles that are acknowledged as binding. Even this basic

understanding recognises two distinct aspects of legitimacy, the legal

(body of rules) and the moral (set of principles). The literature on the

legitimacy of the police and the criminal justice system more broadly

is dominated by procedural justice theory, which explores the rela-

tionships among the law, morality, and legitimacy in detail.

Tom Tyler (1990, 2011) introduced procedural justice theory by

contending that laws are only eﬀective if they induce voluntary

compliance and that voluntary compliance is a product of the

combination of morality and legitimacy. The former is an indivi-

dual’s view of right and wrong and the latter ‘a quality possessed

by an authority, a law, or an institution that leads others to feel

obligated to obey its decisions and directives’ (Tyler 2011: 34). In

his study of chief oﬃcers’ and senior leaders’ justiﬁcations of police

powers, Ian Shannon (2022: 43) provides a simpler but compatible

deﬁnition of legitimacy as ‘a right to exercise power’. David Bee-

tham (1991) argues that there are three dimensions to legitimacy

and that the exercise of power is only legitimate when it (1) con-

forms to rules based on (2) the shared beliefs of dominant and

subordinate and (3) the consent of the latter to their subordination.

The concept of consent is especially signiﬁcant to policing. Shan-

non draws on Beetham to qualify legitimacy as a right to exercise

power that is both based on rational rules and broadly accepted by

those to whom the rules apply, which once again includes both the

legal (rule-based) and moral (consensual) aspects of legitimacy. The

idea of policing by consent is a fundamental part of what Manning

refers to as the Peel legacy. Shannon notes that Peel’s principles of

policing, which are claimed to have been issued in the ﬁrst General

Instructions to the Metropolitan Police in 1829, are almost cer-

tainly the invention of historian Charles Reith in the middle of the

20th century. There are also a plurality of publics rather than a

single, homogeneous public and each of these publics can either

give or withhold consent. The probability that both the Peelian

principles and policing by consent are legitimating myths does not,

however, diminish their importance.

6 The Problem

Mike Hough (2021) summarises the relevance of procedural justice

theory to police legitimacy as follows: procedural fairness rather than

outcomes fairness produces trust, which in turn confers legitimacy. In

other words, legitimacy is based on trust, which is a function of how

the police do what they do, not what they actually do. Following

Reiner, Hough recognises the signiﬁcance of the police as symbolic of

both the state and the law, in consequence of which police legitimacy

is embedded in the broader contexts of judicial legitimacy and poli-

tical legitimacy. Manning describes the crucial relationship between

public trust and democratic governance, the necessity of public trust

to the operation of the criminal justice system, and the importance of

procedure to securing public trust in the police. Trust is not just cru-

cial to democratic politics and bureaucracy, but inextricable from the

notion of policing by consent. When trust is lost, consent is with-

drawn. Shannon (2022: 137) quotes one of the (anonymous) deputy

chief constables he interviewed, who explained consent in terms of

trust alone: ‘I think the trust is very hard won over lots of years and

also rooted in tradition and it is very easily lost.’ Former Cincinnati

Police Department captain Howard Rahtz (2016: 53) reinforces this

relationship by explaining trust in terms of a bank account: ‘All police

departments have a certain trust balance in their account. Actions by

every oﬃcer – from those answering the phone to those responding to

acall – will add to or subtract from this account.’ According to Tyler

(2004), this trust (or its absence) is in the motivation of the police,

which I shall construe as public protection (more commonly ‘public

safety’ in the US) and discuss in Chapter 2. One of the insights from

procedural justice theory is that there is a reciprocal relationship

among public trust, policing by consent, and police legitimacy.

Shannon found that chief oﬃcers justiﬁed their right to exercise

power by means of a combination of the legitimating narratives of

public protection, consensual policing, and policing that is both

within the parameters set by law and accountable to the law. None

of his interviewees claimed that any of these narratives was itself

suﬃcient for legitimacy. Returning to my initial deﬁnition of the

term, public protection and consensual policing are moral aspects of

police legitimacy (set of principles) and operating within the bounds

of the law the legal aspect of police legitimacy (body of rules).

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 7

Policing can be legal without being legitimate. One of the chief

constables interviewed by Shannon (2022: 182) provided an example

of the annual issuing of thousands of ﬁxed penalty notices for can-

nabis possession: ‘“We were criminalising young people, perfectly

within the law, simply to tick a box to satisfy HMIC [Her Majesty’s

Inspectorate of Constabulary] and the Home Oﬃce – that’s not

legitimate.”’ Manning (2010) makes a similar observation when he

cites research on the Boston Gun Project (1996–1997). In spite of

acknowledging the police as both competent and dependable, resi-

dents of high-crime areas did not recognise their legitimacy because

of their tactics (failure to diﬀerentiate between the innocent and the

guilty) and lack of respect (rudeness and dismissiveness). The

response of the residents provides further evidence for Hough’s

claim that procedural fairness is more important than outcomes

fairness with respect to police legitimacy. In the remainder of this

book, I shall employ the following deﬁnition of police legitimacy:

public recognition of the right of the institution of policing to exer-

cise its legal powers. That recognition is supervenient on public trust

in the police. It is likely to be withdrawn in the event of either a

reliance on coercion or a failure to protect the public.

The importance of establishing and maintaining police legitimacy to

the institution of policing, the criminal justice system, and democratic

governance seems obvious, but has received relatively little attention

in the US, where the crisis of legitimacy with which I am concerned is

usually referred to as a ‘crisis of conﬁdence’. In his foreword to

Hough’s study of procedural justice in policing, Tyler (2021: ix) dates

the US concern with ‘popular legitimacy within policed communities’

to 2004 and remarks on the belated acknowledgement of the impor-

tance of ‘community trust in the police’ by the President’sTask Force

on 21st Century Policing in 2015. An exception to the rule is Thomas

Abt (2019), who draws on Beetham to delineate two categories of

legitimacy: eﬀectiveness and fairness. Eﬀectiveness ‘is judged by whe-

ther the primary purpose of the law – maintaining public safety and

order – is achieved’ (Abt 2019: 61). To achieve fairness, ‘laws must

also be enforced according to widely accepted values, including

transparency, impartiality, proportionality, and equality, among

others’ (Abt 2019: 61). Taken together, these categories are consistent

8 The Problem

with my delineation of police legitimacy: lack of eﬀectiveness

corresponds to failure to protect the public and lack of fairness to

a reliance on coercion. Abt maintains that loss of community

conﬁdence in the ability or will of the police to keep them safe results in

a withdrawal of cooperation in which communities either protect

themselves or rely on organised crime to maintain order. While there

has been a dramatic overall decrease in violence in the US since 1994, it

remains high in many communities of concentrated poverty, a large

proportion of which are also communities of colour (a situation mir-

rored in the UK).

Abt (2019: 68) describes the legitimacy deﬁcits in such

communities as a catch-22: ‘to improve safety, there must be trust, but

to improve trust, there must be safety.’ He argues that police legitimacy

is essential to urban violence reduction and that the current crisis of

legitimacy has – and continues to – cause loss of life.

1.2 Transatlantic Crisis

The 1990s saw a dramatic expansion of the crime control apparatus

on both sides of the Atlantic, which David Garland (2001) attributes

to the mass media response to rising crime in the UK from 1955 and

in the US from 1960. The shift from a culture of welfarism to a

culture of control was accelerated by the combination of neoliberal

economic policies with conservative political policies. In the 1980s,

Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher inaugurated the reduction of

social welfare and upper income taxation that set the US and the UK

on trajectories to return to the peak income inequality of the early

20th century (Chancel et al. 2022). Thatcher treated striking miners

as a threat to national security in 1984 and Reagan ampliﬁed the

‘War on Drugs’ in 1986. The expansion of crime control included

the introduction of non-discretionary or zero-tolerance policing in

the US (loosely underpinned by Broken Windows theory), the intro-

duction of a more punitive youth justice system in the UK (following

the Crime and Disorder Act 1998), and the rise of the prison popu-

lations of both countries to the extent that the US became the high-

est in the world in 2001 and the UK the highest in the European

Union in 2002 (Walmsey 2002, 2003). One of the many problems

with the expansion of policing is the extent to which the institution

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 9

of policing is complicit in diﬀerential treatment, not only sustaining

but aggravating socioeconomic disadvantage. This is especially perti-

nent to racism in the US and classism in the UK, but police in both

countries have been accused of racism, classism, and sexism (Edwards

1989; Sherman, Schmidt & Rogan 1992; Wacquant 2004; Bowling,

Reiner & Sheptycki 2019; Elliott-Cooper 2020; Vitale 2021). The

aggravation of these and other inequalities is in direct contravention

of what Manning (2010: xiii) regards as the linchpin of democratic

policing, the diﬀerence principle: ‘given the current range of inequal-

ities in education, opportunity, income, and skills, any police practice,

especially that shaped by policy, should not further increase extant

inequalities.’ The crisis of police legitimacy is a consequence of the

violation of this principle, which has been facilitated by the processes

of militarisation in the US and politicisation in the UK.

1.2.1 Militarisation

Pete Kraska (1993, 2001) was one of the ﬁrst academics to study the

militarisation of the police in the US, documenting the impact of the

War on Drugs on policing from the late 1980s and the blurring of

the roles and responsibilities of the police and the military from the

early 1990s. Militarisation undermines police legitimacy by relying

on coercion rather than consensus to protect the public. Kraska’s

(2007: 505) research has focused on the proliferation and increased

deployment of ‘police paramilitary units’ (PPU), more commonly

known as Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams. This trend is

a symptom of the militarist ideology created by the War on Drugs,

which was exacerbated by the War on Terror in the new century.

The results of this militarism were displayed in Ferguson in 2014,

when mass and social media disseminated footage of armoured

ﬁghting vehicles supporting police oﬃcers in battle dress uniforms

with military equipment alongside those armed and equipped for

traditional public order policing. Radley Balko (2021) develops sev-

eral of the themes pioneered by Kraska, including the concomitant

proliferation of SWAT teams and no-knock warrants. The rationale

for SWAT teams is the preference for the police rather than the

military to deal with siege situations (such as the Texas Tower

10 The Problem

Sniper in 1966) and hostage rescues (such as the Munich massacre in

1972), i.e. very-high-risk incidents that require specialist training and

equipment for safe resolution. Notwithstanding, the ﬁrst US SWAT

team was formed by the City of Los Angeles Police Department

(LAPD) in response to the Watts riots of 1965 and its ﬁrst operation

was a badly botched execution of arrest warrants on the Los Angeles

chapter of the Black Panther Party in 1969 (Balko 2021). This initial

link between militarisation and racism would persist and even

increase as the decades progressed. By the 50th anniversary of the

ﬁrst SWAT raid, at least half of the US’ approximately 18,000 law

enforcement agencies had their own PPUs, a phenomenal ﬁgure

when one considers that approximately 5,400 of those agencies have

fewer than ten agents (Fleischer 2019; Reaves 2015).

One of several indicators of militarisation is the number of sus-

pects killed by police. Notoriously, there is no oﬃcial record of these

killings in the US, with databases having been established by the

abolitionist Campaign Zero (Mapping Police Violence, since 2013),

the Fatal Encounters Dot Org charity (Fatal Encounters, since 2014),

The Washington Post (Police Shootings Database, since 2015), and

The Guardian (The Counted, since 2015). A qualitative rather than

quantitative approach is, however, more revealing of the extent of

the militarism. If one considers, for example, cases in which one or

more police oﬃcers shot a Black man who was completely unarmed

(without a ﬁrearm, replica, or other weapon) dead, then the follow-

ing stand out: Jonathan Ferrell (2013, Charlotte, NC), Michael

Brown (2014, Ferguson), Ezell Ford (2014, Los Angeles), Walter

Scott (2015, North Charleston, SC), Samuel DuBose (2015, Cincin-

nati), Stephon Clark (2018, Sacramento), and Lindani Myeni (2021,

Nuʻuanu, HI). In each of these incidents police oﬃcers responded to

either ﬂight, resistance, or assault with excessive rather than rea-

sonable force. This reluctance to engage physically with suspects,

using either defensive or oﬀensive techniques for arrest, is part of the

military mindset, which prioritises maximum force and has, in the

US, been increasingly concerned with force protection (‘oﬃcer

safety’) since the 1990s (Barry 2020; McChrystal 2013). There are

two sets of evidence I cite for this claim, neither of which have

received much attention: the number of rounds ﬁred by police

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 11

oﬃcers and the failure of police oﬃcers to administer ﬁrst aid to

suspects they have shot.

Each round ﬁred by each oﬃcer should be independently justiﬁ-

able. In cases where a suspect is wearing a ballistic vest or where it

is unclear whether the round has hit the suspect, there may well be

justiﬁcation for a second round and possibly more. In cases where a

police oﬃcer is under ﬁre, the temptation to return ﬁre with multi-

ple – and poorly aimed – shots is completely understandable, albeit

one that would ideally be resisted in urban areas. All of the above

examples involve multiple shots being ﬁred at unarmed suspects. An

ABC News article provides some relevant statistics: the average

number of shots ﬁred by police oﬃcers in each of the City of New

York Police Department’s (NYPD) shooting incidents was ﬁve in

1995 and 3.2 in 2006 (Baram 2006).

There is no information on the

circumstances of these shootings, but unless NYPD oﬃcers were

attacked with lethal weapons on multiple occasions, even three

rounds per oﬃcer per incident is high. Although every time a police

oﬃcer ﬁres a shot she must accept responsibility for an attempt to

kill the suspect, the purpose of ﬁring is to either protect life or

facilitate arrest – not to kill. Killing is an unfortunate and foresee-

able eﬀect of police ﬁrearm use, but should never be the purpose of

that use. In consequence, a police oﬃcer who has wounded a suspect

(whether by shooting or another use of force) should administer ﬁrst

aid as soon as it is safe to do so. Typically, this would involve the

oﬃcer approaching a suspect who has dropped to the ground,

securing the suspect’s weapon, holstering their own ﬁrearm, and

then administering ﬁrst aid. If the suspect continues to resist, this

may not be possible, but the above examples involve oﬃcers either

handcuﬃng a wounded suspect or standing guard while a wounded

suspect bleeds to death. Institutional or legal action against oﬃcers

who cause serious injury to a suspect and then fail to deliver ﬁrst aid

is extremely rare, even though it is a violation of the Eighth

Amendment’s prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment (Eldridge

2020; Williams 2020; US Department of Justice Civil Rights Division

& US Attorney’sOﬃce District of Minnesota Civil Division 2023).

In February 2022, former Minneapolis Police Department (MPD)

Oﬃcers James Alexander Kueng and Thomas Lane were convicted

12 The Problem

for failure to render ﬁrst aid to George Floyd and my hope is that

the verdicts will set a national precedent for professional standards

in police use of force.

1.2.2 Politicisation

There are two intersections of policing and politics that are related to

but distinct from what I refer to as the politicisation of the police:

governance and function. ‘Governance’ concerns the level at which

police services and police chiefs are accountable to government oﬃcials

where ‘level’ refers to local, regional, or national oversight. As an

example, the majority of the US’ thousands of law enforcement agen-

cies are local, responsible to local or municipal authorities. In contrast,

the majority of police personnel in the UK are employed in regional or

metropolitan (‘territorial’)constabularies.

‘Function’ refers to the dis-

tinction between high policing and low policing, described by Manning

(2010: 46) as the diﬀerence between ‘functions associated with national

security’ (for example, border control and counter terrorism) and the

‘routine domestic functions’ of policing (for example, emergency

response and crime reduction). High policing is always carried out in

the interests of the nation state, although national, regional, and local

police services can all serve both a high and low function. My use of

‘politicisation’ refers to neither the level of governance nor the set of

functions of AADP, but to the extent to which the institution is actually

democratic, i.e. oriented to protecting the public rather than a parti-

cular interest group within that public. Ian Loader and Aogán Mulcahy

(2003: 44) articulate this conception as protecting the general order, ‘the

preservation of basic standards of public tranquillity in which all social

groups have a stake’. In the UK, politicisation has been associated with

perceptions of the police as protecting the speciﬁc order of the incum-

bent political regime at the expense of the general order.

Politicisation

undermines police legitimacy by failing to protect (all of) the public.

Ben Bowling, Robert Reiner, and James Sheptycki (2019) characterise

the British police as undergoing a process of depoliticisation from 1856

to 1959, which was reversed from 1959 to 1992. Depoliticisation is based

on two features: non-partisanship and accountability. Non-partisanship

meant that the police as an institution was not subject to direct political

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 13

control and that the various police authorities did not interfere in

operational policing or in the policies underpinning operational poli-

cing. Regarding the second feature, Bowling, Reiner, and Sheptycki

(2019: 80) describe how, by the middle of the 20th century, ‘the police

were purported to be accountable through an almost mystical process of

identiﬁcation with the British people, not the state’. Non-partisanship

suﬀered in the 1970s, when both the Police Federation (the English and

Welsh equivalent of a trade union) and Metropolitan Police Service

(MPS) Commissioner Robert Mark (from 1972 to 1977) took active

roles in political debate. Mark was openly critical of the Labour Party

and resigned following a well-publicised dispute with the Home Secre-

tary over the Police Act 1976. Identiﬁcation with the police began to

weaken in the 1960s, when they were seen as less representative of the

public, a development that was intensiﬁed by race riots in London,

Liverpool, Birmingham, Leeds, and Manchester in 1981.

The turning point in the politicisation of the police was their

deployment in the interests of national security by the second

Thatcher ministry during the Miners’ Strike of 1984 to 1985

(McCabe & Wallington 1988; Milne 2004; Woodman 2018). Bowl-

ing, Reiner, and Sheptycki describe the last three decades of policing

as being dominated by ﬁscal eﬃciency and ‘value for money’, but

this is an extension of the politicisation begun by Thatcher, which

was embraced by the four New Labour ministries from 1997 to 2010

and characterised by an increase in the control of the police by the

Home Secretary and an increase in the targeting of anti-capitalist

activists (Loader & Mulcahy 2003; Wilson & Walton 2019; Netpol

2020). The Police and Magistrates’ Courts Act 1994 gave the Home

Secretary the power to set national police objectives, which was

exercised in a Home Oﬃce performance management regime based

on the imposition of quantitative targets. The Police Act 1996 and

the Police Act 2002 both yielded further control of operational poli-

cing to the Home Secretary. Public dissatisfaction with the policing

of the 2009 G20 London summit protests and the reporting on the

Spy Cops Scandal by The Guardian in 2010 was followed by the

revelation that the police oﬃcer at the centre of the latter (Mark

Kennedy) had also been present at the former, a high court ruling

that police tactics at the protest were unlawful, and the launch of the

14 The Problem

ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (Wilson 2021). The police were

also criticised for their use of force in response to the anti-fracking

protests in England from 2016 to 2019 and for categorising Extinc-

tion Rebellion, a nonviolent environmental organisation, as politi-

cally extremist in 2020 (Gilmore et al. 2019; Wall 2021). Former

Home Secretaries Priti Patel (from 2019 to 2022) and Suella Braver-

man (from 2022 to 2023) were the architects of the Police, Crime,

Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 and the Public Order Act 2023, both

of which limited the right to protest and increased the police’s public

order powers.

Patel was accused of attempting to control chief constables by

amending the Policing Protocol, which was introduced with the Police

Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 (Dodd 2022a). The act

was a response to dual concerns about four decades of increasing

government control and decreasing oversight by local police autho-

rities. These authorities were replaced with Police and Crime Com-

missioners (PCCs, a category that includes Police, Fire and Crime

Commissioners in some counties and the mayors of London, Man-

chester, and West Yorkshire), who are elected by the public every four

years (Rogers 2017). PCCs were intended to reverse the totalising

trend of centralisation and to provide a safeguard against chief con-

stables who were not responsive to their publics. The new form of

governance has succeeded in reducing the power of chief constables,

who have lost the operational autonomy they held under police

authorities (Shannon 2022).

The transfer of control advanced rather

than reversed the totalising trend, however, as the elected oﬃcials

divided along party lines. From 2012 to 2021, the proportion of inde-

pendent PCCs decreased from 29% to zero and the Conservative

Party majority increased from 39% to 77%, consolidating the Home

Secretary’s power (Hamilton 2021; Rix 2021; Casey et al. 2023).

1.2.3 COVID-19 Pandemic

The UK responded to the COVID-19 pandemic with three national

‘lockdowns’, the ﬁrst of which began in March 2020 and the last of

which ended in March 2021. All other restrictions, including those

on socialising, were withdrawn in February 2022 (GOV.UK 2022).

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 15

The US responded at the state rather than federal level and although

most of its 50 states were in lockdown by April 2020, the majority of

lockdowns had been terminated by the end of the following month.

By July 2022, all states had withdrawn almost all COVID-19-related

restrictions (The New York Times 2022). The lockdowns presented

at least a threefold challenge to the police. First, the police were

required to deal with protests from libertarians, anti-vaccinationists,

and conspiracy theorists, which began almost immediately in both

the UK and US. There were violent protests in London in September

2020 and from March to August in 2021. Most of the protests in the

US were peaceful, although many were attended by armed right-

wing extremist groups (Ward 2020; Özdüzen, Bogdan & Ozgul

2021). Second, even when there was no organised resistance to

lockdown, many people disobeyed the new laws, which the police

were required to enforce. Third, there were concerns in the UK

about how diﬀerent constabularies were enforcing the new laws,

with high numbers of ﬁnes issued by some and very few by others

(Hough 2021). There was also concern about diﬀerential treatment

due to the disproportionate ﬁning of Black, Asian and Minority

Ethnic (BAME) individuals, which was intensiﬁed in November

2021, when Prime Minister Boris Johnson, his Downing Street staﬀ,

and Conservative oﬃcials were accused of breaking the law on

numerous occasions in the ‘Partygate’ scandal (BBC 2022; Slawson

& Thomas 2022). A broad but accurate summary of the Transat-

lantic impact of the pandemic on policing is that it placed the police

under greater public scrutiny at a time of heightened social tensions.

In such circumstances, the actions of two police oﬃcers caused

incalculable harm to police legitimacy in their respective countries.

On 25 May 2020 Oﬃcer Derek Chauvin and three of his collea-

gues in the MPD arrested George Floyd on suspicion of using a

counterfeit bill. Chauvin, who is White, used excessive force against

Floyd, who was Black, kneeling on his neck for 8 minutes and 46

seconds. The neck compression caused a fatal heart attack and

Floyd’s death was ﬁlmed by bystanders (The Washington Post 2020;

The New York Times 2020). The video was shared on social media

and attacks on police vehicles and stations began in Minneapolis the

next day. By the end of May, there had been protests in 75 cities

16 The Problem

across 27 states, with 4,400 people arrested. By the end of June there

had been protests in 2,000 cities across all 50 states, with up to 25

people killed, although the latter ﬁgure remains disputed (Taylor

2020; Burch et al. 2020). These protests spread to 60 countries

worldwide, with at least four violent protests in London and New-

castle in the ﬁrst two weeks of June. The diﬃculty of dealing with

the protests was exacerbated by the presence of right-wing extremist

counter-protesters in both countries. The number and size of the

protests diminished as the year progressed, but they were reinvigo-

rated in March 2021, when Chauvin’s trial for murder started.

Chauvin was found guilty on three charges, which included third-

degree murder, on 20 April 2021 and sentenced to 22 and a half years

in prison (Carter 2021).

On 9 March 2021 Constable Wayne Couzens, of the MPS’

Parliamentary and Diplomatic Protection unit, was arrested on

suspicion of kidnapping Sarah Everard, a 33-year-old marketing

executive, the previous week. Couzens exploited COVID-19 legis-

lation to detain Everard extrajudicially, after which he raped her,

murdered her, and disposed of her corpse in a wood. Everard’s

remains were found the day after Couzens’ arrest and she was

identiﬁed by her dental records on 12 March (Morton 2021). An

activist group called Reclaim These Streets organised a series of

vigils to be held across the UK the following day. On the evening

of 13 March, the MPS forcibly dispersed a group of several hun-

dred people at a vigil on Clapham Common. Four mourners were

arrested and video footage of police oﬃcers pushing and grappling

with women was shared on social media (Dodd & Grierson 2021).

The use of force was reasonable, proportionate, and supported by

Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue

Services (HMICFRS, 2021), but the images of policemen from the

same service as Couzens laying hands on women paying tribute to

his victim did signiﬁcant damage to the MPS’ reputation. Couzens

pleaded guilty to murder on 8 June and was sentenced to life

imprisonment with a whole life order on 30 September (Alibhai

2021). On the same day, the Investigatory Powers Tribunal (IPT,

2021) handed down a judgement that the MPS had fundamentally

breached the human rights of several women who were subjected

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 17

to long-term surveillance in an undercover policing operation from

2003 to 2009 (by Kennedy and other police oﬃcers). Commissioner

Cressida Dick resigned in February 2022 and the MPS was moved

from routine to robust monitoring by HMICFRS in June 2022

(Dodd 2022b).

1.3 Reform, Defunding, and Abolition

The existence of a Transatlantic crisis in police legitimacy and its

exacerbation by the circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic are

little disputed. The contribution of militarisation to the US crisis is

similarly well known and while the signiﬁcance of politicisation to

the UK crisis has received much less academic attention, it is a

recurring theme in the media. Broadly construed, three solutions

have been proposed to date: reform, defunding, and abolition.

Although many individual approaches to the crisis include aspects of

all three, the categories remain useful because of their distinct goals.

Reform aims to repair the institution of policing from within,

making it more just and humane, usually by means of recruitment,

training, discipline, and oversight. Defunding aims to redirect fund-

ing for the institution of policing to institutions that create sustain-

able safety for all, such as welfare, healthcare, and local government.

Abolition aims to dismantle the institution of policing in its entirety,

replacing police services with community safety and conﬂict resolu-

tion in local, self-governing zones. An exploration of the full extent,

diversity, and merit of the versions of each of these solutions that

have been proposed and published in the last 30 years is beyond the

scope of my inquiry. I do not, however, wish to dismiss the solutions

without recognising their value to my aim, which is to establish a

comprehensive framework for the recovery of police legitimacy. My

argument here is simply that regardless of the merits of individual

solutions to the crisis of police legitimacy, each of the categories has

at least one signiﬁcant problem that must be overcome. In con-

sequence of these problems my recommendation is to approach the

crisis of police legitimacy from a completely diﬀerent perspective,

which I set out in Chapter 2.

18 The Problem

1.3.1 Reform

Police reform aims to repair the institution of policing from within,

making it more just and humane. This is usually achieved by means

such as diversifying recruitment, improving initial and in-service

training, streamlining service disciplinary procedures, and enhancing

internal and external oversight, as in Ross Deuchar, Vaughn Cri-

chlow, and Seth Fallik’s (2021) recent study. While the literature on

evidence-based policing (EBP) is not usually regarded as part of the

reform agenda, it should not be ignored and Cynthia Lum and

Christopher Koper (2017) provide an example of how the Evidence-

Based Policing Matrix can increase police eﬀectiveness and eﬃciency

in the absence of changes usually associated with reform.

If Abt

(2019) is correct in identifying eﬀectiveness as a signiﬁcant compo-

nent of legitimacy, then EBP is a potential solution to the current

crisis. More complex proposals for reform extend the repair required

from police tactics to police strategy, as in Martin Innes and collea-

gues’ (2020) study of the neighbourhood policing model. More

complex still is the extension of the repair from the institution of

policing to either the criminal justice system, such as in Michael

Huemer’s (2021) treatise on the US legal system, or, further still, to

the political system, such as Bowling, Reiner, and Sheptycki’s (2019)

call for social democratic governance. What links all these approa-

ches is that there are no substantial changes to the institutions or

systems involved – policing, criminal justice, or political – they are

all adjusted incrementally from within rather than reimagined or

replaced. An obvious advantage of reform is that it is easier to

implement than more fundamental changes. The problem with

police reform is obvious: it does not – or, at least, has not – worked.

Two examples serve particularly well, the Christopher Commis-

sion on the LAPD and the Macpherson report on the MPS. The

Christopher Commission (Independent Commission on the Los

Angeles Police Department 1991) was established less than a month

after the footage of LAPD oﬃcers using excessive force against

Rodney King was released on 3 March 1991. Although it did not

employ these terms, the Commission found the LAPD institutionally

racist and over-militarised, the latter problem evinced by the

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 19

widespread use of excessive force by oﬃcers and a departmental

emphasis on crime control rather than crime prevention. The recom-

mended reforms were delayed by rioting in April and May 1992, but

pursued in earnest thereafter. These reforms did not, however, avert

the Rampart scandal of 1997 to 1998, one of the largest and most

notorious police corruption cases in the US, and the LAPD have been

implicated in the current crisis with the killing of Ezell Ford in 2014 and

Charley Leundeu Keunang in 2015 (Kirk & Boyer 2001). The Stephen

Lawrence Inquiry (Macpherson et al. 1999) was launched in July 1997,

four years after the murder of Black teenager Stephen Lawrence in a

racially motived attack and following allegations that there had been

major failings in the police investigation. The Macpherson report

found that the MPS was institutionally racist and that there was a

lack of conﬁdence in the constabulary in BAME communities. In

2008, Assistant Commissioner Tarique Ghaﬀur, the highest-ranking

BAME police oﬃcer in the UK, accused both the Commissioner, Ian

Blair, and the MPS of racism, following which Blair was forced to

resign by London Mayor Boris Johnson (Gray 2008). Three years

later, inconsistencies in MPS reports of the fatal shooting of Mark

Duggan, a Black man in possession of an illegal ﬁrearm, provided

the catalyst for the 2011 England riots, a week of violent disorder in

August (Lewis et al. 2011).

Returning to the US, the President’s Task Force on 21st Century

Policing (2015) was established in 2014, in response to the Ferguson

protests, but the recommendations for the national implementation of

community-oriented policing (‘community policing’ in the UK) pre-

vented neither the murder of George Floyd nor the anger of the those

who protested against it. The National Police Chiefs’ Council and

College of Policing’s(2022) Police Race Action Plan: Improving poli-

cing for Black people aims to improve policing for Black communities

in England and Wales and begins by admitting that anti-racist reform

over the last quarter century has been neither substantial nor expedi-

tious and that evidence of institutional racism remains. Tim Newburn

(2022) criticises the Task Force in particular and the reform movement

in general for being overly reliant on procedural justice as the solution

to the crisis of police legitimacy. Regardless of whether this is an

accurate assessment, no single set of reforms seem to have made a

20 The Problem

substantial diﬀerence in either the US or the UK. Neither procedural

justice nor community-oriented policing averted or even ameliorated

the crisis and there seems little point in continuing to pursue a solution

with an apparently extensive history of failure.

1.3.2 Defunding

Police defunding aims to redirect funding for the institution of poli-

cing to other institutions. The idea is that other institutions, such as

welfare, healthcare, and local government are both more eﬀective at

crime reduction than the police and capable of reducing crime with-

out aggravating already existing inequalities. The largest and most

vociferous defunding coalition is the Movement for Black Lives

(M4BL, 2024), who articulate their demands in terms of divestment

in local, state (regional), and federal (national) police and prisons

and investment in local, state, and federal education, restorative

justice, and employment, with the funding for the former being

reallocated to the latter. Defunding can either be an end in itself or a

means to the end of police abolition. Jennifer Cobbina (2019) is

primarily concerned with the reduction of violence, speciﬁcally the

reduction of police violence against minority communities, in con-

sequence of which defunding is an end in itself. She argues that the

most eﬀective and eﬃcient way to achieve this is to redistribute

resources from criminal justice institutions to prevention and inter-

vention programmes for at-risk young people. In contrast, Adam

Elliott-Cooper (2020, 2021, 2023) regards the defunding of the crim-

inal justice system as a means to the end of both police and prison

abolition, citing statistics that are often lost in the comparison with

the US: the English and Welsh prison population almost doubled from

1993 to 2016. The problem with police defunding is that the proposed

redistribution of resources is not as straightforward as it seems.

Jennifer Fleetwood and John Lea (2022) are two of the few aca-

demics to have pointed out that ‘defund the police’ was oﬃcial UK

policy for at least ﬁve years and possibly nine, depending on the

measurement employed. Conservative Prime Minister David

Cameron responded to the Global Financial Crisis by decreasing

public spending rather than increasing taxation and substantial

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 21

budget cuts to the public sector were initiated with the Spending

Review 2010. A decade of Conservative austerity politics followed, by

the end of which the public sector was employing the smallest propor-

tion of the country’s workforce since 1945 (Toynbee & Walker 2020).

The police experienced budget cuts along with the rest of the public

sector and to take just one indicator of the extent of these cuts, the

number of frontline police oﬃcers in England and Wales fell by 11%

from 2010 to 2014 (National Debate Advisory Group 2015). The police

budget reached a low in the 2015 to 2016 ﬁscal year and by the time

Johnson announced his commitment to recruit more police oﬃcers in

September 2019, numbers were 14% fewer than in 2009 (Home Oﬃce

2020). A decrease of between 11% and 14% may not sound like very

much, but the problem was – and still is – a dramatic increase in

workload and calls for service after the decrease in the provision of

health, education, and social services.

Andrew Millie and Karen Bullock (2012: 17) describe this situa-

tion as ‘the “policiﬁcation” of social policy’. Referring to similar

austerity politics in the US, Alex Vitale (2022) states: ‘It[’]s about

defunding communities and using police to paper over the problems

that result.’ Chief constables in the UK are faced with a situation

where they have to do more with less and are simply unable to meet

public expectations of police services (Boulton et al. 2017; Lumsden

& Black 2018; Dodd 2022c; Casey et al. 2023). Clearly, none of this

is what is intended by defunding as a response to the crisis of police

legitimacy. The defunding of the police must be matched with an

increase in funding to the types of services mentioned above, not a

corresponding decrease, which will inevitably lead to an expansion

of the police function. Crucially, the increase in funding to the other

services must precede police defunding in order to avoid replicating

the UK’s austerity experiment, which – paradoxically – makes

defunding an expensive solution to the crisis. Kraska (2021) suggests

the term ‘de-policing’ instead, which he uses to refer to the reduction

of the police function, speciﬁcally retraction from schools, traﬃc,

mental health, and drug abuse. I shall refer to solutions to the crisis

of police legitimacy that involve the reduction of the police function

as depolicing, which is a more accurate description of what is sup-

posed to happen (and which may or may not be accompanied by

22 The Problem

defunding).

Depolicing is also used to describe a reduction in

proactive police practice and while there is evidence that this actu-

ally increases eﬀectiveness there are concerns that the withdrawal of

police patrols from neighbourhoods could lead to the problem with

abolition I discuss below (Deuchar, Crichlow & Fallik 2021; Abt

2019).

1.3.3 Abolition

Police abolition aims to dismantle the institution of policing in its

entirety. The police abolition movement emerged from the prison abo-

lition movement, which was initiated in the US in the 1970s with the

work of Thomas Mathiesen (1974) and Faye Honey Knopp (1976) and

popularised with subsequent work by Angela Davis (2003) and Ruth

Wilson Gilmore (2007), among others. Prison abolitionists promote

either mass decarceration or the complete elimination of the prison

system. Police abolitionists identify AADP as either an adaptation or

development of colonial policing, which was initially performed by the

military and included militias in the British Caribbean and slave patrols

in the Southern states of the US (Siegel 2018; Balko 2021; Cunneen

2023). Colonial policing was both militarised and politicised and abo-

litionists promote the replacement of police services with community

safety and conﬂict resolution, often in local, self-governing zones.

Vitale (2021: 28) is probably the best-known contemporary aboli-

tionist, a position he justiﬁes with clarity and conviction: ‘American

police function, despite whatever good intentions they have, as a tool

for managing deeply entrenched inequalities in a way that system-

atically produces injustices for the poor, socially marginal, and non-

white.

’He provides speciﬁc examples of the violation of Manning’s

diﬀerence principle in the policing of homelessness, sex work, drugs,

and gangs. Derecka Purnell’s (2021) approach is somewhat broader,

regarding the police as part of a prison-industrial complex that should

be eliminated and basing her abolition on a shocking research ﬁnding:

only 4% of calls for police service are about violent crime. She makes

the persuasive claim that the widespread dissemination of these and

related statistics would cause a large proportion of the population to

reconsider their views on the need for the police.

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 23

Like police reform, the problem with police abolition is obvious:

if not the police, then whom – or what? Unlike reform, abolition has

not been implemented in the US or the UK so there is no conclusive

evidence either way. While I am in favour of mass – or, at the very

least, substantial – decarceration, I am not a prison abolitionist,

unlike many of my colleagues in criminology. When asked why not,

I respond with the question: what would you do with Wayne Cou-

zens? The public needs to be protected from Couzens and the only

way to do that appears to be incapacitation by means of a custodial

sentence. While prison is far from ideal, it is more morally accep-

table than alternative historical solutions such as execution and

exile. Both Vitale and Purnell’s research provide evidence for the

possibility of a dramatic reduction in the size and the functions of

the institution of policing, but not for the elimination of the entire

institution. It seems uncontroversial to state that the police are the

appropriate institution to respond to violent crime – if not the

police, it would have to be a similar institution that is trained and

equipped to respond to violence with reasonable force. While such

calls for service may only be a tiny percentage of uniformed police

work, those incidents must be investigated – and, again, if not by

police detectives, then by whom?

There is also another concern, about what happens when police

withdraw from a community completely. An example of this can be

seen in the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest (CHOP), an autonomous

zone that existed in Seattle for three weeks of June 2020. Following a

week of violent clashes with residents protesting Floyd’s murder, the

Seattle Police Department abandoned its East Precinct in Capitol

Hill in an attempt to de-escalate the situation. Six city blocks around

the precinct were declared a ‘no-cop zone’ on 8 June and described

as resembling a street fair and a commune by observers (Garcia

2020). There were no elected leaders in the zone, with most decisions

made by groups of community members, although mayoral candi-

date Nikkita Oliver and hip hop artist Raz Simone received con-

siderable media coverage. The impromptu 23-day experiment in

police abolition created a situation that seemed to achieve the con-

viviality at which most late modern cities aim during the day, but

was reported as being unsafe at night (Burns 2020). On 20 June, two

24 The Problem

men were shot in two separate incidents, one of whom died. Two

more men were shot in two further incidents over the next two days.

On 29 June, one teenager was shot dead and another wounded and

on 1 July the police returned in force, dismantling barricades and

arresting protesters who refused to disperse (Abrams 2020). Though

the circumstances of the establishment of CHOP very likely con-

tributed to the problem, the persistence of gun violence in a self-

declared, self-governing, and self-policing community is indicative of

the challenges facing police abolition.

Several points emerge from my very brief summary of existent solu-

tions to the crisis of police legitimacy. First, the wide variation in even

the tiny sample I have selected. These range from minor changes to

police tactics to eliminating the entire institution of policing. Second,

all of the approaches in my sample have both merits and ﬂaws. None of

the reforms that have been implemented have survived the litmus test

of the pandemic and none of the approaches that have not been imple-

mented are without genuine legal or moral diﬃculties. Third, all three

categories of solution recognise that the institution of policing is part of

the criminal justice system. This suggests that the crisis of police

legitimacy may not reﬂect public perceptions of the police in isolation

and that there are at least two levels at which police legitimacy may be

undermined. My thesis is that there are three levels at which police

legitimacy is undermined: the practice of policing, the institution of

policing, and the systemic context of policing. As such, any compre-

hensive framework for recovering police legitimacy must respond to

the sets of problems at each of these levels. In the next chapter, which

concludes Part 1 of the book, I describe these levels in detail. I set out

my methodology in Part 2, beginning with an autoethnography that

identiﬁes four characteristics of the practice of policing. These char-

acteristics provide a lens for the analysis of the relationships among

policing as a situated practice, public protection, and police legitimacy,

which are explored using an epistemology of narrative ﬁction. Part 3

presents the three critical case studies: Southern California, 2013–2014;

West Yorkshire, 1980; and Los Angeles, 1947–1959. I summarise and

review the evidence from the case studies in Part 4, concluding with an

elaboration of my framework for recovering police legitimacy that

includes recommendations for both the US and the UK.

The Crisis of Police Legitimacy 25

Notes

1 Robert Peel was Home Secretary of the United Kingdom of Great Brit-

ain and Ireland from 1822 to 1830 (with a temporary resignation in

1827), took over as Prime Minister when Charles Grey resigned in 1834,

and served a full term as Prime Minister from 1841 to 1846. His title was

Sir Robert Peel, 2nd Baronet.

2 For details of the decrease in violent crime in the US and the UK from

the early 1990s to the mid-2010s, see: Garland (2001); Sharkey (2018);

Miles and Buehler (2022).

3 There are arguments of varying degrees of strength for the militarisation

and politicisation of the police in both countries, for example: Lea and

Young 1993; Wacquant 2004; Neocleous 2014, 2021; Gordon 2022. I

shall restrict my focus to militarisation in the US and politicisation in

the UK on the basis of the excess of evidence available.

4 The article is about the phenomenon of ‘contagious shooting’, which is a

speciﬁc instance of the wider process with which I am concerned. It

nonetheless provides several more examples of multiple rounds being

ﬁred unnecessarily by police oﬃcers.

5 I discuss the institution of policing and the police establishment in the

US and UK in Chapter 2.

6 For an early discussion of the relevance of the distinction between the

general and speciﬁc orders, see: Marenin (1982).

7 The chief oﬃcers interviewed by Shannon (2022) were particularly per-

turbed by the PCCs’ authority to both appoint and dismiss chief constables.

8 The UK equivalent of the EBP Matrix is the Crime Reduction Toolkit

(What Works Centre for Crime Reduction 2024).

9 For an early argument for depolicing, see: Black (1980).

10 A similar concern about the reduction of proactive policing has been

called the ‘Ferguson eﬀect’, but this is a deliberate conﬂation of several

phenomena for political purposes – as Abt (2019) makes very clear.

11 Notwithstanding his reputation as an abolitionist, Vitale (2021) provides

equal support for depolicing in The End of Policing.

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The Biopolitics of Race: State Racism and U.S. Immigration

Book

Jan 2013

Sokthan Yeng

Many political figures insist that their anti-immigration sentiments have nothing to do with race and racism. Americans seem largely unconvinced, which is why politicians must protest so loudly and often. In order to deflect accusations of racism, public figures evoke the neo-liberal principle that calls for protection of state health and resources. Yet contemporary philosophers such as Hanna Arendt, Michel Foucault, and Giorgio Agamben argue that neo-liberal ideology is racist. Sokthan Yeng applies their analysis to the debate over immigration policies to show that neo-liberalism not only recodes traditional racist rhetoric but also expands systemic racism. Politicians can say that their anti-immigration policies are meant to protect the nation’s economy and strength. It is no coincidence, however, that the populations most affected by these regulations are ethnic and cultural minorities such as Mexican and Muslim immigrants. The analysis presented in The Biopolitics of Race will be valuable to philosophers and other scholars or students interested in critical race theory, feminism, and queer theory. It also has implications for anyone working in public health, bioethics, or migration studies.

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Michael Power

Since the mid-1990s risk management has undergone a dramatic expansion in its reach and significance, being transformed from an aspect of management control to become a benchmark of good governance for banks, hospitals, schools, charities and many other organizations. Numerous standards for risk management practice have been produced by a variety of transnational organizations. While these many designs and blueprints are accompanied by ideals of enterprise, value production, and good governance, it is argued that the rise of risk management has also coincided with an intensification of auditing and control processes. The legalization and bureacratization of organizational life has increased because risk management has created new demands for proof and evidence of action. In turn, these demands have generated new risks to reputation. In short, this important book traces the rise of the managerial concept of risk and the different logics and values which underpin it, showing that it has much less to do with real dangers and opportunities than might be thought, and more to do with organizational accountability and legitimacy.

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Policing Empires examines the militarization of the “civil police” in Britain and the United States. It tracks when, why, and how British and US police departments have adopted military tactics, tools, and technologies for domestic use. It reveals that police militarization has occurred since the very founding of modern policing in the nineteenth century and that militarization has long been an effect of the imperial boomerang. When militarizing their forces, police officials have drawn upon the tactics, tools, and technologies associated with imperialism and colonial conquests. Using the tools of comparative and postcolonial historical sociology, the book further shows that there have been distinct waves of militarization in Britain and the United States since the nineteenth century and that each of these waves has been triggered by the racialization of crime and disorder. Police have typically brought the imperial boomerang home to militarize police in response to perceived racialized threats from minority and immigrant populations. Police militarization results from the imperial state domesticating the methods and tools of its armies abroad to herd, contain, and thrash imagined barbarians who have dared flood through the gates of ostensible civilization.

Evidence-Based Policing: Translating Research into PracticeTranslating Research into Practice

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Today's police agencies are in a period of both crisis and reform as they try to improve their ability to deliver public safety to citizens in ways that are effective, legitimate, and sustainable. Evidence-based policing offers one such solution—an approach which emphasises the value that research can bring to police officers and, by extension, the public they serve. However, evidence-based policing is not just about the process of understanding and evaluating police practices. It is also about translating and using that knowledge in daily police activities. This book examines the scientific evidence for the effectiveness of various police practices and provides tools to help turn research into practice. Part I gives a practitioner's definition of evidence-based policing, a primer on how to judge and interpret research findings, and a review of the Evidence-Based Policing Matrix, a tool for translating research on police crime control interventions. In Part II the chapters review the breadth of knowledge about policing interventions for people, places, communities, and technology, focusing on how to optimize operations based on this information. Tools and ideas that can assist in implementing evidence-based practices into patrol, investigations, supervision, management, crime analysis, and leadership are provided in Part III. Finally, in Part IV the chapters contain conversations with researchers about how they might continue to work with police agencies to advance evidence-based policing.

Over and out: the damaged and conflicting identities of officers voluntarily resigning from the police service

Article