ArticlePublisher preview available

Corporate antitrust prosecutions: Prosecutorial decision making in the assessment of total monetary penalties

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

Our study analyzes data from the Corporate Prosecution Registry of the University of Virginia School of Law and Duke University School of Law (Garrett and Ashley, 2023). We examine a subset of corporate violators, namely prosecutions brought under the Sherman Antitrust Act’s criminal provisions. The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 is a federal statute that prohibits activities that restrict interstate commerce and competition in the marketplace. We utilize the framework of bounded rationality of decision making to hypothesize that prosecutors are influenced by internal and external factors that affect the total monetary penalties ultimately levied on corporate violators of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law’s criminal provisions. Specifically, our results indicate that corporate monetary penalties for antitrust corporate offenders are significantly more likely to be lower when the corporate defendant entered into disposition agreements (such as non-prosecution agreements, deferred prosecution agreements, and plea agreements) with the prosecutor and is a company incorporated and registered under U.S. laws. On the other hand, the total monetary penalties imposed on corporate defendants are more likely to be higher when the defendant is a financial institution, a public company, or a Fortune 500 company.
Vol.:(0123456789)
Crime, Law and Social Change (2024) 82:69–93
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-023-10136-4
1 3
Corporate antitrust prosecutions: Prosecutorial decision
making intheassessment oftotal monetary penalties
ClaireNolascoBraaten1 · LilyChi‑FangTsai2
Accepted: 9 December 2023 / Published online: 27 December 2023
© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V. 2023
Abstract
Our study analyzes data from the Corporate Prosecution Registry of the University
of Virginia School of Law and Duke University School of Law (Garrett and Ash-
ley, 2023). We examine a subset of corporate violators, namely prosecutions brought
under the Sherman Antitrust Act’s criminal provisions. The Sherman Antitrust Act
of 1890 is a federal statute that prohibits activities that restrict interstate commerce
and competition in the marketplace. We utilize the framework of bounded rational-
ity of decision making to hypothesize that prosecutors are influenced by internal and
external factors that affect the total monetary penalties ultimately levied on corpo-
rate violators of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law’s criminal provisions. Specifically, our
results indicate that corporate monetary penalties for antitrust corporate offenders
are significantly more likely to be lower when the corporate defendant entered into
disposition agreements (such as non-prosecution agreements, deferred prosecution
agreements, and plea agreements) with the prosecutor and is a company incorpo-
rated and registered under U.S. laws. On the other hand, the total monetary penalties
imposed on corporate defendants are more likely to be higher when the defendant is
a financial institution, a public company, or a Fortune 500 company.
Keywords Bounded rationality· Prosecutorial decision making· Monetary
penalties· Financial institutions· White collar crime· Decision making model·
Sherman Act· Antitrust violations
* Claire Nolasco Braaten
cnolasco@tamusa.edu; claire.braaten@tamusa.edu
Lily Chi-Fang Tsai
Ltsai@umes.edu
1 Department ofCriminology andPolitical Science, College ofArts andSciences, Texas A&M-
San Antonio, One University Way, SanAntonio, TX78224, USA
2 Department ofCriminal Justice, University ofMaryland Eastern Shore, 1 College Backbone
Road, PrincessAnne, MD21853, USA
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
This article repeats an oft-made proposal: that there should be one nearly exclusive antitrust enforcement agency at the federal level. What makes the proposal unique, however, is that the proposal is based upon the legislative history of the Federal Trade Commission Act and the goals of Congress in establishing competition policy in the first instance. It also relies upon an administrative law bent, namely that the elimination of the DOJ's Antitrust Division would enhance the ability of the Federal Trade Commission to gain deference in enforcing its organic statute.
Book
Drawing extensively on empirical studies from the US, UK, Australia, and New Zealand, John Braithwaite and Ian Ayres offer an well-argued addition to the comparative literature on government regulation. In an effort to transcend the ongoing debate between those who favour strong state regulation and those who call for deregulation, they argue that regulation does not have to proceed with an adversarial tone, nor does it have to be `soft’ or `hard’ to be effective.
Article
This study examines if judges sentence criminal corporations that are more blameworthy in the commission of crimes to community service penalties. This blameworthiness consideration is drawn from the focal concerns framework. The study uses data compiled by the U.S. Sentencing Commission from court documents for the cases of 1125 corporations that were sentenced in federal criminal courts nationwide between October 1, 2010, and September 30, 2017. Results showed that corporations with higher base fines were significantly more likely to be sentenced to terms of community service compared to those corporations with base fines. Policy implications are discussed.
Article
In the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis, people across the United States protested that "too big to jail" banks were not held accountable after the financial crisis. Little has changed. Newly collected data concerning enforcement during the Trump Administration has made it possible to assess what impact a se­ries of new policies has had on corporate enforcement. To provide a snapshot comparison, in its last twenty months, the Obama Administration levied I4.15billionintotalcorporatepenaltiesbyprosecutingseventyonefinancialinstitu­tionsandthirtyfourpubliccompanies.DuringthefirsttwentymonthsoftheTrumpAdministration,corporatepenaltiesdeclinedtoI4.15 billion in total corporate penalties by prosecuting seventy-one financial institu­tions and thirty-four public companies. During the first twenty months of the Trump Administration, corporate penalties declined to 3.4 billion in total penal­ties, with seventeen financial institutions and thirteen public companies prose­cuted. These trends build over time. In each year, blockbuster cases come and go, creating swings in fines. However, consistent with these data, this Article describes changes in written policy, practice, and informal statements from the Department of Justice that have cumulatively softened the federal approach to corporate criminals. This Article also describes continuity between administra­tions. A rise in corporate declinations, for example, represents a continuation of Obama Administration policy. A decline in use of corporate monitors similarly reflects prior policy. The steady and low level of individual charging in corporate cases reflects an ongoing lack of success in efforts to prioritize individual prose­cutions, exemplified by the 2015 "Yates Memo." That policy, like others, has been formally relaxed. The series of DOJ corporate prosecution policy changes has also been accompanied by institutional shifts. For example, high-level vacan­cies within the DOJ and other enforcement agencies may compromise ability to coordinate resolution of complex cases. This Article concludes by proposing structural changes, such as independent corporate enforcement functions, to enhance capacity and prevent pendulum shifts in enforcement. How we handle corporate crime goes to the root of power imbalances in the economy that pro­duced the financial crisis. If we still have not learned the lessons of the last finan­cial crisis, the next one cannot be far ahead.
Article
Before 2008, prosecutions of banks had been quite rare in the federal courts, and the criminal liability of banks and bankers was not a topic that received much public or scholarly attention. In the wake of the last financial crisis, however, critics have begun to ask whether prosecutors adequately held banks and bankers accountable for their crimes. In this Essay, I describe the remarkable rise in the number of bank prosecutions in recent years, as well as the still steeper rise in criminal penalties imposed on banks. 2015 was the year that bank prosecutions finally came into their own, both in the record-breaking size of the fines and in the numbers of cases resolved. While the DOJ can claim marked achievements in recent years, which I detail here, I nevertheless caution against treating these data as fully answering critics’ concerns. Despite the apparent rise of bank prosecutions, important “too big to jail” concerns remain: prosecution deals are inadequate both as punishments and as rehabilitative efforts designed to promote compliance. Upon closer examination, the recent string of bank prosecutions, while noteworthy, fails to address persistent concerns that deterrent fines are not routinely imposed, that compliance terms designed to rehabilitate firms are not used effectively, and that individuals remain largely un-prosecuted.
Chapter
Five years have passed since the onset of what is sometimes called the Great Recession. While the economy has slowly improved, there are still millions of Americans leading lives of quiet desperation: without jobs, without resources, without hope. Who was to blame? Was it simply a result of negligence, of the kind of inordinate risk-taking commonly called a ‘bubble’, of an imprudent but innocent failure to maintain adequate reserves for a rainy day? Or was it the result, at least in part, of fraudulent practices, of dubious mortgages portrayed as sound risks and packaged into ever more esoteric financial instruments, the fundamental weaknesses of which were intentionally obscured? If it was the former – if the recession was due, at worst, to a lack of caution – then the criminal law has no role to play in the aftermath. For in all but a few circumstances (not here relevant), the fierce and fiery weapon called criminal prosecution is directed at intentional misconduct and nothing less. If the Great Recession was in no part the handiwork of intentionally fraudulent practices by high-level executives, then to prosecute such executives criminally would be ‘scapegoating’ of the most shallow and despicable kind. But if, by contrast, the Great Recession was in material part the product of intentional fraud, the failure to prosecute those responsible must be judged one of the more egregious failures of the criminal justice system in many years. Indeed, it would stand in striking contrast to the increased success that federal prosecutors have had over the past fifty years or so in bringing to justice even the highest-level figures who orchestrated mammoth frauds. Thus, in the 1970s, in the aftermath of the ‘junk bond’ bubble that, in many ways, was a precursor of the more recent bubble in mortgage-backed securities, the progenitors of the fraud were all successfully prosecuted, right up to Michael Milken. Again, in the 1980s, the so-called savings-and-loan crisis, which again had some eerie parallels to more recent events, resulted in the successful criminal prosecution of more than 800 individuals, right up to Charles Keating. And again, the widespread accounting frauds of the 1990s, most vividly represented by Enron and WorldCom, led directly to the successful prosecution of such previously respected CEOs as Jeffrey Skilling and Bernie Ebbers.