Sangomas on the Pulpit: Syncretistic Practices of Some Pastors in Neo-Pentecostal Ministries in South Africa

Abstract

This article builds on and contributes to work in the field of syncretism in some neo-Pentecostal ministries. While some studies have investigated the increasing syncretistic practices within certain neo-Pentecostal groups, there has been a lack of emphasis on the similarities and differences between sangomas who strictly follow African Indigenous Religion and sangomas who are spiritual leaders in certain ministries. In certain neo-Pentecostal ministries, sangomas have risen to leadership roles, even founding their congregations. The rapid growth or trend of sangomas on the pulpit is sometimes characterised by condemnation and hostility against “born-again” Christians. Sangomas, who are usually prophets or pastors, attempt to ascertain that the “born-again” have lost their identities because they believe in Western theologies. This article draws strongly on the concept of syncretism as the theoretical framework. Employing the evidence provided in the literature through a literary analysis, this article intends to examine and expose the current trends of syncretism. This article also uses a few cases of neo-Pentecostal ministers who have adopted sangomic practices in their pulpits. Some of the practices were observed by the authors through the participant observation method. Accordingly, it will further identify the failure of westernised Christianity, which was one of the stumbling blocks for Christianity to be integrated into the indigenous historical tradition.

Full text

Citation: Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon,
and Simesihle Eric Ngubane. 2023.
Sangomas on the Pulpit: Syncretistic
Practices of Some Pastors in
Neo-Pentecostal Ministries in South
Africa. Religions 14: 1499. https://
doi.org/10.3390/rel14121499
Academic Editor: Simon Dein
Received: 20 November 2023
Accepted: 27 November 2023
Published: 4 December 2023
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
religions
Article
Sangomas on the Pulpit: Syncretistic Practices of Some Pastors
in Neo-Pentecostal Ministries in South Africa
Mookgo Solomon Kgatle 1, * and Simesihle Eric Ngubane 2
1Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, University of South Africa,
Pretoria 0002, South Africa
2Department of Religious Studies, University of Pretoria Pretoria, Pretoria 0002, South Africa;
sengubane@outlook.com
*Correspondence: kgatls@unisa.ac.za
Abstract:
This article builds on and contributes to work in the field of syncretism in some neo-
Pentecostal ministries. While some studies have investigated the increasing syncretistic practices
within certain neo-Pentecostal groups, there has been a lack of emphasis on the similarities and
differences between sangomas who strictly follow African Indigenous Religion and sangomas who
are spiritual leaders in certain ministries. In certain neo-Pentecostal ministries, sangomas have risen
to leadership roles, even founding their congregations. The rapid growth or trend of sangomas on
the pulpit is sometimes characterised by condemnation and hostility against “born-again” Christians.
Sangomas, who are usually prophets or pastors, attempt to ascertain that the “born-again” have
lost their identities because they believe in Western theologies. This article draws strongly on the
concept of syncretism as the theoretical framework. Employing the evidence provided in the literature
through a literary analysis, this article intends to examine and expose the current trends of syncretism.
This article also uses a few cases of neo-Pentecostal ministers who have adopted sangomic practices in
their pulpits. Some of the practices were observed by the authors through the participant observation
method. Accordingly, it will further identify the failure of westernised Christianity, which was one of
the stumbling blocks for Christianity to be integrated into the indigenous historical tradition.
Keywords: sangoma; syncretism; African traditional religion; neo-Pentecostal ministries
1. Introduction
This article aims to assess syncretism phenomena, which appear to be more prevalent
in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries that incorporate practices reminiscent of sango-
mas, particularly in the setting of “sangomas on the pulpit”. The spiritual leaders of some
neo-Pentecostal ministries, known as sangomas, have various perspectives that oppose
Western theologies, particularly those associated with “born-again” Christians. According
to Wariboko (2017, p. 5), it is not possible to definitively categorise neo-Pentecostal min-
istries as belonging to either the Christian tradition or the Pentecostal ministries in Africa.
Nevertheless, it is worth noting that a subset of leaders within the neo-Pentecostal min-
istries had previously been affiliated with those who identify as “born-again” Christians in
classic Pentecostal churches. Consequently, their theological perspectives are influenced by
the doctrines and practices of Pentecostalism, even if they are different from other forms of
the movement (White and Pondani 2022).
Within the traditional African religious worldview, the spiritual realm of African
societies is distinguished by a dense assemblage of spiritual entities, encompassing spirits
and the departed, who are perceived to exist in an altered state of being (Mbiti 1969).
African societies hold a belief in a Supreme Being, seen as the one responsible for the
creation of the cosmos and everything within it. Furthermore, Africans acknowledge the
existence of several spiritual forces, which are attributed with special powers and often
serve distinct functions. One of the spiritual entities that is commonly acknowledged
Religions 2023,14, 1499. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14121499 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions

Religions 2023,14, 1499 2 of 11
is the belief in ancestral spirits (Amadlozi). According to Parrinder (1962), researchers
specialising in African Traditional Religion have categorised the belief system of Africans
into four distinct types: the Supreme Being, the sky deity, the mother earth, and other
divinities. According to Mbiti (1975, p. 36), it can be observed that various African societies
acknowledged the existence of a divine entity through their respective cosmological beliefs.
The sangomas in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries attempt to challenge and
dismantle the historical influence of early European missionary endeavours and the
Western Christian ideas that were ineffective in achieving global reach. According to
Willoughby (1970), the missionary blunder of failing to recognise the worth of African
traditional practices and religious systems appears to have been the seed from which the
intersectionality of African Indigenous Religion and Christianity grew. It is noteworthy to
acknowledge that African Indigenous Religion has long been marginalised and stigmatised
as primitive, malevolent, wicked, and lacking in virtue (Okon 2013, p. 100).
The sangomas in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries have utilised the pulpit to
respond to assertions regarding the dominance and superiority of Western Christianity.
This article also focuses on the phenomenon of individuals pursuing spiritual healing from
sangomas within neo-Pentecostal ministries rather than seeking guidance from sangomas
in traditional religion. The pursuit of addressing westernised theology has prompted
these churches to engage in syncretistic practices and criticise the Gospel by incorporating
elements from African Indigenous Religion into their beliefs and practices. This study
aims to investigate the underlying reasons for the syncretism or hybridization of African
Indigenous Religion (AIR) and Christianity in South Africa. This will be achieved by
unpacking syncretism as a theoretical framework. Neo-Pentecostalism, as one of the streams
of Pentecostalism, will be discussed to provide background to neo-Pentecostal ministries.
The link between Neo-Pentecostalism and African Traditional Religion will be established to
understand the syncretistic practices in neo-Pentecostal ministries. The concept of sangoma
as practiced in African Traditional Religion will also be unpacked before providing some
evidence of the sangoma on the pulpit. The purpose of this article is to highlight the
syncretistic practices of some neo-Pentecostal pastors in neo-Pentecostal ministries.
2. Syncretism: A Theoretical Framework
This article employs syncretism as a theoretical framework to examine the beliefs and
practices of sangomas who operate both on the Christian pulpit and in African Traditional
Religions. According to Schineller (1992), the notion of syncretism is deemed unsuitable
and should be replaced with the concept of inculturation. This is because syncretism
implies the substitution of fundamental and essential aspects of the Gospel throughout the
contextualization process, with religious elements derived from the host culture. According
to Schineller (1992), syncretism can be described as the unwarranted amalgamation of belief
systems and practices that are fundamentally incompatible or the blending of doctrinal
aspects that are inherently contradictory. It also involves the intermingling of genuine
concepts and realities of a revealed faith with other religious assertions. In this process,
elements originating from an alternative religious tradition are assimilated without under-
going a rigorous evaluation through the lens of Christianity. According to Schineller (1992),
syncretism can be conceptualised as a process that involves the rejection of Christ or Chris-
tian teachings. However, within the context of this paper, which takes a religious studies
perspective, the term syncretism is not employed negatively. Instead, Goosen (2000) posits
that syncretism can be understood in a positive light. This is like the word discrimination,
which in contemporary society has acquired a negative connotation due to its association
with unjust discrimination. However, individuals are often encouraged to exercise discrim-
ination in their choices regarding food, beverages, beliefs, and other aspects of life. Some
individuals have opted to employ the concept of discernment as a more favourable term
in comparison to prejudice. The term “syncretism” in the context of religious studies or
social sciences, particularly in the domains of phenomenology, comparative studies, or the

Religions 2023,14, 1499 3 of 11
objective, scientific study of religion, pertains to the occurrence whereby the amalgamation
of beliefs or practices is documented (Goosen 2000).
According to Lindenfeld (2014), the concept of syncretism within the Church can be
comprehended through an analysis of Pope John Paul II’s statements during his visit to a
Native American audience in Phoenix, Arizona, in 1987:
The initial interaction between indigenous cultures and the European way of life
proved to be a challenging and distressing experience for the native populations.
I implore individuals of Native descent to actively engage in the preservation
and perpetuation of their respective cultures, and languages, as well as the
values and customs that have proven to be advantageous in previous generations
and continue to serve as a robust framework for the forthcoming years. These
entities provide advantages not alone to individuals, but also to the entirety of
the human population.
It can be argued that African Indigenous Religion enables a person to follow both
AIR and Christianity. It is acceptable to practice African Indigenous Religion and still
be baptised, go to church, and partake in the sacraments of the Church. According to
sangomas on the pulpit, such as Xaba and Gogo Shange, it is not required for the African
people to adhere to a rigidly ordered and reasoned religious system for them to live normal
lives. The primary emphasis of ATR is placed on what they practice, not what they claim to
believe, which is their theology (Cox 2008;Manyeli and Machobane 2001). In this article,
syncretism is used to unpack the tendency of some neo-Pentecostal pastors who often
mix the practices of sangomas with Christian practices. However, before doing so, it is
important to introduce Neo-Pentecostalism.
3. Neo-Pentecostalism in Context
Acquiring a thorough understanding of classical Pentecostalism is essential for gaining
a deeper understanding of Neo-Pentecostalism. Kgatle (2016, p. 138) defines classical Pen-
tecostalism as a religious movement that espouses the belief in redemption by confession.
Classical Pentecostalism espouses the doctrine of baptism in the Holy Spirit, which is
thereafter accompanied by the manifestation of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, with particular
emphasis on the gift of glossolalia, sometimes referred to as speaking in tongues. Those
who have had the baptism of the Holy Spirit are anticipated to live a life marked by sanctity.
The rescued individual demonstrates a condition of patient expectancy, eagerly awaiting
the second coming of Jesus. Therefore, the doctrine of classical Pentecostalism encompasses
the entirety of the Gospel message. In contrast to classical Pentecostalism, Khanyile (2016)
asserts that:
Neo-Pentecostalism places a strong emphasis on the veneration of extraordinary
occurrences such as miracles, healing, and deliverance. Additionally, it greatly
values the attainment of success and the execution of unconventional church
rituals, which are frequently led by charismatic and popular spiritual leaders.
Neo-Pentecostals can be characterised as a contemporary iteration of the Pentecostal
movement due to their trans-denominational nature, social relevance, departure from
traditional norms, lack of rigid doctrine, and global outlook, distinguishing them from
their classical Pentecostal predecessors. Neo-Pentecostalism represents a widely embraced
manifestation of Christianity that caters to the dissatisfied populations of developing
nations by offering psychological and physical assistance. The aforementioned mobility
has a crucial role in facilitating the survival of individuals in both social and psychological
domains. Neo-Pentecostalism offers individuals the opportunity to engage actively, receive
assistance, experience emotional solace, and cultivate a sense of inclusion.
Neo-Pentecostalism can be understood as a revivalist movement that emerges within
established confessional and orthodox Christian denominations. The members of the
congregation frequently provide accounts of their previous experiences characterised by
feelings of hunger, emptiness, powerlessness, lack of love, isolation, unfulfilled existence,

Religions 2023,14, 1499 4 of 11
and spiritual stagnation, which they have since managed to overcome. The individuals
claim to have encountered a personal connection with Jesus Christ, which was previously
obscured from them by the teachings, rituals, and secular environment prevalent within
religious institutions. The individuals are currently sharing their testimony about the
experience of having a deep sense of salvation, a strong inclination towards prayer and
praise, an unrestricted ability to share their faith and spread the message, freedom from
sinful behaviour, the ability to live morally pure lives while serving Jesus, great joy from
studying the Bible, an increased capacity to love, a desire for community with other
Christians, and a state of unprecedented peace. This message was imparted to sangomas
who departed from neo-Pentecostal congregations of “born-again” Christians with the
intention of Africanising Christianity through their traditional beliefs. Hence, in some of
the neo-Pentecostal ministries, there is a trend of sangomas who have assumed pastoral
roles to offer solutions to their followers using traditional means. The next section draws
links between Neo-Pentecostalism and African Traditional Religion.
4. Neo-Pentecostalism’s Links with ATR
Again, the objective of this study is to examine the phenomenon of seeking guidance
from traditional healers during divine healing rituals and to compare it with the practices of
sangomas in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries. The prevalence of traditional healing
within the traditional African religious framework can be attributed to the belief held by
many Africans that certain illnesses and ailments are connected to the realm of spirits. In
most African cosmologies, there exists a strong association between sickness, diseases, and
various calamities with causes that are considered beyond the realm of the physical senses.
These origins include the perceived anger of divine beings, the neglected ancestral spirits,
the presence of malicious spiritual entities, as well as the actions of witches, wizards, and
sorcerers (Asante and Mazama 2009, p. 495). As a result, instead of pursuing Western
medicine, individuals hold the belief that their ailments can be remedied by traditional
medicine administered by a traditional healer. This idea contributes to the prevalence
of seeking guidance and spiritual healing from traditional healers within the African
cultural framework. Hence, some of the adherents in certain neo-Pentecostal ministries
seek guidance from sangomas on the pulpit to achieve healing, deliverance, and prosperity
(Kgatle 2023, p. 3).
Considering the association between ailments and afflictions in the spiritual realm,
certain individuals of African descent exhibit a proclivity for seeking the guidance of
traditional healers in pursuit of remedies, as opposed to relying on Western medical
practices. According to Feierman and Janzen (1992, p. 374), the practice of initially seeking
guidance from a traditional practitioner is based on the notion that they possess a greater
ability to discern the underlying cause of an issue, particularly when they can direct the
individual to a more authoritative or suitable traditional healer capable of addressing the
problem. Hence, care seekers possess the capacity and willingness to seek guidance from
individuals who present themselves as more authoritative than other spiritual leaders
through several media channels. In the next section, this article unpacks the concept of
sangoma in African Traditional Religion.
5. A Sangoma in ATR
In African Traditional Religion (ATR), sangomas consider the belief in ancestors to be
of utmost importance. They view it as a key element of traditional African philosophy and
a vital basis for religious rituals in Africa (Stinton 2004, pp. 133–34). In ATR, sangomas
function as intermediaries between the living and the dead and are known as the “people’s
priests”. There are several methods through which the recognition of the deceased’s
existence is articulated. The continent of Africa is not the sole geographical region where
many cultures engage in the religious custom of venerating and worshipping their ancestors
(Bae 2004, p. 1). In most countries where the concept of ancestral reverence is prevalent,
the collective memory of the society serves as a repository for the chronicles of individuals

Religions 2023,14, 1499 5 of 11
who have traversed the realm of existence. They have transitioned into the classification of
ancestors, commonly referred to as deceased individuals who continue to hold significance
in the lives of the living. The notion of ancestral engagement in daily existence transcends
mere narrative or folklore. This lifestyle is adopted by a substantial number of individuals
residing in various regions around the globe. Ancestors can be defined concisely and
often as deceased individuals who influence their living descendants. The identity of these
individuals is expounded upon as transcendental entities that symbolise the religious,
ethical, and institutional principles of their community. Their dwelling and sphere of
influence extend from the material to the spiritual realm.
While there are variations in the manifestation of this phenomenon across many ethnic
groups in Africa, Nyamiti (1984), as stated in Stinton (2004, p. 134), highlights certain
shared characteristics of ancestral beliefs. There are some recurring patterns in the customs
associated with the worship of ancestral spirits throughout many cultures, suggesting
that the worship of ancestral spirits fundamentally revolves around the interplay between
the living and the deceased. The idea discussed here holds inherent significance within
the cosmology of several cultures, including Korea, Japan, and Africa, hence influencing
their ceremonial practices. In each of these circumstances, there exists a core belief that
the departed will obtain benefits because of the actions carried out by their surviving
descendants. The observed phenomenon may be characterised as a symbiotic association
since it is widely postulated that the act of venerating ancestors by their living descendants
results in reciprocal benefits in the form of protection and blessings.
The synergy is predicated upon the fundamental ideas about mortality and existence
beyond death. In the worldview of sangomas, death is not regarded as an impediment
to the interaction between the living and the deceased. Ancestors, from a hierarchical
perspective, are seen to be subordinate to God and serve as intermediaries between God
and humanity. According to Mbiti (1989, p. 84), even religious practitioners such as doctors
(Izinyanga) carry out their duties using ancestral mediation. According to Stinton (2004,
p. 135), the act of worshipping God is practiced by both ancestors and their subsequent
generations. Ancestors, in their role as intermediaries between the divine and human
beings, cannot facilitate the process of redemption. Sangomas believe that ancestor spirits
possess an innate metaphysical power, leading them to seek guidance from these spirits.
This perspective is rooted in the dynamistic and animistic worldview prevalent in African
cultures. The spirits of ancestors are not just characterised as impersonal forces governing
a sacred realm. Ancestors maintain a close connection with their descendants. Occasionally,
individuals may seek guidance from their ancestors on personal matters. The act of
worshipping and venerating ancestors is often characterised by ambiguity. Ancestors are
both revered and feared in equal measure. They possess the ability to give both blessings
of good fortune and inflict damage and tragedy on individuals who fail to recognise their
existence. A doctor’s (inyanga) role may overlap with that of an isangoma in ATR and
typically requires a broad understanding of medicinal herbs.
In the cultural contexts of Japan, Korea, and several African countries, there is a
belief system wherein it is postulated that deceased individuals engage in interaction and
communication with their remaining family members. In African culture, it is widely
believed that departed family members are incorporated into a collective ancestor group,
whereby they possess the capacity to exert influence on the lives of their descendants,
either positively or negatively. Curiously, the precise geographical whereabouts of the
forefathers remain uncertain. The precise location of their habitation remains ambiguous
since scholarly sources have not definitively established whether they are perceived to
reside under the earth’s surface, in the celestial realm, beyond the visible horizon, or inside
the confines of their homestead or erected shrines (Nxumalo 1981, pp. 66–67; Amanze 2003,
p. 44; Chidester 1992, p. 11; Mbiti 1971, p. 133). Nonetheless, according to Hammond-Tooke
(1955, pp. 16–22), sangomas in ATR have a special bond with the living dead, who are
responsible for calling sangomas to their profession. Sangomas are sacred specialists who

Religions 2023,14, 1499 6 of 11
are customarily consulted in their hut by anyone in need of assistance. The cases of some
neo-Pentecostal pastors who engage in sangomic practices are unpacked in the next section.
6. Cases of Some Neo-Pentecostal Pastors as Sangomas on the Pulpit
In this article, the term “sangomas on the pulpit” is employed to imply that spiritual
leaders in certain neo-Pentecostal ministries utilise ancestral spirits to assist the congrega-
tion. For instance, one of the members of the Enqabeni Ministries, Amaqhawe, under the
leadership of Doctor X, appears to express astonishment over the skepticism of Africans
towards ancestral powers and traditional healing practices while yet embracing these
powers within a religious context. The critic accuses Mnguni and other pastors of misusing
traditional privileges by attributing them to a divine source such as Jesus Christ or the
Holy Spirit. The commentator’s perspective can be identified as that of a traditionalist,
as he asserts having witnessed a phenomenon that Mnguni regarded as a miraculous act
performed by a ‘local traditional healer’. The inclusion of phrases such as “we as Africans”
and “our ancestors and native healers” places him in a position that diverges from the
beliefs held by the majority of Pentecostals, both classical and neo-Pentecostal, who tend
to reject the veneration of ancestors and any associated practices. Prophet Dr. BS Xaba
(referred to as Dr. X) incorporates the invocation of the God of African monarchs and
ancestors in his healing ministry, simultaneously expressing skepticism towards the re-
liance on the usage of Jesus’ name. While Xaba and Prophet Dr. Samuel Radebe’s ministry
structure may bear a resemblance to Neo-Pentecostalism, their primary emphasis appears
to be centred on the revival and rejuvenation of African Traditional Religion. Within the
realm of Doctor X’s services, it is observable that certain individuals adorn themselves with
blue and white Zion-Apostolic attire, but others opt for the reddish Nguni fabric, which
is commonly linked to traditional healing practitioners. The individual engages in the
practice of burning traditional incense and invoking ancestral spirits and uMvelinqangi to
seek healing and liberation. Another notable figure is prophet Sibusiso Mokoena, who in
the past has asserted that he has been carrying on his father’s healing legacy and that he
inherited the gift from his ancestors. The aforementioned spiritual leaders believe that the
“customs and traditional ceremonies introduce, keep one connected and rooted to one’s
ancestors. When one is known by their ancestors then they receive protection from the evil
spirits and misfortunes” (Mkabile and Swartz 2022, p. 269).
One may easily mistake the sangomas on the pulpit church service setup for neo-
Pentecostal ones. The prophet Magejageja (2023) may also be considered a prototypical
illustration of the intersectionality that exists between Neo-Pentecostalism and African
Indigenous Religion. Magejageja (2023) posits that there exists a collaborative relationship
between God and Idlozi, wherein during his prayers for the infirm, he beseeches the
ancestral spirits and invokes the forebears of the ailing individual to facilitate the process
of restoration. Occasionally, he engages in further prayers aimed at purifying the ancestral
spirits of the care-seeker and invoking their purification to appear as benevolent ancestors.
According to Prophet Magejageja (2023), there is a belief system wherein certain individuals
acknowledge the coexistence of ancestral spirits and a Supreme Being, perceiving them
as influential entities that had significant importance during their lifetimes. On the other
hand, some individuals strictly adhered to traditional beliefs and practices, abstaining
from church attendance and any overt displays of worship towards God, instead focusing
their reverence on ancestral spirits. The predominant argument put up by the majority of
sangoma prophets is the assertion that the living must acquire the ability to harmonise
the desires of deceased ancestors who only adhered to traditional beliefs and those who
embraced Christianity or any other belief system. Moreover, it is widely held that ancestral
spirits are capable of inhabiting the physical form of the living and exerting influence
over their actions to fulfil their desires. The African indigenous religious belief system
posits that sickness is predominantly attributed to the deterioration of familial and kinship
connections, as well as an individual’s rapport with their ancestral spirits. Therefore, it
is said that neglecting the needs of ancestral spirits who lived according to traditional

Religions 2023,14, 1499 7 of 11
beliefs can result in adverse consequences for their descendants on earth. According to
Magejageja (2023) and other traditionalists, such as Doctor Khehlelezi, it is believed that
individuals who choose not to engage in the veneration or worship of ancestral spirits
may have negative consequences, including a shortened lifespan. This is attributed to the
displeasure of the ancestors, who are believed to have certain expectations that must be
fulfilled by their descendants.
The authors have also observed that individuals known as sangomas or traditional
healers, such as gogo Shange, Khehlelezi, Xaba, and others, maintain the belief that neglect-
ing the veneration of ancestors in favour of attending church services has occasionally led
to the affliction of illness among the offspring who have opted to exclusively worship Jesus
Christ. In addition, gogo Shange argues that persons who self-identify as “born-again”
Christians have undergone severe destruction in their lives caused by ancestral spirits, to
the point that they have been obliged to become sangomas in compliance with the desires
of their ancestral spirits. The congregants in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries receive
instruction from the sangomas on the pulpit regarding the necessity of attending to the
needs of both ancestors who were traditionalists and those who were Christians to achieve
a harmonious life equilibrium. The assertion put up by sangomas during their sermons
is that it is necessary to provide due homage or devotion to the ancestors who adhered
to traditional beliefs while also catering to the needs of those ancestors who embraced
Christianity by actively participating in church activities.
Furthermore, through observation, it is noteworthy to mention that most of the san-
gomas on the pulpit, who are mostly from the Zulu community, perceive Christianity as
an exogenous religious belief system. The Zulu people possess a perception wherein they
perceive Christianity as an external and distinct cultural entity. The historical circumstance
of Christianity’s initial introduction to the region by European individuals of Caucasian
descent, who subsequently founded mission stations that operated independently from
Zulu communities, has resulted in a discernible foreign influence. The Zulu individuals
who embraced Christianity underwent a process of adopting new Christian names distinct
from their traditional Zulu names. Furthermore, how the Church conducts mass differs
significantly from their customary religious ceremonies. Additionally, the education and
health systems they encountered deviated from their traditional counterparts. In their
discourse, the sangomas on the pulpit highlight the imperative of harmonising traditional
and Christian lifestyles, as well as the need for the de-Westernisation of Christianity in
Southern Africa.
7. Sangomas on the Pulpit: Objections to the “Born-Agains”
The sangomas on the pulpit correctly note that the attitude of European missionaries
towards African cultures was marked by a lack of acceptance of diversity and a comprehen-
sive disapproval of African cultures. In the most negative portrayal of this rejection, African
cultures were stigmatised as embodiments of malevolence and symbolic representations of
malevolent forces. Therefore, it was expected that any devout adherent would distance
himself from these foreboding cultural beliefs and practices. Sangomas on the pulpit often
employ historical revisionism by using colonialism and Western Christianity as a recurring
motif whenever the practice of ancestral worship is criticised by “born-again” Christians.
The old tribal structural makeup of traditional leaders and healers was omitted from the
new worldview that was enforced by missionaries in many cases (Stewart and Shaw 2005).
Missionaries called on new converts to reject their traditional religion and cultural norms
as a means of implementing their new worldview. Researchers observe that the consistent
theme conveyed by sangomas throughout their sermons is often aimed at individuals who
identify as “born-agains”, who in turn claim to adhere to the Bible and consider it to be the
ultimate source of authority. Sangomas express disapproval towards African Christians,
namely those who identify as “born-again” African Christians, for their failure to venerate
their ancestors, an activity they perceive as an essentially African cultural tradition. The
sangomas on the pulpit refute the message delivered by Apostle Makananisi from Charis

Religions 2023,14, 1499 8 of 11
Missionary Church, who made it clear that he does not mix Christianity with traditional
African religion. He asserted that he is solely used by the Holy Spirit in his deliverance,
prophecy, and other ministries.
In an interview with Ukhozi FM, Prophet Magejageja (2023) criticised “born-again”
Christians for failing to recognise that Jesus Christ was a Jew who followed Jewish traditions
and that African Christians should do the same. As a Jewish man, Jesus was known as a
person who:
•Wears tzitzit (Matthew 9:20; Luke 8:44).
•Circumcised on the eighth day (Luke 2:21).
•Attends synagogue on Shabbat because it was his custom (Luke 4:16).
•
Employs methods of interpretation that Pharisees and later rabbis would find legiti-
mate (Matthew 12:1–13; Luke 13:10–17; John 7:21–24).
•Teaches that he came to confirm the Torah (Matthew 5:17).
•Affirms Israel’s dietary laws (Matthew 23:24).
•
Is the Messiah and a descendant of David (Matthew 11:17; Luke 1:32–33; Acts 13:23;
Romans 13:2; 2 Timothy 2:8).
•
Affirms the Shema and says that loving God and one’s neighbour is the substance of
the Torah (Mark 12:29–31; Matthew 22:37–40).
•
Celebrates Jewish traditions (Mark 7:1–2 and 14:12–26; Luke 4:16–20; Matthew 3:13–17
and 23:24; John 7:14–15).
•Argues for the resurrection of the dead (Matthew 22:23–32; Luke 27–38).
•Instructs obedience to the purity laws (Matthew 8:4; Luke 5:14).
•Has a Jewish burial (Luke 23:50–56).
Magejageja (2023) argues that if Jesus followed Jewish rites, then “born-again” Chris-
tians should also participate in ancestral worship or veneration. He states that some people
who self-identify as “born-again” Christians refrain from participating in customary family
rituals or eating food that is offered as a sacrifice to ancestral spirits. Nevertheless, they are
inclined to purchase and consume food from Hindu establishments and from individuals
who adhere to diverse religious customs. He perceives this as a violation of their sense of
self and their own kinship. According to Becken’s work in 1993, African Christianity for
sangomas on the pulpit, like Xaba, Magejageja, and others, agrees with Serote’s view that a
“Christian in Africa must have a Christian ancestry. By formulating a Christian theology
that resonates with the African perception of ancestors, these theologians possess a strong
belief that their perspectives would enhance global Christianity”.
According to certain sangomas, such as Xaba and Magejageja, the act of having faith
in Jesus Christ and calling his name in prayer is considered superfluous and perhaps
strange within the context of African Traditional Religion. Due to this rationale, sango-
mas who are in positions of religious authority think that African Christians who have
embraced Christianity should not isolate themselves from their ancestors but rather should
actively seek their assistance through prayer. These sangomas argue that persons who
have converted to classical Pentecostalism may forsake their family traditions and may
face difficulties in demonstrating God’s love by aiding family members who hold differ-
ent religious convictions. Nonetheless, the message conveyed from the pulpit by both
“born-again” Christians and sangomas emphasises the need for religious tolerance and the
recognition that uniformity does not imply conformity. Apostle Muziwezigwili Nxumalo, a
devout Christian, and traditionalist prophet Dr. BS Xaba both advocate for the importance
of familial love and the promotion of family unity among black South Africans, irrespective
of their belief systems.
8. Syncretistic Practices of Some Neo-Pentecostal Pastors
Some of the sangomas on the pulpit mentioned in this article were formerly mem-
bers of neo-Pentecostal ministries and eventually came to believe that they needed to
train to become traditional healers. There are similarities between traditional healers and
prophet healers that South Africans consult in some of the neo-Pentecostal or new prophetic

Religions 2023,14, 1499 9 of 11
churches. According to Crawford and Lipsedge (2004, p. 143), such a payment is dependent
on the period of treatment sought by the patient and whether it is diagnostic or prescriptive.
Payment is usually expected before the consultation, as failure to pay after treatment might
have significant implications. Most prophets in neo-Pentecostal congregations, such as
prophet Ndwandwe, Sibusiso Mokoena, and apostle Moosa Mohlala, collect consulting
fees. Prophets in neo-Pentecostal ministries do not consult for free but instead demand a
fee when congregants and others seek treatment from them. When a care-seeker inquired
about intervention for his sick sister, Ndwandwe requested a consultation fee of ZAR 1500.
The costs associated with treating such a patient differ depending on the prophet. If a
patient who has already seen a traditional healer returns to see the prophet healer, they will
be charged a price in the prophetic chamber, which is comparable to the traditional room
(Kgatle 2023). As a result, a one-on-one meeting with the prophet is prohibitively expensive
for members of this sort of African church. This highlights the significant difficulty of the
commercialization and commodification of the Gospel since extravagant fees are required
to access prayer for healing. The needed monetary payment for a sick person is compatible
with the aforementioned African traditional religious practices.
Second, if the same patient sees a traditional healer, they receive a specific concoction
of herbs and take part in a ceremony. According to Dagher and Ross (2004, p. 465), the
herbal mixture helps to safeguard the patient by addressing any potential evil spirits that
may be present. The same patient, if they meet with prophets in neo-Pentecostal or new
prophetic churches, is prescribed particular sacred objects, such as bracelets, anointed/holy
water, holy salt, prophetic photographs, and so forth. The anointing oil and holy healing
water, along with other prophetic items, are highly popular due to their reputed exceptional
abilities in assisting believers inside these churches to overcome their daily challenges.
According to Quayesi-Amakye (2015, p. 167), anointing oil is thought to have both pre-
ventive and promoting effects for believers in Ghana, as well as neutralising diabolical
deeds. Neo-Pentecostal ministries in South Africa, such as the Changing Lives Healing
Ministries of Sibusiso Mokoena, recommend a holy water known as “holy healing water”,
which they say can heal and help individuals cope with problems. Deke (2015, p. 17) posits
that the usage of various prophetic products in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries
has caused misunderstanding among the Christian Church, leading to people drawing
a correlation between African Traditional Religion and Christianity. Even though other
Christian traditions, such as Roman Catholicism and the Orthodox Church, utilise sacred
products, prices are well regulated so that consumers do not have to pay exorbitant rates to
access such products. They are not centred around a particular personality, as is the case in
some neo-Pentecostal or new prophetic churches.
Prophets such as Sibusiso Mokoena in the neo-Pentecostal ministries place a strong
emphasis on the Holy Spirit’s healing power. When he prophesies on individuals, he
frequently uses the phrase “The Holy Spirit says. . .” (“uMoya oNgcwele uthi. . .”). Spiritual
leaders in some of the neo-Pentecostal ministries, including Mohlala, Mokoena, Bushiri,
Ndwandwe, and others, assert that they can reveal congregants’ addresses and other
private information by channelling the power of the Holy Spirit. Furthermore, the prophet
Makandiwa posited that they minister under the influence of the Holy Spirit and not under
the influence of familiar or ancestral spirits. According to Anderson (2018, p. 8), this kind
of ministry is of the Holy Spirit and is not to be confused with “pagan” practice. The
signs of God’s presence related to people’s religious contexts are given by the Holy Spirit.
Therefore, according to the interlocutors, it is necessary to distinguish between the ancestral
spirits that work in African Traditional Religions and the Holy Spirit’s manifestation in
neo-Pentecostal or new prophetic churches. In some neo-Pentecostal ministries, there are
prophets that we classify as sangomas. These prophets believe that they are vessels for
ancestral spirits rather than being guided by the Holy Spirit, which is not aligned with their
traditional viewpoint.

Religions 2023,14, 1499 10 of 11
9. Conclusions
In this article, the occurrence of sangomas on the pulpit was explored through the the-
ory of syncretism between African Traditional Religion and Christianity. The sangomas on
the pulpit in some neo-Pentecostal ministries and African Traditional Religions exhibit no-
table characteristics that delineate primitive spirituality. Consequently, prosperity theology
has included and modified certain beliefs and practices that fulfil the spiritual requirements
of Africans’ traditional culture. In both traditions, the prophet or diviner has a role in
facilitating the resolution of conflicts with malevolent powers and resentful ancestors,
which are the root causes of individual hardships and destitution. The sangomic prophets
in specific neo-Pentecostal congregations propagate the notion that Neo-Pentecostalism
is intricately linked to the African dualist enchanted worldview. The sangomas on the
pulpit believe that people must count on their ancestors to provide them with health and
riches. The message presented from the pulpit by sangomas is that when a person has a
good relationship with their ancestors, they will shield them from catastrophe. In certain
neo-Pentecostal or New Prophetic Churches, sangomas maintain the concept that Africans
cannot reject their departed ancestors. They claim that a Christian message that fails to
respect their forebears would look foreign and insignificant to Africans. Their theology is
determined by their actual practices rather than their stated beliefs. They conform to what
is pragmatic according to their own traditional beliefs and the beliefs of their ancestors.
Author Contributions:
Conceptualization, M.S.K.; theoretical framework, M.S.K.; methodology,
M.S.K.; application, M.S.K.; data collection, S.E.N.; data analysis, S.E.N. All authors have read and
agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: No new data were created or analyzed in this study.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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