News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries: a rapid review

Abstract

Food poverty and insecurity have become a public health emergency in many high-income countries. News media coverage can shape public and political views towards such issues. This rapid review synthesizes the evidence on how food poverty and insecurity are represented in the news media. Peer-reviewed publications were accessed through three electronic databases, with reference lists of all included studies screened. Primary research studies conducted in high-income countries and published in English since 1995 were included, with no restrictions on study methods. A combination of deductive coding to Entman’s framing theory and inductive analysis was used. Ten studies, mostly rated as low quality, were included in the review. Newspapers were the only type of news media examined. The findings showed a largely absent nuanced understanding of food poverty and insecurity, with the problem often defined by food bank use and the consequences mainly focused on physical health. The causes were mostly attributed to structural factors, with the solutions largely focused on charitable food aid. The discourse of recipient (un)deservingness of food aid was evident. Articles often contained views from government officials and charities, with individuals’ experiences of food poverty and insecurity largely absent. The findings of this review highlight that a major shift in print media discourse on food poverty and insecurity is required. More balanced and critical news reporting is required to present a more realistic picture of food poverty and insecurity, including its multi-dimensional nature, limitations of food charity and the need for structural solutions to this important issue.

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Health Promotion International, 2023, 38, 1–15
https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/daad188
Article
© The Author(s) 2023. Published by Oxford University Press.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/
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Article
News media framing of food poverty and insecurity
in high-income countries: a rapid review
Claire Kerins1,*,, Sinéad Furey2, Páraic Kerrigan3, Aodheen McCartan4, Colette Kelly1,
and Elena Vaughan1
1Health Promotion Research Centre, School of Health Sciences, University of Galway, University Road, Galway H91 TK33, Ireland
2Department of Hospitality and Tourism Management, Ulster University Business School, Ulster University, Cromore Road,
Coleraine, Co. Londonderry BT52 1SA, United Kingdom
3School of Information and Communication Studies, University College Dublin, Belfield, Dublin 4 D04 V1W8,Ireland
4School of Communication and Media, Ulster University, York Street, Belfast, Co. Antrim BT15 1ED, United Kingdom
*Corresponding author: E-mail: ckerins@universityofgalway.ie
Abstract
Food poverty and insecurity have become a public health emergency in many high-income countries. News media coverage can
shape public and political views towards such issues. This rapid review synthesizes the evidence on how food poverty and inse-
curity are represented in the news media. Peer-reviewed publications were accessed through three electronic databases, with
reference lists of all included studies screened. Primary research studies conducted in high-income countries and published in
English since 1995 were included, with no restrictions on study methods. A combination of deductive coding to Entman’s framing
theory and inductive analysis was used. Ten studies, mostly rated as low quality, were included in the review. Newspapers were
the only type of news media examined. The findings showed a largely absent nuanced understanding of food poverty and insecu-
rity, with the problem often defined by food bank use and the consequences mainly focused on physical health. The causes were
mostly attributed to structural factors, with the solutions largely focused on charitable food aid. The discourse of recipient (un)
deservingness of food aid was evident. Articles often contained views from government officials and charities, with individuals’
experiences of food poverty and insecurity largely absent. The findings of this review highlight that a major shift in print media
discourse on food poverty and insecurity is required. More balanced and critical news reporting is required to present a more
realistic picture of food poverty and insecurity, including its multi-dimensional nature, limitations of food charity and the need for
structural solutions to this important issue.
Keywords: food poverty, food insecurity, food charity, framing theory, news media, rapid review
INTRODUCTION
Food poverty and insecurity are complex phenomena,
which encompass multiple dimensions. While both
terms refer to the same health and social issue, and
are often used interchangeably in the literature, there
are some differences in their denitions and associated
dimensions. The term ‘food poverty’ is relatively new
and can be dened as ‘the insufcient economic access
to an adequate quantity and quality of food to main-
tain a nutritionally satisfactory and socially acceptable
diet’ (O’Connor et al., 2016). It is comprised of four
dimensions: economic access, quantity and quality of
food, duration and social dimension (O’Connor et al.,
2016). The term ‘food insecurity’ has been in existence
for longer and can be dened as ‘the inability to con-
sume an adequate quality or sufcient quantity of food
in socially acceptable ways, or the uncertainty that one
will be able to do so’ (Dowler et al., 2001). The Food
and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
identied six dimensions of food security within their
denition: food availability, food access (physical and
economic), utilization, stability, agency and sustaina-
bility (HLPE, 2020). Despite differences in denition
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2C. Kerins et al.
and dimensions, food poverty and food insecurity are
considered interrelated concepts (O’Connor et al.,
2016).
Food poverty and insecurity remain relatively hid-
den, especially in high-income countries where there
is a perception that it is not a problem (Drew, 2022;
BMC Medicine Editorial, 2023). Food poverty exists
in the Global North and the right to food continues to
be compromised by poverty due to unexpected changes
in employment and household bills combined with a
lack of savings for emergency expenditures (Nord
and Brent, 2002; Nord, 2009; Olabiyi and McIntyre,
2014; Kleve et al., 2018). Recent studies have high-
lighted how food poverty is a rising problem in afuent
societies, ranging from 8% to 20% of the population
(Pollard and Booth, 2019), whereby people cannot
afford to eat a nutrient-dense, healthy diet for reasons
of unaffordability—as measured by food deprivation
measures (Davis and Geiger, 2017), thereby emphasiz-
ing poverty as a key driver of food insecurity.
In the European Union (EU), one of the wealthiest
regions on Earth, 22% of its population—95.3 million
people—are classied as at risk of poverty (Eurostat,
2023). Data from the EU show that 19.7% of those
at risk of poverty were unable to afford a meal con-
taining meat, sh, or a vegetarian equivalent in 2022,
an increase of 12.6% on 2021 (Eurostat, 2023). This
increase is likely reective of the current cost-of-living
crisis triggered by the aftershock of the COVID-19
pandemic (Devereux et al., 2020) and exacerbated by
the inationary impact of the Russia–Ukraine conict
(Maurya et al., 2023). The growth of this problem
represents a reversal of progress towards meeting the
United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)
1 (No poverty), with inevitable knock-on consequences
for SDG 3 (Good health and well-being) (Lafortune et
al., 2022). Absent of intervention however, food pov-
erty and insecurity will likely continue to affect the
health and well-being of a signicantly greater num-
ber of individuals and families, particularly given the
on-going threat of climate change to global food secu-
rity (Porter et al., 2014).
The health consequences of food poverty and insecu-
rity have, by now, been well documented. Indeed, given
the intersection of food poverty and insecurity with a
cluster of chronic and disparate, yet inter-connected,
health conditions, public health scholars have argued
that food poverty and insecurity, and ensuing malnutri-
tion, constitutes a syndemic in which social and health
inequalities mutually reinforce one another (Swinburn
et al., 2019; Himmelgreen et al., 2022). A signicant
body of evidence would appear to support this:
Several meta-analyses have shown that food inse-
curity in adults is associated with micro-nutrient de-
ciency and increased risk of anaemia (Lopes et al.,
2023); obesity and myocardial infarction (Salinas-Roca
et al., 2022); both inadequate and excessive weight
gain in pregnancy (Arzhang et al., 2022); and overall
multi-morbidity (Kantilafti et al., 2023). Among older
adults, food poverty is associated with non-adherence
to medication, poor mental health outcomes and poor
physical functioning (Assoumou et al., 2023), while
other studies suggest links to increased risk of diabe-
tes, hypertension and higher odds of chronic disease
(Pooler et al., 2019).
Children and adolescents experiencing food pov-
erty are less likely to report eating fruits, vegetables
and healthy grains and more likely to report eat-
ing unhealthy foods (Molcho et al., 2007), includ-
ing increased consumption of fast-food (Smith et al.,
2022). Evidence from one longitudinal study suggests
that early exposure to food insecurity is associated
with a higher BMI in children from 2 years of age, put-
ting them at increased risk of over-weight and obesity
in later life (Zhong et al., 2022). Food poverty among
children is further associated with cognitive problems,
anaemia, aggression and anxiety, higher risk of hospi-
talization, and poorer mental, oral and general health
(Gundersen and Ziliak, 2015).
There is evidence also to suggest that food poverty
may have negative mental health consequences. A
meta-analysis of the association of food insecurity with
mental health outcomes in parents and children, which
pooled data from studies (n = 108) of 250,553 parents
and 203 822 children, reported signicant associations
between food poverty and parental depression, anxi-
ety and stress, and between food insecurity and child
depression, externalizing/internalizing behaviours and
Contribution to Health Promotion
• Food poverty and insecurity are recog-
nized social determinants of health and are
associated with significant adverse health
outcomes.
• Given news coverage can shape public and
political views, there is a need to under-
stand how food poverty and insecurity are
communicated in the news media.
• This evidence synthesis presents findings
on how the news media define the problem,
its respective causes, proposed solutions
and moral judgements offered.
• The findings highlight a need for more crit-
ical news reporting on current approaches
to combat food poverty and insecurity, and
to acknowledge food as a human right and
the need for government accountability.
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News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries 3
hyperactivity (Cain et al., 2022). Furthermore, analysis
of pooled data from 67 countries in low-, middle- and
high-income countries world-wide has shown that ado-
lescent girls (n = 121,248) aged 11–17 who have ever
experienced food insecurity had signicantly higher
odds of reporting suicidal behaviour (Mahumud et al.,
2022).
Health, policy and the media
With food poverty and insecurity apparently on the
increase in Europe as a result of the convergence of
multiple, intersecting global crises, there is (and will
continue to be) a concurrent increase in media report-
ing on the issue. Media reporting is a primary source of
information for the public on social- and health-related
issues such as food poverty and insecurity (Picard and
Yeo, 2011). While public opinion is rarely homogenous
on any issue, and with the media frequently reecting
public viewpoints through polls, vox pops and cov-
erage of mass and popular movements (Beckers and
Moy, 2023), both print and broadcast media still play
an active role in shaping public opinions (Happer and
Philo, 2013). The news media have an acknowledged
and key role in agenda setting (McCombs, 2005), as
gatekeepers of macro-level discourse with the power
and inuence to shape and constrain policy debates.
Editorial and journalistic choices about which aspects
of an issue to highlight and make salient serve to dene
problems and suggest and legitimise specic solutions
or approaches (Entman, 1993), often along dominant
ideological lines (Vaughan and Power, 2023). How
food poverty and insecurity are framed in the media
is consequently of importance in understanding how
both public and policy-makers’ knowledge about the
issue is constituted.
Furthermore, identifying how an issue such as food
poverty and insecurity is framed can give insight into
beliefs, suppositions or assumptions about the issue,
in respect of its causality, its response and who is
responsible for addressing it. Framing, as articulated
and dened by Entman, involves a process of simpli-
cation of an issue in which the communicator selects
aspects of an issue to make salient or ‘more noticea-
ble, meaningful or memorable to audiences’ (1993).
With many pressing global health problems, insights
on which aspects of complex problems are made sali-
ent is useful for understanding how some issues can
attract greater attention, funding, collective action and
policy prioritization, while other comparable issues
lack the same urgency and commitment (Shiffman
and Shawar, 2022). Given the well documented health
impacts of food poverty and insecurity, having a better
understanding of how the issue of food poverty and
insecurity is currently framed can help health promot-
ers, researchers and other stakeholders to analyse and
strategize new ways to communicate and advocate for
more meaningful responses.
Several studies have explored how food poverty and
insecurity is communicated in the mass media, how-
ever to date there have been no evidence syntheses of
such studies. This rapid review aims to address this gap
by systematically gathering, synthesizing and critiquing
the extant literature on news media representations of
food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries.
Such a synthesis and analysis would be useful in help-
ing to better understand how the issue of food pov-
erty and insecurity, and responses to it, have thus far
been constructed in the media, and may shed light on
alternate framings which could help inform the work
of health promoters and communicators to advocate
for effective policy measures.
METHODS
A rapid review was conducted to provide a summary
of the literature in a timely and resource-efcient man-
ner (Moons et al., 2021). Such reviews streamline
components of the systematic review process to ena-
ble a shorter lead-time to help inform programmes of
research, as well as provide guidance for practitioners
and policy-makers (Munn et al., 2015). In this case,
the rapid review was carried out as part of a wider
project exploring communication of food poverty on
the island of Ireland, the overall aim of which is to
better understand how food poverty is discursively
constructed and how public, policy and journalistic
stakeholders perceive the topic. While no reporting
guideline for rapid reviews has been developed yet,
the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews
and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines (Page et al.,
2021) were followed in drafting this review (see
Supplementary Additional File 1). A protocol was pre-
pared in advance and published on the Open Science
Framework website (Kerins et al., 2023).
Eligibility and search criteria
The criteria for study eligibility are summarized in
Table 1. As per the protocol (Kerins et al., 2023), we
initially planned to include studies of news media
framing of food poverty; however, we decided to
expand the outcome of interest to include food inse-
curity. This decision was based on food poverty and
insecurity being interrelated concepts and both terms
often used interchangeably in the literature (O’Connor
et al., 2016). All primary research studies conducted
in high-income countries (as per the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD,
denition (The World Bank, 2019) using qualita-
tive, quantitative, mixed-method and multi-method
approaches were eligible for inclusion. Peer-reviewed
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4C. Kerins et al.
journal articles published in English since 1995 were
included in the review. This timeframe was chosen
based on when food insecurity was rst assessed by
the most prolic/dominant measure (USDA HFSSM
Measure (Raei et al., 2009)).
The search was conducted in Medline, Scopus and
PsycINFO electronic databases using keywords, syn-
onyms and subject headings (where available) in
February 2023. A university librarian reviewed and
provided feedback on the search strategy to optimize
sensitivity and specicity. The search strategy is pre-
sented in Supplementary Additional File 2. Screening
reference lists of all included studies were undertaken.
Study selection and appraisal
Search results were exported into EndNote, where
duplicates were removed. Following this, search results
were imported into Rayaan, an online screening plat-
form, for title and abstract screening. Two reviewers
independently screened 23% of titles and abstracts,
with one reviewer screening the remaining titles and
abstracts. Following this, two reviewers dual screened
20% of full-text articles in Microsoft Excel, with the
remaining full-text articles screened by one reviewer.
A second reviewer screened all excluded papers. Any
disagreements were discussed and resolved.
The methodological quality of all included stud-
ies was assessed using the Mixed Methods Appraisal
Tool (MMAT) version 2018 for quantitative, qualita-
tive and mixed methods research designs (Hong et al.,
2018). For each included study, a methodological rat-
ing (i.e. 0, 20, 40, 60, 80 or 100) was calculated using
the MMAT. Two independent reviewers rated 30%
of the included studies, with disagreements resolved
through discussion. One reviewer assessed the quality
of the remaining studies. No estimates of inter-rater
reliability for screening and quality assessment were
calculated.
Data extraction and synthesis
One reviewer extracted data from each study using
a data extraction form in Microsoft Excel. Extracted
data included key study information (name of the rst
author, year of publication, country of study, study
focus, study methods, source of news media data, type
of news media, data collection period, analysis meth-
ods) and ndings on news media framing of food pov-
erty and insecurity. Data on news media framing of
food poverty and insecurity were extracted from the
results and discussion sections of the included studies.
The rationale for extracting data from the results and
discussion sections is based on ndings that raw data
from qualitative research may be presented in both sec-
tions (Booth et al., 2016; Boland et al., 2017).
Data synthesis was led by one reviewer using a mix
of inductive and deductive analysis techniques, with
consultation with review team members through a
consensus decision-making process (Hill et al., 1997,
2005). As part of the deductive coding process, nd-
ings on news media framing of food poverty and inse-
curity were mapped to Entman’s framing theory. To
frame, according to Entman, is ‘to select some aspects
of a perceived reality and make them salient in com-
municating text’ (1993). Entman’s conceptualization
of framing consists of the following elements: den-
ing the problem, identifying the respective causes,
proposing solutions to address them and offering a
moral evaluation (Entman, 1993). This offers a use-
ful framework for breaking down and analysing the
constitutive parts of the discursive construction of
Table 1: Study eligibility criteria
Inclusion criteria Exclusion criteria
Population Individuals or households living with or at risk of food poverty and
insecurity. No restrictions on target population or age group.
Other terms used to describe food poverty and insecurity are included, for
example, food deprivation, food insufciency and hunger.
Outcome News media framing of food poverty and insecurity.
The term news media refers to any media that provides news or information
to the public, including print media (newspapers, magazines), broadcast
news (TV and radio news) and online news sites (digital newspapers).
Social media
Findings from reader-generated
online comments in response to
news articles and other readers.
Study type All primary research studies (from peer-reviewed literature) using
qualitative, quantitative, multi-methods or mixed methods approaches.
Grey literature
Editorials, commentary and
opinion pieces
Publication
year
1995 onwards Before 1995
Setting High-income countries Non-high-income countries
Language English Languages other than English
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News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries 5
complex issues. It is also a more accessible commu-
nication framework than approaches such as, for
instance, Discourse Analysis, which have denser theo-
retical underpinning and relies on specialized knowl-
edge of socio-linguistics and pragmatics. To capture
themes within Entman’s framing functions, inductive
thematic analysis was performed (Saldana, 2021). The
review ndings were synthesized narratively and using
tabulation.
RESULTS
Our search identied 2159 potentially eligible stud-
ies after duplicates were removed. Of these, 10 were
included in the review (Figure 1). Table 2 provides
a description of study characteristics. Studies used
mostly qualitative data collection methods (n = 9), fol-
lowed by quantitative (n = 1). Newspapers were the
only news media type examined within our sample,
with most studies (n = 9) focused on national news-
papers. Print newspapers were examined across half
of the studies (n = 5), with online newspapers used in
two studies and the newspaper format not specied in
the remaining studies (n = 3). The timeframe in which
news articles were retrieved ranged between 2006 and
2020. The majority of studies (n = 5) examined news-
paper coverage of food assistance programmes (e.g.
food banks), while the remaining studies examined
newspaper coverage of food insecurity/poverty (n = 4)
and rising food costs (n = 1). Four of the included
studies were from the UK. The remainder were from
Canada (n = 2), the US (n = 1), Australia (n = 1), Spain
(n = 1) and Finland (n = 1). In terms of study quality,
the majority of studies (n = 7) were rated as low qual-
ity, with an MMAT score of 60 or lower. Most studies
were rated as low quality due to inadequate reporting
to allow for assessment against specic methodological
quality criteria. Detailed study quality analysis is pre-
sented in Supplementary Additional File 3.
News media framing of food poverty and
insecurity
A summary of key ndings on news media framing of
food poverty and insecurity mapped to Entman’s the-
ory for each individual study is presented in a table in
Supplementary Additional File 4. A narrative summary
of the ndings on news media framing of food poverty
and insecurity is presented below.
Fig. 1: PRISMA flow diagram of study selection process.
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6C. Kerins et al.
Table 2: Characteristics of included studies (n = 10)
First author,
publication year
Country
of study
Study focus Study
methods
Data source Type of news media
(n)
Data collection
period
Analysis MMAT
score,
Collins et al., 2016 Canada Newspaper coverage
of household food
insecurity in Canada
Quantitative
descriptive
News articles via online
media database
National (n = 2)
and local/
regional (n = 16)
newspapers (print)
2007–12 Content analysis 60
Henderson and
Foley, 2010
Australia Newspaper coverage of
rising food costs in
Australia
Qualitative News articles via online
media database
National newspapers
(print) (n = 5)
2007–08 Content analysis 40
Knight et al., 2018 UK Newspaper coverage
of food poverty as
experienced by UK
children and families
QualitativeaNews articles via online
media database
National newspapers
(print) (n = 6)
2006–15 Thematic and
narrative
analysis
80
Marín-Murillo
et al., 2020
Spain Newspaper coverage
of hunger/food
accessibility in Spain
QualitativeaNews articles via online
media databases
National newspapers
(online) (n = 4)
2017 Content analysis
and the
framing theory
40
Mejia et al., 2022 US Newspaper coverage of
food assistance before
and during the COVID-
19 pandemic in the US
Qualitative News articles via online
media databases,
and photographs
associated with articles
via Google search
engine
National newspapers
(n not reported)
2019–20 Ethnographic
content
analysis
20
Price et al., 2020 UK Newspaper coverage of
foodbank use in the
West Midlands, UK
Qualitative News articles via online
media database
Local newspapers
(online) (n = 3)
2010–19 Grounded theory
approach
40
Smith-Carrier,
2021
Canada Newspaper coverage of
Christmas food hamper
program in Canada
Qualitative News articles via news
media websites and
Google search engine
National newspapers
(n not reported)
2009–19 Discourse-
historical
approach
of critical
discourse
analysis
80
Tikka, 2019 Finland Newspaper coverage of
charitable food aid in
Finland
Qualitative News articles via
newspaper digital
archive
National newspaper
(n = 1)
1995–2016 Frame package
analysis
20
Wells and Caraher,
2014
UK Newspaper coverage
of the foodbank
phenomenon in the UK
QualitativeaNews articles via online
media database
National newspapers
(print) (n = 9)
1993–2014 Thematic analysis 40
Yau et al., 2021 UK Newspaper coverage of
food insecurity in UK
QualitativeaNews articles via online
media database
National newspapers
(print and online)
(n = 12)
2016–19 Thematic analysis 100
aQualitative data extracted from a multi-methods study.
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News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries 7
Denitions of the problem of food poverty and
insecurity
Eight out of 10 studies reported ndings on how the
problem of food poverty and insecurity was dened
and/or the consequences of food poverty and insecurity
in newspaper coverage. Across three of these studies,
food bank usage was synonymous with food poverty
and insecurity, and linked with poor dietary quality
(Knight et al., 2018; Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Yau
et al., 2021). One of these studies found that insecu-
rity was largely dened as inadequate food quantity
and that the term ‘holiday hunger’ was commonly used
to dene the extent and timing of child food poverty
(Yau et al., 2021). One study found few articles (8%)
connecting food access and health (Mejia et al., 2022).
Four studies reported newspaper coverage of physi-
cal health implications such as obesity and malnutri-
tion (Henderson and Foley, 2010; Knight et al., 2018;
Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021). Fewer
studies (n = 2) reported coverage of mental health
consequences (Price et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021).
Only one study found coverage of social health con-
sequences, and the educational consequences for chil-
dren living with food insecurity (Yau et al., 2021). One
study reported on newspaper coverage of the mortality
risk of food poverty such as a shorter life expectancy
(Marín-Murillo et al., 2020).
Causal attributions of food poverty and insecurity
Nine out of 10 studies reported ndings on the drivers
of food poverty and insecurity presented in newspaper
coverage. Across most studies, the immediate drivers
of food poverty and insecurity were reported as low
income (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018;
Yau et al., 2021; Mejia et al., 2022) and high cost-of-
living (Henderson and Foley, 2010; Wells and Caraher,
2014; Knight et al., 2018; Yau et al., 2021), result-
ing in insufcient income (Wells and Caraher, 2014;
Knight et al., 2018; Tikka, 2019; Price et al., 2020; Yau
et al., 2021; Mejia et al., 2022). Newspaper coverage
of upstream drivers of food poverty and insecurity,
or charitable food aid use were largely governmental
(Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018; Tikka,
2019; Price et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021). Governmental
drivers included austerity measures taken during eco-
nomic recession (Knight et al., 2018; Tikka, 2019; Yau
et al., 2021) and issues with the welfare system (such as
inadequate social security payments, sanctions, delays
in payment) (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al.,
2018; Price et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021).
There was some reference to individual responsibility
across studies, such as lack of money management and
cooking skills (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al.,
2018; Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Smith-Carrier, 2021;
Yau et al., 2021). However, in one study, individual
responsibility was often mentioned in the context
where politicians were criticized for viewing food inse-
curity as individual failing (Yau et al., 2021). Only two
studies found newspaper coverage of food insecurity
or food charity use framed as a problem of individual
nature, with no or limited reference to structural causes
(Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Smith-Carrier, 2021).
In one study, the economic impact of the COVID-
19 pandemic was reported as an upstream driver of
increased use of food assistance (Mejia et al., 2022).
This study also found few articles linking structural
inequities to food insecurity. Across two studies, the
increased supply of food banks was reported as a
driver of food bank use in newspaper coverage (Wells
and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018). One study
found when charitable food aid was reframed as a cir-
cular economy model (to address food waste), the root
causes for food insecurity were not addressed in news-
paper coverage (Tikka, 2019).
Moral evaluations of food poverty and insecurity
All included studies considered how the problem of
food poverty and insecurity were perceived or pre-
sented in newspaper coverage. Across most studies
(n = 5), newspaper coverage of food poverty and inse-
curity, or food bank use was used to illustrate poverty
(Wells and Caraher, 2014; Tikka, 2019; Marín-Murillo
et al., 2020; Price et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021). In
two studies, the existence of food poverty and insecu-
rity were presented as incompatible with modern day
living, with reference to periods of poverty in British
history (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Yau et al., 2021).
Recipients of food assistance were presented as mainly
families in need (Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Smith-
Carrier, 2021; Mejia et al., 2022), with one study
nding more reference to families in need during the
COVID-19 pandemic than pre-pandemic (Mejia et al.,
2022). Other studies reported those at risk of food inse-
curity being presented as the ‘working poor’ (Yau et al.,
2021) and the ‘average Australian’ being impacted by
rising food prices (Henderson and Foley, 2010). Two
studies reported food poverty being framed as a rights
issue for children, although only referenced in a few
newspaper articles (Knight et al., 2018; Marín-Murillo
et al., 2020). One study reported the absence of any
mention of human rights in reporting on food insecu-
rity (Smith-Carrier, 2021).
The ‘(un)deserving’ poor narrative was evident
across ve studies (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight
et al., 2018; Price et al., 2020; Smith-Carrier, 2021;
Mejia et al., 2022). Recipients deemed more deserv-
ing of assistance included those seeking work (Knight
et al., 2018; Mejia et al., 2022), in difcult circum-
stances (Knight et al., 2018; Price et al., 2020; Mejia
et al., 2022), parents of young children (particularly
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8C. Kerins et al.
lone parents) (Smith-Carrier, 2021; Mejia et al., 2022)
and university students (considered future employ-
ees/workers) (Smith-Carrier, 2021). One study found
food assistance recipients to be more deserving of sup-
port during the COVID-19 pandemic (with recipients
cast as desperate and ‘suddenly hungry’—portrayed
empathetically as ‘people like us’ in news coverage)
than before the pandemic (with reference to fraudu-
lent behaviour) (Mejia et al., 2022). Other studies also
found charitable food aid described as vulnerable to
misuse by those undeserving, casting doubt on the
needs and motives of food bank users (e.g. opportun-
istically taking advantage, freeloaders abusing the ser-
vice) (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018;
Smith-Carrier, 2021). One study found no undeserv-
ing discourse, with empathy and compassion for food
bank recipients evident in newspaper reporting (Price
et al., 2020).
Government denial of the problem and their respon-
sibility was reported across two studies (Knight et
al., 2018; Yau et al., 2021). For example, one study
found media coverage of the government accusing the
Trussell Trust of ‘scaremongering’, with statistics on
food poverty being questioned (Knight et al., 2018).
The Trussell Trust is a UK-based NGO that supports a
network of food banks while working and campaign-
ing to end the need for food banks. Another study
found a negative tone was adopted when senior gov-
ernments were implicated in actions to address food
insecurity, compared to more neutral and positive
tones when local/municipal governments were proled
(Collins et al., 2016).
Across most studies (n = 7), newspaper reporting on
charitable food aid was predominately positive (Wells
and Caraher, 2014; Collins et al., 2016; Knight et al.,
2018; Tikka, 2019; Price et al., 2020; Smith-Carrier,
2021; Yau et al., 2021). When food banks were framed
as distributors of food waste it was considered a double
win for both the environment and food poverty (Tikka,
2019; Yau et al., 2021). Findings from another study
showed food banks presented as a potential ‘partner’ of
the welfare state (Knight et al., 2018). Across two stud-
ies, food banks were presented as an example of gov-
ernment’s ‘Big Society’ [the ‘Big Society’ was a agship
policy of the UK Conservative Party in their manifesto
for the 2010 general election; Big Society was posited
by the Conservative Party as an initiative to increase
volunteerism in communities but was widely criticized
as a measure aimed at further shrinking essential pub-
lic services in line with the policy of austerity specif-
ically and neoliberalism more broadly (Kisby, 2010)]
in action (Knight et al., 2018; Price et al., 2020). One
study reported on the assumed adequacy and vener-
ated practice of charitable food aid in newspaper cov-
erage (Smith-Carrier, 2021). The challenges faced by
charitable initiatives (e.g. getting enough volunteers,
funding) and their success (e.g. awards) were presented
across two studies (Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Mejia
et al., 2022).
Some studies (n = 4) reported negative coverage of
charitable food aid (Knight et al., 2018; Marín-Murillo
et al., 2020; Yau et al., 2021; Mejia et al., 2022). One
such study found articles highlighting that charitable
initiatives were unsustainable and addressed the symp-
toms rather than the root causes of food insecurity (Yau
et al., 2021). Another study reported food banks being
portrayed as the ‘enemy’ in creating welfare depend-
ency (Knight et al., 2018). In another study, news
coverage of difculties in accessing charitable food
aid (e.g. complex application process) were reported
(Mejia et al., 2022). One study reported interest-driven
collaborations in charitable food aid presented in news
coverage, in which the private sector contributed to
the cause at the same time as advertising themselves
(Marín-Murillo et al., 2020).
Narratives surrounding ‘Big Society’ and citizens
playing an active role in their community (i.e. donat-
ing to or volunteering at food banks) was reported
(Knight et al., 2018; Price et al., 2020). One study
reported the unequal power relations, with volunteers
(givers/donors) being framed as the saviour or rescuer
of ‘poor’ people (Smith-Carrier, 2021). The same study
found the rewards for volunteers (e.g. feelings of joy,
pleasure and fullment) evident in media reporting,
while the emotional costs (e.g. experiences of anger,
shame, humiliation and degradation) for recipients
omitted (Smith-Carrier, 2021). Furthermore, this study
reported volunteer expectations of gratitude and pre-
ferred behaviours (e.g. demonstrate the ‘Christmas
spirit’ expected of them) from food charity recipients
(Smith-Carrier, 2021).
Solutions to address food poverty and insecurity
All the included studies reported ndings on existing
or proposed solutions to food poverty and insecurity
in newspaper coverage. Existing solutions to address
food poverty and insecurity were predominantly sol-
idarity initiatives (n = 8) (Wells and Caraher, 2014;
Collins et al., 2016; Knight et al., 2018; Tikka, 2019;
Marín-Murillo et al., 2020; Price et al., 2020; Smith-
Carrier, 2021; Yau et al., 2021), with charity-based
solutions (such as food banks and redistribution of
food waste initiatives) reported in six of these studies
(Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018; Tikka,
2019; Price et al., 2020; Smith-Carrier, 2021; Yau et al.,
2021). The Trussell Trust was presented as the model
of operation for food banks in one study (Wells and
Caraher, 2014). Fewer studies reported existing or pro-
posed structural solutions to address food poverty and
insecurity (Collins et al., 2016; Yau et al., 2021; Mejia
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News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries 9
et al., 2022). One such study found local/municipal
governments (as opposed to senior governments) fre-
quently implicated in actions to address food insecurity
(Collins et al., 2016). Another study found the number
of articles that proposed government policy solutions
more than tripled during the COVID-19 pandemic
(Mejia et al., 2022). Calls for government actions were
reported in another study, with advocacy for structural
income-based solutions (e.g. welfare reform, increased
minimum wage) (Yau et al., 2021). There was some
mention of solutions that were individual (skills-based
e.g. budgeting skills and cost-saving strategies e.g.
buying in bulk, packing lunches) across two studies
(Henderson and Foley, 2010; Yau et al., 2021).
Social actors involved in the discourse
A large proportion of the included studies found arti-
cles often containing views from government of-
cials/politicians (n = 6) (Henderson and Foley, 2010;
Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018; Tikka,
2019; Yau et al., 2021; Mejia et al., 2022) and char-
ities (namely food banks) (n = 5) (Wells and Caraher,
2014; Knight et al., 2018; Smith-Carrier, 2021; Yau et
al., 2021; Mejia et al., 2022). Other actors involved
in the discourse included advocacy groups (n = 3)
(Knight et al., 2018; Yau et al., 2021; Mejia et al.,
2022), journalists/media (n = 3) (Henderson and Foley,
2010; Knight et al., 2018; Tikka, 2019), church lead-
ers (n = 3) (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al.,
2018; Tikka, 2019), other public gures (n = 2) (Wells
and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018), private sec-
tor (n = 2) (Tikka, 2019; Marín-Murillo et al., 2020)
and non- governmental organizations (n = 1) (Marín-
Murillo et al., 2020). Only two studies reported good
representation of individuals experiencing food insecu-
rity or food bank users in news coverage (Price et al.,
2020; Yau et al., 2021). Four studies found the voices
of those affected by food poverty and insecurity to be
largely absent (Wells and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al.,
2018; Tikka, 2019; Marín-Murillo et al., 2020). Two
studies found other groups (e.g. food bank volunteers)
often acted as a proxy voice for food bank users (Wells
and Caraher, 2014; Knight et al., 2018).
DISCUSSION
Summary of key findings
This is the rst review to synthesize the evidence on
news media framing of food poverty and insecurity
in high-income countries. The review ndings demon-
strate that research on news media framing of food
poverty and insecurity is limited to newspapers only,
with studies largely focused on national print news-
papers. Research conducted is further limited to a
small number of high-income countries (6 out of the
38 OECD member countries), with the largest propor-
tion of studies conducted in the UK. Reporting on the
issue of food poverty and insecurity across all countries
was remarkably homogenous; one study noted differ-
ences, however, between reporting prior to and after
the COVID-19 pandemic. The results of the evidence
synthesis highlight a heavy reliance on food bank usage
as the proxy denition of food poverty and insecurity
(i.e. relating to insufcient food quantity), with a lack
of or limited reference to other dimensions (e.g. poor
diet quality, reduced social participation). The physical
health implications of food poverty and insecurity were
evident in news media reporting, with limited cover-
age of the mental and social health consequences. The
immediate and upstream drivers of food poverty and
insecurity were mostly framed as insufcient income
(due to low income and high cost-of-living) and gov-
ernmental (due to austerity measures and issues with
welfare system), respectively. There was some, but lim-
ited, reference to individual responsibility (e.g. lack of
money management and cooking skills). Food poverty
and insecurity were built through the media as a prob-
lem that impacts the poor, where the solutions are left
to the charitable good will of volunteers and donors.
The discourse of deservingness was evident, in which
deservingness of food assistance was contingent on
willingness to pursue paid work or membership of
groups such as families (particularly lone parents) car-
ing for young children. The reported existing solutions
predominantly focused on solidarity initiatives such as
charitable food aid, with less coverage of structural/
policy solutions to address food poverty and insecurity.
Articles often contained views from government of-
cials and charities (namely, food bank organizers and
volunteers), while the voices of those affected by food
poverty and insecurity, health and academic experts
were largely absent.
Interpretation and implications
A nuanced understanding of food poverty and insecu-
rity was not reected in the reported solutions, which
relied heavily on charity-based solutions. Food bank
use was seen as synonymous with food poverty and
insecurity in media discourse. A narrative surround-
ing civil society and the important role of volunteers
and charities in helping those in need was evident
across media coverage. This narrative is problematic
as ‘charity in the form of food banks and food aid is
highly depoliticizing’ (Caplan, 2016). This and other
problems associated with food charity (such as food
banks and redistribution of food waste initiatives) have
been well documented in the literature (e.g. address-
ing symptoms, limited food choice, poor food quality,
costs to human dignity, food waste solutions promot-
ing unsustainable food production, etc.) (Poppendieck,
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10 C. Kerins et al.
1999; Salonen, 2016; Kortetmäki and Silvasti, 2017;
Smith-Carrier et al., 2017) but were not evident in
news media reporting. One possible explanation for the
absence of a critical lens regarding current approaches
to combat food poverty and insecurity may be the eco-
nomic pressures on the journalism model, which could
be contributing to the failure of time-pressed journal-
ists to properly interrogate such issues (Lewis et al.,
2008). On the other hand, the limited focus on govern-
ment accountability may reect suggestions that news
media is an important part of national and global elites
and tends to conserve the interests of the more power-
ful groups in society (Seale 2003; Collins et al., 2006).
Certainly, it was evident in the ndings that the voices
of politicians were prominent in news media coverage
of food poverty and insecurity.
A key nding of the review is the inherent discord-
ance, if not outright contradiction, in a media narra-
tive that acknowledges upstream factors (i.e. austerity,
welfare policy, macro-level economic conditions, etc.)
as the key drivers of food poverty and insecurity, while
focusing solely on down-stream measures as the solu-
tion. One possible explanation may be that poverty,
more broadly, represents a complex ‘wicked problem’,
to which the solution is neither straightforward nor
politically or ideologically uncontested (Pradilla et al.,
2022). This may be compounded by a newsroom cul-
ture in which readers are often perceived as desiring
to read about immediate and concrete solutions rather
than abstract, longer term and technically complex
policy strategies. Bastian (2011), for instances, argues
that readers like tangible answers to problems in order
to give them a sense of control and power over their
lives. This thinking arguably impacts on how the news
media frames complex social issues and approaches
to addressing them (Wallack, 1993). A further possi-
ble factor contributing to the contradictory narrative
of down-stream solutions to upstream problems is
the relative absence of the expert voices of academics,
researchers and health professionals, whose input to
the discourse may act to provide authoritative counter-
vailing points of view.
Also absent to a signicant extent were the voices of
those living in food poverty and insecurity. This may be
explained by unwillingness on the part of individuals
living in food poverty and insecurity to be interviewed,
gatekeeping of service-users by food aid organizers,
or a reluctance on the part of journalists to approach
vulnerable individuals. While in theory including the
voices of vulnerable populations should be encour-
aged, in practice this may be somewhat ethically
fraught. Wells and Caraher (2014) found that positive
news coverage (e.g. hard work of volunteers, awards
achieved) was provided at the expense of the voices of
food bank users. When food bank users were quoted it
was most often to explain their circumstances and/or
express gratitude for the food they have received (Wells
and Caraher, 2014). Chauhan and Foster (2014) have
pointed out that people living in poverty are frequently
othered in the media through representational absence
and denial. Such othering, they argue, acts as a rhe-
torical salve to middle-class sensibilities that ‘restores
the notion of general prosperity and well-being in
society while the signicance of the problem, and any
attempt to deal with it, dwindle’ (Chauhan and Foster,
2014). Indeed, consideration should be given to the
relative merits and demerits of the perceived necessity
of including experts by experience in all food insecu-
rity portrayals. There may be occasions when the lived
experience helpfully demonstrates exactly the point to
be made while at other times it may represent a disser-
vice to the bigger picture where the prevalence statis-
tics should sufce to detail the social policy problem
without demoting the issue to an individual experience.
Largely absent in the media discourse was refer-
ence to human rights, including the right to food. A
recent review of empirical articles on global health
policy making showed the inuence of moralization as
a frame in shaping global health priorities (Shiffman
and Shawar, 2022). The authors’ analysis showed
how public and global health discourse on sexual and
reproductive health have (quite successfully) employed
a ‘moralization’ frame, depicting the issue as an ethical
imperative using a human rights lens. This framing has
been successful largely because it ensures an explicit
emphasis on the obligations that state actors—as duty
bearers—hold towards affected populations (Shiffman
and Shawar, 2022). In the current review, while the
ndings also suggest an element of moralization in
the treatment of food poverty and insecurity, the issue
is rather depicted through the lens of charity, which
of course precludes obligations for state actors and
says nothing of the right to food. Re-framing discus-
sions of food poverty and insecurity as a health and
human rights issue may be a fruitful strategy for schol-
ars, activists and others interested in addressing the
problem, albeit such discursive shifts can take time. A
salient example in this regard is the relatively recent
change in discourse in respect of people with disabili-
ties. The adoption of the Convention of the Rights of
People with Disabilities (CRPD) by the UN in 2006
represented a denitive paradigm shift in how people
with disabilities were viewed and treated by societies,
moving from viewing them as objects of charity to peo-
ple with rights which must be respected, protected and
fullled. The right to food is set out in the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
however a similar paradigm shift has yet to be widely
realized (Ayala and Meier, 2017). Such a shift would
potentially be expedited however if health promotors,
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News media framing of food poverty and insecurity in high-income countries 11
researchers and other stakeholders interested in food
poverty and insecurity moved towards adopting rights-
based messaging when translating knowledge, includ-
ing to policy-makers and the media.
For the public to receive a more realistic picture
of food poverty and insecurity, the news media need
to place greater attention on its multi-dimensional
nature. This includes addressing food as a human right,
acknowledging the social participatory aspects of food
and eating and presenting the expressed views and
experiences of those living in food poverty and inse-
curity. The positive framing of charitable food aid may
convey the message to policy-makers that food poverty
and insecurity are being effectively addressed through
food charity, which may breed complacency among
the general public about the urgency of the issue.
Consequently, there is a need for more balanced media
reporting that acknowledges the limitations of food
charity and highlights the need for structural solutions
to address this important public health issue. More crit-
ical news reporting will help foster an informed public
who can demand government action to overcome the
root causes of food poverty and insecurity. Another
factor that could lead to more effective engagement
with food poverty and insecurity is the fostering of
constructive journalism approaches. Constructive
journalism argues for socially responsible journalism
that centres a public-oriented perspective, which often
encompasses not just treating a news story through the
lens of traditional ‘news values’ but offering pragmatic
solutions to social issues (Gyldensted, 2015; Haagerup,
2015). In this sense, constructive journalism fosters an
approach that journalism can help people and commu-
nities act on problems instead of just informing them
(McIntyre and Gyldensted, 2018).
While there has been growing recognition of the
importance of media framing of public health issues
(Anderson et al., 2009; Gollust et al., 2019; Rowbotham
et al., 2019, 2020; Kite et al., 2022), 10 studies over
a 28-year period suggests that there is a paucity of
research on news media framing of food poverty and
insecurity. Furthermore, the review ndings highlight
much of the research is of poor methodological quality.
Thus, there is a need for further studies of higher qual-
ity in this area. In particular, the review ndings suggest
the need for greater adherence to reporting guidelines
for specic study designs to improve the completeness
and transparency of this research. As newspapers were
the only type of news media identied in this review,
future research could consider the advent of online
news media which has grown exponentially in the last
number of years. As the traditional newspaper industry
is transforming as a result of this ever-evolving digital
media landscape, many newspaper publishing houses
have started to produce news via online digital editions
and websites. Additionally, ‘online only’ news sites and
applications have also emerged, with their own jour-
nalistic routines and production practices. The volume
of news media, wrought by digital media, presents new
methodological challenges to consider when research-
ing news framing. Methodological challenges aside,
this research should also investigate framing of food
poverty and insecurity in other news media platforms,
such as broadcast and social media. The views of jour-
nalists and how they report and portray food pov-
erty and insecurity is also an area for future research.
Future research should also explore any differences in
national and local news media coverage of food pov-
erty and insecurity. In addition to media representa-
tion study, future research ought to explore both policy
maker and public perspectives on the inuences of
news media coverage on food poverty and insecurity
related actions at various levels.
Limitations
Although the current review follows the recently
developed Cochrane recommendations and minimum
standards for conducting rapid reviews (Garritty et al.,
2020), a number of limitations must be acknowledged.
First, database searching of peer-reviewed articles was
limited to three databases and included only English
language studies. Furthermore, the search did not
include unpublished and grey literature. These search
restrictions may have introduced meta-bias, namely,
selection, publication and language bias. Second, the
risk of selection bias may have been introduced with
two independent reviewers performing study selec-
tion and quality appraisal only on a sub-set of studies.
Furthermore, a single reviewer conducted data extrac-
tion which may have introduced bias. Third, despite
undertaking and reporting on quality assessment, all
studies were synthesized equally in order to provide a
literature summary. Therefore, evidence from studies
may have been given undue weight and others under-
emphasized. Finally, limitations of the studies included
in the review, including the predominant poor meth-
odological quality, newspapers being the only type
of news media examined and the limited number of
high-income countries in which studies were con-
ducted, may limit the internal and external validity of
the review ndings. All these limitations should be con-
sidered when interpreting the review ndings.
CONCLUSION
This review examined the evidence base for how
food poverty and insecurity are represented in the
news media. The review ndings highlight a pau-
city of research on news media framing of food pov-
erty and insecurity over the past three decades, with
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12 C. Kerins et al.
research solely focused on newspapers and mostly
that of national print newspapers. The ndings of the
evidence synthesis revealed a largely absent nuanced
understanding of food poverty and insecurity, with the
problem often dened by food bank use and the conse-
quences mainly focused on physical health. The causes
of food poverty and insecurity were attributed less to
individual failings than to the causes of poverty more
generally (i.e. structural factors). Print media rein-
forced charitable solutions to food poverty and inse-
curity, with little critical analysis of such solutions. A
signicant presence of the deserving/undeserving stere-
otyping of food aid recipients was evident. Individuals’
experiences of food poverty and insecurity were, by
and large, under-represented by the newspaper media.
The ndings of this review indicate that a major shift
in print media discourse on food poverty and insecu-
rity is required. It needs to move away from normali-
zation and de-politicization of charitable food aid to
the acknowledgement of food as a human right and
the need for government accountability. Adopting con-
structive journalism techniques in news coverage may
help with more effective engagement with food pov-
erty and insecurity. Future research should investigate
framing of food poverty and insecurity in online news
media and other platforms, such as broadcast media.
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL
Supplementary material is available at Health
Promotion International online.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
All authors contributed to the concept and design of
the study. C.K., with guidance from E.V., designed
and conducted the literature search. C.K. and E.V.
conducted the study selection process. C.K. under-
took screening of the reference lists of all included
studies. C.K. performed data extraction on all
included studies. C.K. and E.V. were involved in qual-
ity appraisal of the included studies. C.K., with reg-
ular consultation with the other review authors, led
data synthesis. C.K. and E.V. completed the rst draft
of the manuscript, with critical review and feedback
on subsequent drafts from all review team members.
All authors read and approved the nal manuscript.
All authors agree to be accountable for the research
integrity of this work.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We wish to acknowledge the contributions of the
research external advisors, Prof Sharon Friel at the
Australian National University and Dr Anne O’Brien
at Maynooth University, for their input to the design
of this study. We are also grateful to Rosie Dunne,
Research Support Librarian at University of Galway,
for providing input and support into the review search
strategy.
FUNDING
This work was supported by Safefood (grant number
04-2022).
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
Dr Sinéad Furey is an Independent Food Aid Network
Trustee (unpaid). The remaining team members have
no conicts of interest to report.
ETHICAL APPROVAL
Not applicable as data exists in the public domain.
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