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Islandscapes: Tourism, COVID-19, Climate Change and Challenges to Natural Landscapes. A Caribbean Perspective and View from Barbados

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This chapter will examine the pressures on Caribbean islands in the post-COVID-19 world, considering how the demands of tourism and threats of climate change are forcing governments and non-governmental organisations to devise creative and sustainable solutions to the management of fast-disappearing natural landscapes. This is imperative as these small island economies, traditionally geared towards tourism as a key economic activity, seek to rebuild in the wake of almost two years of global COVID-19 lockdown. Furthermore, it is becoming clear that increased hurricane and tropical storm activity, driven by climate change, is resulting in more frequent and destructive weather episodes. The fragile ecosystems of Caribbean landscapes and seascapes are at risk from extreme weather, and also linked to extensive tourism footfall and associated infrastructural development, from human driven factors. Using a series of case studies drawn from Barbados, we examine how an approach to sustainable natural heritage tourism can be framed in the post-COVID-19 and climate changing world.
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CHAPTER 4
Islandscapes: Tourism, COVID-19, Climate
Change and Challenges to Natural
Landscapes. A Caribbean Perspective
and View from Barbados
Niall Finneran and Tara Inniss
4.1 Introduction
The Martinique-born Francophone author Édouard Glissant (1928–
2011) in his 1958 work La Lézard (the Ripening ) evokes a rich and
powerful portrait of his Caribbean island home. For him his island
is a feminine form, and replete with natural environmental metaphors
detached from the colonial European plantation system (Heller, 1996).
Islands lend themselves, as bounded physical entities, to characterisation
in this manner (Hay, 2006). In the Caribbean, there has always been a
tension between the idealised innocent ‘pre-colonial’ tropical Eden and
N. Finneran (B)
University of Winchester, Winchester, UK
e-mail: Niall.Finneran@winchester.ac.uk
T. Inniss
The University of the West Indies (UWI), Cave Hill Campus, Barbados
e-mail: tara.inniss@cavehill.uwi.edu
© The Author(s) 2024
N. Finneran et al. (eds.), Managing Protected Areas,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40783-3_4
49
50 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
then the rigidly controlled industrial plantation landscapes of the sugar
monocultural systems (Hollsten, 2008). Then, in the post-plantation and
post-colonial Caribbean world, island economies re-orientated themselves
towards a new industry: tourism. With this came a reorganisation of
island landscapes yet again, with the coastlines now the focus of hotel
development and the countryside, historically the place of the plantation,
largely becoming a rural backwater. With this move towards a tourist-
based economy came other impacts on the island: infrastructure to service
the beach resorts, more roads, bigger airports and leisure places—and a
host of associated problematic social and economic issues that even in
the post-colonial Caribbean evidence the survival of dependent colonial
attitudes (Pattullo, 2005).
Another impact of this new reorientation of island space was the
commodification of the remaining green spaces on the islands, preserved
now as heritage zones. In Dominica, for example, this is done as a nod
to the politics of the traditional land rights of the indigenous Kalinago
(‘Carib’) people (Hudepohl, 2008). In the Windward Carib territory of
Dominica, visitors can come and see traditional Kalinago architectural
forms, taste traditional food and buy traditional and authentic Kalinago
crafts. The sense that this is an elemental and ancestral landscape is
stressed clearly, and it fits well with the way that Dominica markets itself
as an eco-tourism destination: a place of waterfalls and tropical rain forests
rather than a traditional Caribbean beach holiday (Patterson et al., 2004;
Slinger-Friedman, 2009).
Similarly, Dominica is home to one of the few UNESCO Natural
World Heritage properties in the Caribbean region, Morne Trois Pitons,
which was inscribed in 1997. The Morne Trois Pitons National Park
protects 6,857 hectares which is roughly nine per cent of Dominica’s land
area. Its Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) rests in the conservation of
its exceptional volcanic landscape including Boiling Lake, fumaroles, hot
springs and mud holes. The National Park is also known for its biodiver-
sity and as the only remaining refuge for the endemic critically endangered
Imperial or Sisserou Parrot and vulnerable Red-Necked Parrot. A number
of trails in the park are maintained and provide locals and visitors with a
wealth of hiking options on the island. However, Dominica is prone to
natural disaster with hurricane and volcanic hazards. In 2017, category
five hurricanes Irma and Maria affected the Leewards and northern Wind-
ward Islands within days of one another. With 60 per cent of the island
covered in forest, many areas were left with completely defoliated trees.
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 51
Although the natural environment has recovered, there are estimates that
it will take a decade for the forests to fully recover. The threat of natural
disaster is yet another challenge in the protection and conservation of the
region’s natural heritage, especially given the extreme weather events and
disasters associated with climate change (ECPA, 2021).
Other islands have taken more international approaches to the manage-
ment of their natural heritage. There are 19 UNESCO World Heritage
Sites in the insular Caribbean. These sites have been defined as being
having importance due to their natural heritage, cultural heritage or
exhibit mixed values that make them significant. Cuba leads the way
in terms of designations with nine, of which seven are cultural WHS
(designated mainly by dint of their rich colonial architecture) and two
are natural WHS, the National Parks of Desembarco del Granma (desig-
nated in 1999) and of Alejandro Humboldt (designated in 2001; see
https://whc.unesco.org/fr/etatsparties/cu) which represent distinctive
geological landscapes and eco-diversity. The important wetland site of
Ciénaga de Zapata National Park and the inshore Cuban reef systems
are both on the current tentative list for future inscription. More widely
in the Caribbean UNESCO natural world heritage properties are repre-
sented by the Pitons in St Lucia and Morne Trois Pitons in Dominica,
and tentative sites for future inscription include Inagua National Park,
Bahamas, Scotland District in Barbados, Morne Diablotin National Park
and Scotts Head-Soufriere Marine Park in Dominica, the Volcanic Areas
of Martinique, the National Marine park of Bonaire, the La Brea Pitch
Lake and the Main Ridge Forest Reserve in Trinidad and Tobago and
the entirety of the British-administered islands of the Turks and Caicos.
There is a single mixed natural and cultural heritage WHS in the region:
the Blue and John Crow Mountains in Jamaica, inscribed in 2015.
One of the main attractions of UNESCO World Heritage property
designations is the perceived potential positive impact it has on tourism.
Inscription marks out a natural, cultural or mixed site as being glob-
ally significant and thus a place to visit and experience (Adie, 2017;
Adie et al., 2018). The well-known branding of the designation can be
used to promote the property, but also introduces stringent management
demands and carries no direct financial input from UNESCO for site
management (e.g. Ryan & Silvanto, 2010;Smith, 2002). There are, for
example, implications for planning control in World Heritage properties
and continuing debates around conservation strategies and development.
In the context of the Caribbean islands, most of the focus has been on
52 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
designating cultural heritage sites, but increasingly there is also pressure to
inscribe natural heritage sites. Another important factor to note has been
the gradual reorientation of Caribbean tourist focus away fr om beach holi-
days to more cultural or natural heritage experiences (Scher, 2011). This
shift in tourist expectations/supply became increasingly evident during
a workshop led by one of the present authors (NF) for selected heads
of Caribbean tourism organisations in April 2020. This event centred
around recognition for and promotion of heritage assets and was further
reinforced by the results of a recent study commissioned by EUDiF (the
European Union Global Diaspora Facility) in 2022 which examined atti-
tudes towards cultural tourism by the Barbadian diaspora (Dickinson
et al., 2022).
Heritage tourism then has more than implications for leisure and
enjoyment; there are also significant educational benefits as well as
offering potential to confront topical historical and political issues such as
slavery, violence and colonialism (Fortenberry, 2021). Heritage tourism
also diversifies the Caribbean tourism portfolio, which will be an impor-
tant issue in terms of economic recovery post-COVID-19 pandemic.
Island tourist boards will need to develop new, more exciting and stim-
ulating products to sell, and natural heritage attractions will play a key
part in this. Yet paradoxically, as has been reported in many other regions
worldwide, the success of these strategies may cause damage to the very
assets being promoted through increased development and footfall, and
in addition the biggest issue of all which comes with increased visita-
tion: impacts of climate change. Having sketched in the br oad contextual
picture, we now consider a series of case studies drawn from the natural
heritage portfolio of the Caribbean island of Barbados.
Heritage Tourism and Barbados
Barbados has recognised the potential to develop its heritage tourism
sector to help diversify the island’s tourism product. This was even more
apparent during the COVID-19 pandemic when access to beach spaces
and other public green spaces were at a premium with the pandemic
protocols which sometimes limited their use. Moreover, ‘Welcome Stam-
pers’ (long-stay visas for persons seeking to relocate to Barbados to live
while working remotely) also desired more access to green space and the
promise of more active lifestyles. The heritage sector has a long history
in Barbados with several sites valued for their natural heritage stretching
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 53
back into the colonial era with a nascent tourism industry as early as the
eighteenth century. Certainly, a number of sites in the island have been
leisure spaces for locals and visitors for quite some time including the
island’s cave systems, gullies, East Coast and Animal Flower Cave. Some
of these sites are protected under the Barbados National Trust founded in
1961, while others are either owned or operated privately or by govern-
ment. Increasingly, UNESCO WHS branding is playing a more important
part in the development of the heritage sector. Barbados currently has one
UNESCO (cultural) WHS, Historic Bridgetown and the Garrison, which
was inscribed in 2011. Essentially, this comprises a core of historic colonial
buildings in the island’s capital city linked to the Garrison which fortified
the city along the popular and scenic coastal Bay Street corridor. Two
other properties are on the tentative list include the Industrial Heritage of
Barbados: The Story of Sugar and Rum which is a serial nomination of
plantation sites relating to the development of the sugar and rum indus-
tries; the second is a natural heritage site, Scotland District on the east side
of the island. Here we find the main mountainous area of the island, it is
relatively sparsely settled and not a great draw for tourists who tend to stay
on the south and west coasts of the island, although there is a growing
niche segment of the tourism market that is attracted to the eco-tourism
attractions on the east coast of the island in boutique hotels specialising in
surf vacations and health and wellness tourism.
4.2 The Tourist and Barbados
The island of Barbados is situated in the eastern Caribbean on the Atlantic
side of the Windward chain (Fig. 4.1). With a surface area of 430 km2,
it is one of the larger islands of the Lesser Antilles and differs from its
mountainous volcanic neighbours to the west in the Windwards in having
a flatter limestone topography with less forest coverage. Over 300,000
people live on the island, the vast majority being descendants of enslaved
Africans, and in Caribbean terms is relatively densely populated. Ruled
by England since the seventeenth century, independent from the United
Kingdom since 1966, and a Republic since 2021, the island still retains a
distinctive cultural identity within the wider Caribbean context. A service-
based economy, relying mostly on international tourism, makes up 89
per cent of Barbados’ economic output according to the latest available
2017 figures, but the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2022) had a negative
54 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
Fig. 4.1 Map of the study region (Niall Finneran)
impact on this sector and the island is now in a state of economic recovery
(source for all statistics World Factbook, 2022).
Historically, Barbados has always drawn large numbers of British
tourists based on the island’s historic connections with the UK. Prior
to 2022 there were at least two daily direct flights from the UK. The
island has been perceived to offer a familiar, safe experience for the
British visitor. North American visitors have also made up a significant
segment of Barbados’ tourist cohort. Increasingly, the value of the Barba-
dian Diaspora has been recognised as a source market for tourism as
emigrant Bajans and their descendants travel to and from the island regu-
larly. Emerging tourism markets such as Africa, South America and Asia
are also being explored. The regional tourism market, however, has not
recovered post-COVID-19 with the failure of a number of regional air
carriers and the high cost of regional travel. The island has been tradi-
tionally marketed for leisure, fun and as an ideal beach holiday destination
(Jönsson & Devonish, 2008). Post-COVID-19 the island was marketed
as a destination for digital nomads and remote workers under its ‘Wel-
come Stamp’ programme which issued long-stay visas for persons seeking
to r elocate to Barbados to live while working remotely. Barbados had
maintained relatively low infection rates due to its border restrictions and
pandemic protocols. The programme was considered a success especially
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 55
at the height of the pandemic when various northern jurisdictions were
still undergoing lockdowns.
In comparison with other Caribbean islands, in terms of heritage,
Barbados has a wealth of historic cultural heritage which reflects the
colonial plantation experience: fortifications, large plantation houses,
cemeteries and also remains of enslaved Africans’ dwellings. In terms of
natural heritage, however, there are no dramatic volcanic mountain ranges
here, nor are there tropical rain forests, and for the most part (with
the exception of the eastern Atlantic coasts) the western and southern
coastlines are heavily developed. However, Barbados does have a unique
limestone karst topography and is well known in geological circles for its
cave systems and gullies found mostly in the interior of the island and for
the unique geological formations on the East Coast. With the exception
of Welchman Hall Gully and Harrison Cave, Barbados’ geology is not a
huge singular attraction for visitors.
The coastline with its pristine white sand beaches is perhaps Barba-
dos’s biggest potential draw, but there are a number of important issues
with which to contend. There are huge pressures on beaches as leisure
resources. Unlike in some other Caribbean territories, beaches are public
and accessible to all (NCC Barbados, n.d.). As such, hotel developers
cannot claim areas for the exclusive use of their own guests (Davis, 2010)
beyond what is commonly known as ‘the high water mark’ (Allahar,
2015). However, across the Caribbean privatisation of beaches and private
control of public land have led to accusations of high-handed neo-colonial
behaviour by exclusive resorts which do not typically cater to the average
Caribbean citizen (Caribbean Council, n.d.). The work of the Barbadian
artist Annalee Davis (cited above) is part of a wider initiative around race
and class in Barbados. Here the beach has become a politicised battle-
ground, where issues of public access open up deep wounds from the
colonial period.
Historically, beaches were considered ‘rab’ or marginal land on coastal
plantations (Davis, 2010). Beaches were spaces used by fishers for boat-
yards. They were places where raw sewage and refuse were disposed and
animals were washed. Often latrines and abattoirs were sited in close prox-
imity to the sea so beaches were by no means considered high-value real
estate. A number of cemeteries dating to the 1854 cholera epidemic are
also located on or near beach accesses. In fact, beachfront land especially
on the south and west coasts were the preserve of tenantries and working-
class housing since workers’ access to land in Barbados was often limited
56 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
due to the strict land-labour policies that followed emancipation. Planters
and the elite remained in control of the majority of land resources on the
island for most of the nineteenth century until the mid-twentieth century.
However, with the advent of beach tourism by the 1950s and 1960s,
beachfront land star ted to become highly prized and eventually land spec-
ulation for this resource priced many Barbadians out of the beachfront
real estate market (Allahar, 2015).
Public beach access remains a ‘hot-button’ issue for Barbadians.
Further privatisation of sea frontage represents their continued alien-
ation from prime real estate which may now be owned by the local elite
and foreign investors (Allahar, 2015). It is defended vociferously and if
attempts are made to limit beach access they are met with widespread
public protest. The outrage expressed over threats to public access of
the island’s beaches are best memorialised in the popular 1982 calypso
‘Jack’ by The Mighty Gabby which recounts when the then Chair of the
Barbados Board of Tourism Jack Dear wanted to initiate beach privati-
sation policies. Defiantly, The Mighty Gabby sang in opposition to the
measures saying:
Tourism vital I can’t deny but can’t mean more than I an’ I
My navel string bury right here but a tourist own could be anywhere
Jack don’t want me to bathe on my beach
Jack tell them to keep me out of reach
Jack tell them I would never make the grade
Strength and security build barricade
That can’t happen here in this country
I want Jack to know the beach belong to we.
The song has become a protest anthem and is often incanted when public
beach access is threatened. In March 2018, The Mighty Gabby performed
the song on the popular Crane Beach when the Crane Beach Resort was
accused of limiting vendor access to the beach (Evanson, 2018).
Increasingly, managing beach access creates conflict among several
different users. Not only does the public advocate for their right to
access, so do vendors and tourism operators for commercial purposes.
Pre-COVID-19, there have been conflicts over beach chair rentals and
commercial concessions that take up beach space creating conflicts among
all users (Evanson, 2018). During the height of the COVID-19 lock-
downs, the beaches were almost entirely cleared of tourist activity and
associated vendor activities (Graham, 2021). Beaches, once again, became
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 57
the pr eserve of Barbadians and local communities who used them for daily
recreation within stipulated hours of use. They became a highly valued
respite from stringent lockdown orders which confined most Barbadians
to their homes. Post-COVID-19, tourism activity has returned, to some
extent, and so have the conflicts.
Beyond beaches, there are other issues facing the seascapes of
Barbados. At Folkestone Marine Reserve near Holetown on the north-
western coast, the once bright and colourful coral reefs have become
bleached owing to pollution and poor water quality and warming seas
(Oxenford et al., 2008). Discharge of sewerage into the sea causes devel-
opment of toxic algal blooms which are damaging to coral. This is an
important site as it was the first marine park to be established in Barbados
in 1976 under the aegis of the Marine Areas Preservation and Enhance-
ment Act (1976). From the outset the key aims of the marine reserve
were to: ‘maintain coastal and marine ecosystems in their natural state;
act as an area where marine species can breed undisturbed; provide educa-
tional recreation for residents and tourist; provide a protected area where
scientist and students can engage in research’ (IABIN, 2010, 7). Canada’s
McGill University maintains a marine research centre at Bellairs, near to
Folkestone, so the research element is still very much to the fore, but sadly
the coastal and marine ecosystems have been degraded. Collaborative and
community-focused work begun in 2009 to undertake long-term moni-
toring of the state of the reefs, but the overall picture remains concerning
(University of the West Indies, 2009).
Integrated policies for the management of coastal and marine protected
areas remain elusive. For a number of years, there have been signals
to introduce a Barbados Marine Management Area which would see
the management of Barbados’ marine resources and its users (fishers,
divers, tour operators, pleasure craft owners and even beach users), but
an integrated policy and authority has not yet been implemented leaving
coastal areas vulnerable to overfishing and lack of conservation (Biopama,
2020). Tourism development along the island’s coastline continues to
be intensive especially at sites with existing building footprints. Prior to
COVID-19, coastal tourism developments were announced with much
anticipation, but at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, a number of
these projects stalled through a combination of the lengthy government
permission process and some tourism investment disquiet as the tourism
industry took the greatest hit.
58 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
It was only in late 2022 that a number of these projects are now
underway. But a number of these multi-million dollar multi-storey
projects are located on the vulnerable coastline potentially posing a risk
to investors and the island’s environment and economy if global sea
levels rise and storm surges associated with more intensive storm seasons
increase. At least two of these projects have been announced in Historic
Bridgetown and its Garrison—one at the site of the old Harbour Police
Station (which was the island’s Lock Hospital in the nineteenth century)
in Bay Street and the nearby Pier Head development which is slated to
transform the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century warehouse district into
a modern upscale residential condominium development targeted to local
and foreign young professionals and other investors. Both have been cited
for posing challenges to the unique and vulnerable coastline in those ar eas
which could compr omise nearby cultural and natural heritage (Barbados
Today, 2022; Joseph, 2019).
As an island, Barbados’ coastal natural heritage is never far away from
the island’s terrestrial natural heritage, and in many cases the island’s cave
and gully systems are connected to coastal basins and the nearshore envi-
ronment. The Graeme Hall Nature Sanctuary, for example, is the site of
one of the island’s oldest intact natural wetlands and is a Ramsar protected
site. As an important coastal watershed, protection of the coastal wetland
system has continuously been under threat from development since it was
purchased and transformed into a private conservation area by the late
Peter Allard, a wealthy Canadian lawyer and philanthropist. In 2019, the
wetlands faced its most urgent threat when the South Coast Sewerage
Project failed sending raw sewage into the main highway along the South
Coast. The overflow from the nearby primary sewage plant was directed
into the swamp endangering the delicate wetlands ecosystem (Barbados
Today, 2019). In a country with very few intact natural wetlands, the
Graeme Hall Nature Sanctuary is in dire need of comprehensive and inte-
grated protection and management especially as it such a key artery for
the health and wellness of human populations along the coast and the
health of the nearshore area. Recent announcements about the develop-
ment of the nearby and related Chapman’s Swamp in St. Lawrence Gap
also raises the spectre of more tourism development threats of coastal
wetlands (Mahon, 2022).
The island’s few remaining wetlands and coastal mangroves have been
under continuous threat from development of the island’s coastline for
tourism development. In addition to coastal wetlands such as Chancery
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 59
Lane and Graeme Hall Nature Sanctuary, there are also several natural
and human made ‘swamps’ or ponds that have been used historically for
bird-shooting. Through activism and advocacy over the last few decades,
some of these swamps namely Fosters in St. Lucy and Woodbourne Shore-
bird Refuge in Christ Church have now been transformed into private/
non-governmental bird sanctuaries where local and migratory species can
drink and feed. Mounting pressure from within and outside of the bird-
shooting community has forced participants to recognise the value of
these spaces for avian conservation with voluntary bag limits for shooting
and even the cessation of the practice altogether. But instead of allowing
these habitats to dry up due to disuse, participants are being encouraged
to transform them into sanctuaries.
Much of Barbados’ natural native forest cover was destroyed to make
way for intensive sugar plantation development by the 1650s. Turner’s
Hall Wood in St. Andrew in the Scotland District is a notable excep-
tion and is an ecological pr eserve with some of the best examples of
endemic species on the island. The Barbados National Trust founded in
1961 operates at least two natural heritage sites: Welchman Hall Gully in
St. Thomas which is part of the Harrison Cave system and Andromeda
Gardens in St. Joseph which was gifted to the Trust in 1988 in the will
of well-known horticulturalist Iris Bannochie. Both sites provide locals
and visitors an accessible trail through the island’s forested and in the
case of Andromeda, landscaped, natural heritage (Carrington, 2011).
Other similar sites on the island are owned/operated privately such as
the Flower Forest and Coco Hill in St. Thomas and Hunte’s Gardens in
St. Joseph. These sites are heavily dependent on tourism for their main-
tenance and during the COVID-19 pandemic many struggled to remain
open (Madden, 2022). In addition to managing the island’s beaches and
parks, the National Conservation Commission (NCC) also operates a
number of parks and open spaces such as Farley Hill National Park and
Barclay’s Park which is part of the larger Barbados National Park System
on the East Coast.
Although there have been announcements endorsing and even
launching the Barbados National Park system, little has been done to
implement the policies required to manage the system (Nation News,
2010). Through a combination of both private and public initiatives to
conserve the island’s terrestrial natural heritage, there is still a lack of
comprehensive and integrated public policy to help govern its use and
future development. Land planning policies may be in place through the
60 N. FINNERAN AND T. INNISS
Fig. 4.2 Graeme Hall Swamp, southern Barbados: relic wetland, Ramsar site,
bird sanctuary and tourist draw (Niall Finneran)
Barbados Physical Development Plan (PDP) and other planning instru-
ments. But more can be done to protect these resources. The Barbados
National Park system and possible protection and management through
the UNESCO World Heritage Tentative List nomination for the Scot-
land District could provide some of the properties sited in these areas to
achieve integrated protection and management (Fig. 4.2).
4.3 Conclusion
The foregoing discussion has outlined some of the key issues facing the
management of the natural landscape one of the major Caribbean islands.
Barbados is, in context, one of the wealthier Caribbean islands with a rela-
tively good public infrastructure and a stable democracy. This is not the
case for a number of other often smaller islands. In these smaller islands,
economic pressures have translated into overdevelopment of tourist infras-
tructure without attending to the basic needs of sustainability and impact
on the environment. While a large hotel development may provide many
direct and indirect jobs, there is always the possibility of the downside:
increased traffic, pollution and strain on already overstretched services.
Tourism strategies need to be sustainable, cost-effective and environmen-
tally friendly. Tourism, always a mainstay of the Caribbean economy, is
close to recovering to pre-pandemic levels, and many islands are seeking
to diversify their tourism profile.
4 ISLANDSCAPES: TOURISM, COVID-19, CLIMATE CHANGE 61
One of the current authors (NF) devised and delivered a training
session for a number of representatives of the Caribbean island tourism
boards in 2020 on behalf of the Caribbean tourism organisation, and
this message came through clearly. Heritage tourism, natural and cultural,
is the way forward. The argument was however that this vision has to
be thought through carefully, integratively considered in policy-making,
and above all, be community led. Already we are seeing the impact of
overdevelopment and rampant tourism on a number of Caribbean islands,
and any measures taken of course have to balance the social, economic
and cultural need of the island community and the fragile landscapes
they inhabit. Leadership here from academics, both of local and inter-
national influence, is important. Given that there is a dearth of what we
would term professional local practitioners working on the management
of natural heritage in the Caribbean, the involvement of local commu-
nity groups as practitioners in their own right also becomes important.
The emphasis should be upon cross-fertilisation of ideas, sustainability
and teamwork and an awareness of the emotional attachment to place
and space in these fragile and exploited Caribbean island settings.
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