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التحركات الإيرانيّة الرسميّة في أمريكا اللاتينيّة
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The present article intends to explore discernible shift in Iran's foreign policy toward Latin American countries in recent years. Iran's relations with Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Peru, and more recently, Brazil, have grown warmer in recent years. The ever-increasing scale and scope of diplomatic ties and bilateral economic cooperation agreements between Iran and these Latin American states, most of whom pursue generally radical, anti-US policies, demonstrate the changing orientation in the Iranian policy as well as in the dynamics of the Latin American politics. The emergence of an Iranian president in 2005 with a populist outlook and pronounced anti-US/Anti-Western rhetoric has facilitated the closer ties between Iran and the leftist Latin American governments. This aspect of the Iranian policy has drawn both domestic criticism and outside opposition, particularly from the United States. Given this, a major question that could be raised is whether the new trend will be a long term feature of Iranian foreign policy or a temporary, transient one, especially taking into account the major role played by the personality of these countries' leaders in their policymaking. A related question is whether these heads of states will be able to create the necessary institutions, processes, and coordination mechanisms to remain in place even after they leave office. The author looks at the recent developments in these politico-economic relations, and tries to examine the degree of long-term resilience of Tehran's current involvement in Latin America. The main conclusion of the paper is that for as long as the Islamic Republic of Iran feels the need to look for countervailing force in its ongoing conflict with the US and the West, the current policies in seeking close political and economic ties with the anti-Western and radical Latin American states, as part of a larger coalition of like-minded developing countries, will continue.
The activities of Hizballah in Latin America generally have been viewed by governmental authorities in the region as a security concern primarily because of its importance in bilateral relations with the United States rather than as an internal terrorist threat targeted against their sovereign interests. This article explores Hizballah's network and past activities in South America to assess the nature of Hizballah's strategic aims in the region in support of its global organizational goals. The author argues that the perception of Hizballah as a legitimate political organization by Latin American governments has hampered efforts to effectively apply counterterrorism resources to root out the entrenched Hizballah infrastructure in the region that can potentially carry out directives by the Hizballah leadership or by serving as a proxy of Iran.
Saudi Arabia and Iran have established themselves as the two regional heavyweights in one of the world's most tumultuous but critically significant regions. The two countries compete on many fronts, including regional politics, oil prices, and for leadership of the Islamic world, a competition with undeniable repercussions for the Greater Middle East and for the world. Some observers have gone so far as to claim that virtually everything that happens in this area of the world can be viewed as part of the Saudi-Iranian power struggle. With increasing importance of the region as the dominant supplier of world energy and the birthplace of Islamic militant groups, the consequences of not understanding Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the region have never been more serious. A range of internal and external explanatory factors explains the ups and downs of Saudi-Iranian relations since the 1990s. This book captures this complexity by drawing on multicausal explanations through multiple levels of interdisciplinary analysis. This is the first book on the subject that is co-authored by one author from Saudi Arabia and one from Iran. This collaboration allowed the authors to make the best use of Persian and Arabic sources, generating a locally meaningful account of the two countries' relationship. As Iranian and Saudi nationals, they encountered less difficulty in gaining access to research participants, building rapport and conducting interviews with Iranian and Saudi scholars and informants. © 2017 Fahad M. Alsultan and Pedram Saeid. All rights reserved.
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